The Semantics of Stress and Pitch in English
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Secondary Stress Is Left Edge Marking Quentin Dabouis, Jean-Michel Fournier, Isabelle Girard
Ternarity is not an issue: Secondary stress is left edge marking Quentin Dabouis, Jean-Michel Fournier, Isabelle Girard To cite this version: Quentin Dabouis, Jean-Michel Fournier, Isabelle Girard. Ternarity is not an issue: Secondary stress is left edge marking. 4ème rencontre du GDRI PTA (Phonological Theory Agora), May 2017, Manch- ester, United Kingdom. halshs-02083607 HAL Id: halshs-02083607 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02083607 Submitted on 29 Mar 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. MFM25 Fringe Meeting – PTA Dataset Workshop 24th May 2017, Manchester Suffixal derivatives from free bases, which preserve the stress of their base (see Collie (2007); Dabouis (2016); Hammond (1989); Kiparsky (1979)); e.g. original TERNARITY IS NOT AN ISSUE: SECONDARY STRESS IS LEFT EDGE MARKING > orìginá lity Compounds; e.g. brigadier-general, gender-specific, lady-in-waiting Quentin Dabouis1,2, Jean-Michel Fournier1,2 and Isabelle Girard1,3 ̀ ̀ ́ ̀ ́ ̀ ́ 1Laboratoire Ligérien de Linguistique (UMR 7270) Neoclassical compounds, whose constituents are stress-invariant (Fournier 2010; 2Université de Tours – 3Université du Littoral-Côte d’Opale Guierre 1979); e.g. à goraphó bic, larỳ ngoló gical, ò rthochromá tic Another group of words was left out because they can be related to another form in English, Claim: Secondary stress is only marginally determined by segmental parameters and mainly although they may not be morphologically derived from it (e.g. -
Intonation Pitch and Stress – a Guide
INTONATION PITCH AND STRESS – A GUIDE Say this sentence aloud and count how many seconds it takes. The beautiful Mountain appeared transfixed in the distance. Time required? Probably about 5 seconds. Now, try speaking this sentence aloud. He can come on Sundays as long as he doesn’t have to do any homework in the evening. Time required? Probably about 5 seconds! Wait a minute the first sentence is much shorter than the second sentence! You are only partially right! This simple exercise makes a very important point about how we speak and use English. Namely, English is considered a stressed language while many other languages are considered syllabic. Some words are given more emphasis and l o n g e r some words are quickly spoken, sometimes ‘eaten!’ Kenneth Beare The Basics : In English speech there are a combination of stressed (strong) and unstressed (weak) syllables. • It was the best car for them to buy. The syllable which is stressed the most is called the nuclear syllable. • It was the best car for them to buy. (Buy is the nuclear syllable.) The nuclear syllable carries the main focus of information. It also carries any new information. • We looked at the hatchback. (Hatchback is new information). • The hatchback was old. (Hatchback is given information. Old is new information). The nuclear syllable sounds louder than the other stressed syllables. It also has a change of pitch. Pitch movements : The two most common pitch movements are: 1. rising pitch yés 2. falling pitch yès Compare these replies: Q: When would it suit you to come? A: Nów? (The intonation expresses a question : would it be OK if I came now?) Q: When would it suit you to come? A: Nòw. -
Downstep and Recursive Phonological Phrases in Bàsàá (Bantu A43) Fatima Hamlaoui ZAS, Berlin; University of Toronto Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso ZAS, Berlin
Chapter 9 Downstep and recursive phonological phrases in Bàsàá (Bantu A43) Fatima Hamlaoui ZAS, Berlin; University of Toronto Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso ZAS, Berlin This paper identifies contexts in which a downstep is realized between consecu- tive H tones in absence of an intervening L tone in Bàsàá (Bantu A43, Cameroon). Based on evidence from simple sentences, we propose that this type of downstep is indicative of recursive prosodic phrasing. In particular, we propose that a down- step occurs between the phonological phrases that are immediately dominated by a maximal phonological phrase (휙max). 1 Introduction In their book on the relation between tone and intonation in African languages, Downing & Rialland (2016) describe the study of downtrends as almost being a field in itself in the field of prosody. In line with the considerable literature on the topic, they offer the following decomposition of downtrends: 1. Declination 2. Downdrift (or ‘automatic downstep’) 3. Downstep (or ‘non-automatic downstep’) 4. Final lowering 5. Register compression/expansion or register lowering/raising Fatima Hamlaoui & Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso. 2019. Downstep and recursive phonological phrases in Bàsàá (Bantu A43). In Emily Clem, Peter Jenks & Hannah Sande (eds.), Theory and description in African Linguistics: Selected papers from the47th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, 155–175. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.3367136 Fatima Hamlaoui & Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso In the present paper, which concentrates on Bàsàá, a Narrow Bantu language (A43 in Guthrie’s classification) spoken in the Centre and Littoral regions of Cameroon by approx. 300,000 speakers (Lewis et al. 2015), we will first briefly define and discuss declination and downdrift, as the language displays bothphe- nomena. -
Non-Uniformity in English Secondary Stress: the Role of Ranked and Lexically Specific Constraints* Joe Pater University of Alberta and University of Massachusetts
Phonology 17 (2000) 237–274. Printed in the United Kingdom # 2000 Cambridge University Press Non-uniformity in English secondary stress: the role of ranked and lexically specific constraints* Joe Pater University of Alberta and University of Massachusetts 0 Introduction The principles determining secondary stress placement in English display considerable - (Prince 1993) in their application. While in some contexts a syllable will be stressed if it is heavy, or if it is stressed in the stem of a derived form, in other environments syllable weight and stem stress do not entail secondary stress. To take a relatively straight- forward case, the primary stress of the stems in (1a) is preserved as a secondary stress in the derived forms (cf. monomorphemic TaZ tamagoT uchi with initial stress), but stress preservation systematically fails in words like (1b). Here we have phonologically conditioned non-uniformity; stress preservation on light syllables is blocked in the environment of a following primary stress. (1) a. accre! dit accre' dita! tion b. phone! tic pho' netı!cian ima! gine ima' gina! tion cosme! tic co' smetı!cian orı!ginal orı' gina! lity patho! logy pa' tholo! gical medı!cinal medı' cina! lity tele! pathy te' lepa! thic divı!sible divı' sibı!lity phila! tely phı' late! lic pheno! menon pheno' meno! logy dia! meter dı' ame! tric * Thanks to Eric Bakovic! , Bruce Derwing, Laura Downing, Elan Dresher, Edward Flemming, Heather Goad, Kevin Hynna, Bill Idsardi, Rene! Kager, Greg Lamon- tagne, John McCarthy, Armin Mester, Alan Prince, Doug Pulleyblank, Su Urbanczyk, Wolf Wikeley and the participants in classes at Rutgers University, University of British Columbia, University of Alberta and University of Massa- chusetts, Amherst for help and discussion. -
The Pronunciation of Vowels with Secondary Stress in English Quentin Dabouis
The pronunciation of vowels with secondary stress in English Quentin Dabouis To cite this version: Quentin Dabouis. The pronunciation of vowels with secondary stress in English. CORELA - COgni- tion, REprésentation, LAngage, CERLICO-Cercle Linguistique du Centre et de l’Ouest (France), In press, pp.16 - 18. halshs-01924966 HAL Id: halshs-01924966 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01924966 Submitted on 18 Dec 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Published in Corela [Online], 16-2 | 2018, Online since 18 December 2018. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/corela/7153 The pronunciation of vowels with secondary stress in English Quentin Dabouis Université Clermont Auvergne – LRL (EA 999) RESUME Peu d’études se sont concentrées sur la prononciation des voyelles sous accent secondaire en anglais. Dans le cadre de l’approche introduite par Guierre (1979), cet article propose une étude empirique large de ces voyelles et se concentre sur trois catégories clés de mots : les mots non-dérivés, les constructions contenant un préfixe sémantiquement transparent et les dérivés suffixaux. Dans leur ensemble, les analyses précédentes fondées sur le rang, les domaines phonologiques et l’isomorphisme dérivationnel sont confirmées mais certains phénomènes mis à jour par cette étude rendent nécessaires quelques révisions des modèles existants. -
Rising) Or Circumflex (Falling) Intonation
Syllables, intonations and Auslautgesetze MIGUEL CARRASQUER VIDAL Syllables and intonations In Greek, long vowels and diphthongs can have acute (rising) or circumflex (falling) intonation. The distinction directly reflects pre-Greek differences in intonation only in oxytone forms, due to the working of a set of accentological laws (the “law of limitation” and the “σωτῆρα”-rule) that make the choice between acute and circumflex automatic in non-final syllables. In Lithuanian, long vowels and diphthongs can also be acute or circumflex, although the acute has become a falling intonation, and the circumflex a rising one. Latvian has a falling intonation (`) corresponding to the Lithuanian circumflex, and two intonations (˜ and ^) corresponding to the Lithuanian acute: the “Dehnton” (˜) implies an originally stressed acute, the “Stoßton” or “broken (glottalized) tone” (^) an originally pretonic acute. In Old Prussian, the distinction is reflected orthographically on diphthongs only (falling/circumflex āi vs. rising/acute aī). In Slavic, the distinction has been neutralized in mobile paradigms (Meillet’s law), but is preserved in original barytones: acute stems remain barytone (a.p. a), while in circumflex (or short) root syllables the stress shifts forward by Dybo’s law (a.p. b). Finally, the Germanic Auslautgesetze also show a distinction in the reflexes of final acute vs. circumflex vowels and diphthongs. Given the above facts, it stands to reason to assign the distinction between rising and falling intonation on long vowels and diphthongs to Proto- Indo-European, or at least to the PIE dialect ancestral to Greek, Balto-Slavic and Germanic. However, a number of problems still remain. (1) the Greek and Balto-Slavic intonations do not always agree; (2) there is controversy over the Balto-Slavic reflexes of certain sequences (e.g. -
Phonetic Correlates of Stress & Prosodic Hierarchy in Estonian
1 PHONETIC CORRELATES OF STRESS AND THE PROSODIC HIERARCHY IN ESTONIAN MATTHEW GORDON University of California, Los Angeles This paper presents results of several experiments designed to examine some of the phonetic properties associated with stress and the prosodic hierarchy in Estonian. Peak nasal flow, amplitude and duration were measured for /n/ in initial position of four domains: the syllable, the word, the phrase and the utterance. These four prosodic positions were cross-classified by two stress levels: stressed and unstressed. To test the importance of the foot as a prosodic constituent in determining segmental durations in Estonian, two types of data were examined. First, the duration of vowels in different positions within the foot and the word were examined to test the hypothesis that feet are isochronously timed in Estonian. A second experiment tested the hypothesis that the longest type of syllable (the overlong syllable) may, under some conditions, constitute a monosyllabic foot, another manifestation of isochrony. Several results emerged from the experiments. First, data from the nasals provided phonetic evidence for the view that utterances in Estonian consist of progressively larger domains or constituents: the syllable, the word, and the phrase. Not all of these domains, however, are equally well differentiated in terms of the phonetic properties examined in this paper. Second, tentative results suggest that certain durational properties are determined by the foot, while others appear to be a function of domains larger than the foot, in particular the word. Finally, stressed syllables are differentiated from unstressed syllables along subtle and typologically unusual, but nevertheless consistent, acoustic and articulatory parameters.* 1. -
Chapter 1 Theoretical Issues
Chapter 1 Theoretical issues —… no language has a rule stressing the penultimate syllable unless it begins with a voiced consonant, in which case one stresses the antepenultimate syllable“ (Hyman 1985: 96) —(Karo) stress can be predicted by the onset of the last syllable: if it is a voiced stop consonant, then the stress shifts one syllable to the left“ (Gabas 1999: 39) 1.1 Syllable weight The notion of syllable weight is pervasive in phonology. Everywhere we look there are data that make reference to it. The idea behind syllable weight is that depending on their structure, syllables are treated in a different way; thus if a syllable contains a long vowel or - in some languages - a short vowel followed by a coda consonant, then it is heavier than one including a short vowel, i.e. VV, VC > V. The effects of this distinction are most prominently seen in stress, where in many languages heavy syllables attract stress more than light ones. Importantly, VC is heavy in some languages, e.g. Hopi, but light in others, e.g. Lenakel (see below). In Hopi (Gussenhoven and Jacobs 2005: 145), the first syllable is stressed if it is heavy (C)VV or (C)VC [(1a)], but if it is (C)V light, then the second gets stress [(1b)]1. (1) Hopi: VV/VC=heavy; V=light a. q1q .t1.som.pi ‘headbands’ soÂ9.ja ‘planting stick’ b. q1.t1. som.pi ‘headband’ ko.jo. Mo ‘turkey’ 1 In this chapter, unless stated otherwise, the acute accent marks primary stress, the grave accent means secondary stress, and underlining denotes the reduplicated portion. -
The Colon As a Separate Prosodic Category: Tonal Evidence from Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia)
The Colon as a Separate Prosodic Category: Tonal Evidence from Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia) Florian Lionnet 1. Introduction This paper presents new evidence supporting the inclusion of the colon (κ) as a separate category in the Prosodic Hierarchy, on the basis of tonal data from Paicî, an Oceanic language of New Caledonia. The colon is a constituent intermediate between the foot and the word, made of two feet, as schematized in (1) (Stowell 1979; Halle & Clements 1983: 18-19; Hammond 1987; Hayes 1995: 119; Green 1997; a.o.). (1) Prosodic Word (!) [{(σσ)F t(σσ)F t}κ]! | Colon (κ) {(σσ)F t(σσ)F t}κ | Foot (F t) (σσ)F t(σσ)F t | Syllable (σ) σσσσ | Mora (µ) Justification for the colon (κ) rests mostly on the existence of tertiary stress. As clearly summarized by Green (1997: 102), “it is clear that in order to derive four levels of stress (primary, secondary, tertiary, unstressed), four levels of structure (prosodic word, colon, foot, syllable) are called for.” Colon-based analyses have so far been proposed for a dozen languages, listed in (2) below. (2) a. Passamaquoddy (Stowell 1979; Hayes 1995: 215-216; Green 1997: 104-109), b. Tiberian Hebrew (Dresher 1981), c. Garawa (Halle & Clements 1983: 20-21; Halle & Vergnaud 1987: 43; Hayes 1995: 202), d. Hungarian (Hammond 1987; Hayes 1995: 330; Green 1997: 102-104), e. Maithili (Hayes 1995: 149-162), f. Eastern Ojibwa (Hayes 1995: 216-218; Green 1997: 109-112), g. Asheninca (Hayes 1995: 288-296; Green 1997 112-114), h. the Neo-Štokavian dialect of Serbo-Croatian (Green 1997: 115-116), i. -
A Phonological and Phonetic Study of Word-Level Stress in Chickasaw
A phonological and phonetic study of word-level stress in Chickasaw Matthew Gordon University of California, Santa Barbara This paper presents results of a phonological and phonetic study of stress in Chickasaw, a Muskogean language spoken in south central Oklahoma. Three degrees of stress are differentiated acoustically, with primary stressed vowels having the highest f0 and greatest duration and intensity, unstressed vowels having the lowest f0 and shortest duration and intensity, and secondary stressed vowels displaying intermediate f0, duration, and intensity values. Vowel quality differences and segmental lenition processes also are diagnostic for stress. The location of stress is phonologically predictable, falling on word-final syllables, heavy (CVC and CVV) syllables and on the second in a sequence of light (CV) syllables. Short vowels in non-final open syllables are made heavy through a process of rhythmic vowel lengthening. Primary stress is sensitive to a further weight distinction, treating CVV as heavier than both CV and CVC. In words lacking a CVV syllable, stress falls on the final syllable. 1. Introduction Languages differ in how they realize stress acoustically. Typically, stressed syllables are associated with some combination of the following properties: heightened fundamental frequency (f0), increased loudness, greater duration, and more peripheral vowel qualities, e.g. English (Fry 1955, Beckman 1986), Russian (Bondarko et al. 1973), Polish (Jassem et al. 1968), Mari (Baitschura 1976), Indonesian (Adisasmito-Smith and Cohn 1996), Tagalog (Gonzalez 1970), Dutch (Sluijter and van Heuven 1996), Pirahã (Everett 1998). While a relatively large body of literature has been devoted to acoustic investigation of stress, there is a paucity of quantitative phonetic data on stress in American Indian languages. -
Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
Intonation in Language Acquisition Evidence from German
Intonation in Language Acquisition Evidence from German Inaugural – Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln im Fach Phonetik Thomas Grünloh ii Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank my supervisors, Michael Tomasello & Elena Lieven from the Max Planck Institute for evolutionary Anthropology and Martine Grice from the University of Cologne, IfL – Phonetics. They not only gave me good advice, engaging discussions and supported me with my PhD research, they also gave me the freedom that I needed to find my own way. To my family, I´d like to say thank you so much for always supporting me in whatever I`ve chosen to do. So many people at the MPI-EVA have helped to make my work possible. In particular, I´d like to thank the nurseries, parents and children who took the time and effort to participate in my studies. Special thanks goes to Nadja Richter, Angela Loose and Manja Teich without whom testing wouldn´t have been possible; also to Henriette Zeidler and Annett Witzmann who put so much effort into organizing trips, working life and dealing with administrative questions. I owe a great deal to Roger Mundry who helped make my statistics a breeze, to the research assistants in Leipzig, as well as Petra Jahn and her team. Additionally, I wish to thank everyone at the Institut fur Phonetik, Köln. I`m very grateful to all those institutes from whom I´ve received helpful comments at colloquia and help with administrative problems. Additionally, I´d like to thank everybody in the Child Language group in Leipzig and Manchester for always being open to new (and sometimes crazy) research proposals.