The Buildings and the Images of the Imperial Cult
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Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: the Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Classics Honors Projects Classics Department Spring 5-2-2014 Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V. Frankl Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, and the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Frankl, Joseph V., "Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The eV spasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome" (2014). Classics Honors Projects. Paper 19. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors/19 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome By Joseph Frankl Advised by Professor Beth Severy-Hoven Macalester College Classics Department Submitted May 2, 2014 INTRODUCTION In 68 C.E., the Roman Emperor Nero died, marking the end of the Julio-Claudian imperial dynasty established by Augustus in 27 B.C.E (Suetonius, Nero 57.1). A year-long civil war ensued, concluding with the general Titus Flavius Vespasianus seizing power. Upon his succession, Vespasian faced several challenges to his legitimacy as emperor. Most importantly, Vespasian was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family, nor any noble Roman gens (Suetonius, Vespasian 1.1). -
Excessive Public Grief at the Death of Germanicus in AD 19
Excessive Public Grief at the Death of Germanicus in AD 19 The death in AD 19 of Tiberius’s adopted son, Germanicus Julius Caesar, threw the Roman Empire into a rarely seen and highly undignified grief, which our sources probably exaggerate in order to demonstrate the unpopularity of the emperor Tiberius. Tacitus and Suetonius document outpours of mass grief among the common people who had no close association or connection with Germanicus but regarded him as the last hope of honor, justice, and decency; the audience old enough to remember 1968 will see distinct parallels. Although Tacitus Ann. 2.73 likens Germanicus’s career, achievements, and charisma to Alexander the Great, the public reaction to his death more closely resembles that of his ancestor by triple adoption, the Divine Julius, including a brief civil war and also that of Clodius in 52 BC. Neither were normal by any stretch of the imagination. The hysteria that followed the news of the death of Germanicus, the joy at a false report of his survival, and the renewed frenzy upon his verified death cast aside all normal standards of grief, especially considering the Roman reputation for stoic perseverance in the face of hardship. Tiberius attempted to display a stoic response (Tacitus says to conceal his joy) and lead by example, but other Romans, wholly ignoring his role model, dropped any prospect of sang froid and behaved if the death of Germanicus equated the downfall of the state. Their reaction contrasts entirely with the composure and ritual at funerals of other beloved statesmen – including Augustus in AD 14, which included hired mourners and the show of grief. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Heads Or Tails
Heads or Tails Representation and Acceptance in Hadrian’s Imperial Coinage Name: Thomas van Erp Student number: S4501268 Course: Master’s Thesis Course code: (LET-GESM4300-2018-SCRSEM2-V) Supervisor: Mw. dr. E.E.J. Manders (Erika) 2 Table of Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 1: Proportions of Coin Types Hadrian ........................................................................ 5 Figure 2: Dynastic Representation in Comparison ................................................................ 5 Figure 3: Euergesia in Comparison ....................................................................................... 5 Figure 4: Virtues ..................................................................................................................... 5 Figure 5: Liberalitas in Comparison ...................................................................................... 5 Figure 6: Iustitias in Comparison ........................................................................................... 5 Figure 7: Military Representation in Comparison .................................................................. 5 Figure 8: Divine Association in Comparison ......................................................................... 5 Figure 9: Proportions of Coin Types Domitian ...................................................................... 5 Figure 10: Proportions of Coin Types Trajan ....................................................................... -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
THE MADNESS of the EMPEROR CALIGULA (Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus) by A
THE MADNESS OF THE EMPEROR CALIGULA (Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus) by A. T. SANDISON, B.Sc., M.D. Department of Pathology, the University and Western Infirmaty, Glasgow THROUGHOUT the centuries the name of Caligula has been synonymous with madness and infamy, sadism and perversion. It has been said that Marshal Gilles de Rais, perhaps the most notorious sadist of all time, modelled his behaviour. on that of the evil Caesars described by Suetonius, among whom is numbered Caligula. Of recent years, however, Caligula has acquired his apologists, e.g. Willrich; so also, with more reason, has the Emperor Tiberius, whose reputation has been largely rehabilitated by modern scholarship. Our knowledge of the life of Caligula depends largely on Suetonius, whose work D)e vita Caesarum was not published, until some eighty years after the death of Caligula in A.D. 41. Unfortunately that part ofTacitus's Annals which treated of the reign. of Caligula has been lost. Other ancient sources are Dio Cassius, whose History of Rome was written in the early third century and, to a lesser extent, Josephus, whose Anht itates Judaicac was published in A.D. 93, and Philo Jqdaeus, whose pamphlet Legatio ad- Gaium and In Flaccum may be considered as contemporary writings. It seems probable that all these ancient sour¢es are to some extent prejudiced and highly coloured. Suetonius's Gaius Caligula in De vita Caesarum is full of scabrous and sometimes entertaining stories, on some ofwhich little reliability can be plat-ed. Nevertheless, the outlines of Caligula's life-history are not in doubt, and a usefiul summary is given by Balsdon (i949) in the Oxford-Classical Dictionary. -
Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - the Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Volume 3
Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - The Lives Of The Twelve Caesars, Volume 3. C. Suetonius Tranquillus Project Gutenberg's Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius), by C. Suetonius Tranquillus This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) The Lives Of The Twelve Caesars, Volume 3. Author: C. Suetonius Tranquillus Release Date: December 13, 2004 [EBook #6388] Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR *** Produced by Tapio Riikonen and David Widger THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS By C. Suetonius Tranquillus; To which are added, HIS LIVES OF THE GRAMMARIANS, RHETORICIANS, AND POETS. The Translation of Alexander Thomson, M.D. revised and corrected by T.Forester, Esq., A.M. Livros Grátis http://www.livrosgratis.com.br Milhares de livros grátis para download. TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR. (192) I. The patrician family of the Claudii (for there was a plebeian family of the same name, no way inferior to the other either in power or dignity) came originally from Regilli, a town of the Sabines. They removed thence to Rome soon after the building of the city, with a great body of their dependants, under Titus Tatius, who reigned jointly with Romulus in the kingdom; or, perhaps, what is related upon better authority, under Atta Claudius, the head of the family, who was admitted by the senate into the patrician order six years after the expulsion of the Tarquins. -
Una-Theses-0191.Pdf
RHET ORIO AL COLOR IN THE ANNALS OF ':L1AC ITUS • BOOKS I - VI. A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of the University of Minnesota Harold Omer Burgess In Partial ""L1lfillment of the requireme nts for the degree of .·' ·. ~:. Master of Arts, 1913. .... .. ,c Cf ~ cf ~ ( l (CC ~Cc c' I c1 I : I :. :~/: ~ :'c! !\~ :' .'~•,,,•: /•\ c Cl f I I ICC C ! ~ ·. ( •. .·. : . : '. : ( (ff( 11 1 I I 11 II ( ( C f I I I It I I I Cff I f(C I I I I 4 I t -1- Bibliography. Mer ivale;· The Rcmans Under the Empire. Gould; T~ e Tragedy of the Caesars. ~ruttwell;History of Roman Literature. werrero; Characters and Events of Roman History. Jerome;: The Tacitean Tiberius ;· Classical Philology, Vol. VII, o. 3. Fu~rneaux;· Annals of Ta01tus- cc'c ! 1 ' c't !•: •, ,• (fC ff( ( C Cc II C ( CI f CCC It t f(C f (f( f Cf Ct t I -2- 0UTLINE . I. Introduction 1. General statement. II. Body I. Division of subject (a) Difference between real Tiberius and Taci tean Tiberius. (b) Motives of Tacitus in misrepresenting Tiberius (c) Rhetorical methods used. 1. B1nts, innuendos, Sneers. 11- Motives ascrioed for actions. 111- Manipulation of Stress and Reticence. lV- use of the Gossip of the capital. V- Facial Expressions. Vl- Invented Episodes. Vll- Mere assertions. Vlll- Generalizations unsunported bY facts. III. Conclusion~ Concrete example of how Tacitus appl\ ~ : :t',~f': ~qrk · T «/ :"'~~:· , ('rt r ' '' r < ' c •,• • cal color in at tribut ine the death or 'Q-er~n.i(!1Jf3r' ......... -
Frontinus and Domitian: the Politics of the Strategemata
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham ePrints Malloch, S.J.V. (2015) Frontinus and Domitian: the politics of the Strategemata. Chiron, 45 . pp. 77-100. ISSN 0069-3715 Access from the University of Nottingham repository: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/32812/1/Chiron45_003_Malloch_final.pdf Copyright and reuse: The Nottingham ePrints service makes this work by researchers of the University of Nottingham available open access under the following conditions. This article is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivatives licence and may be reused according to the conditions of the licence. For more details see: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the repository url above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact [email protected] CHIRON MITTEILUNGEN DER KOMMISSION FÜR ALTE GESCHICHTE UND EPIGRAPHIK DES DEUTSCHEN ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN INSTITUTS Sonderdruck aus Band 45 · 2015 DE GRUYTER INHALT DES 45. BANDES (2015) Rodney Ast – Roger S. Bagnall, The Receivers of Berenike. New Inscriptions from the 2015 Season Denis Feissel – Michael Wörrle, Eine Ehrung des Älteren Theodosius und ein spätantikes Edikt zur Steuererhebung in Limyra Christopher P. Jones, The Earthquake of 26 BCE in Decrees of Mytilene and Chios J. E. Lendon, Rhetoric and Nymphaea in the Roman Empire Andrew Lepke – Christof Schuler – Klaus Zimmermann, Neue Inschriften aus Patara III: Elitenrepräsentation und Politik in Hellenismus und Kaiserzeit Peter Londey, Making up Delphic history – the 1st Sacred War revisited S. -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius' “Caligula” and “Nero”
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Lewis Honors College Capstone Collection Lewis Honors College 2020 ‘De Monstris’: The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius’ “Caligula” and “Nero” Maya Menon University of Kentucky, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/honprog Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Menon, Maya, "‘De Monstris’: The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius’ “Caligula” and “Nero”" (2020). Lewis Honors College Capstone Collection. 50. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/honprog/50 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Lewis Honors College at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Lewis Honors College Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ‘De Monstris’: The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius’ “Caligula” and “Nero” Maya Menon MCL 495-001: Capstone Dr. Matthew Wells December 2, 2020 Menon 2 The emperors Gaius Caesar ‘Caligula’ (r. 37-41 CE) and Nero (r. 54-68 CE) are regarded as some of Rome’s most infamous and notorious rulers due to their erratic, destructive, and complex behaviors. In his biographical work The Lives of the Caesars, the literary artist Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus (c. 69-122 CE) provides a concise, informative, and illustrative depiction of the reigns of these two emperors. Suetonius’ particular literary technique and style used in the narration for both Nero and Caligula contributes to an enduring legacy of madness and depravity that has been influential in our understanding of these two rulers well into the modern age. -
BACCHUS in LATIN LOVE-ELEGY by Joan Ruth
BACCHUS IN LATIN LOVE-ELEGY by Joan Ruth Sandilands (B.A., Alberta, 1962) A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Classics We accept this thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates for the degree of Master of Arts The University of British Columbia April, 1966 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for ex• tensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for finan• cial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ii ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is, by means of a close exa• mination of the evidence presented by the texts, to analyse the ways in which Tibullus, Propertius and Ovid treat the god Bacchus and,by so doing, to discover why Bacchus be• comes for them a patron of poetry. Chapter I, the introduction,, deals briefly with the literary background and sets the limits of the study. Chapters II, III and IV analyse the appearances of the god in the poetry of Tibullus, Propertius and Ovid respec• tively: the Tibullan Bacchus is primarily a patron of viti• culture and is associated with poetry and Amor because of this basic role; Propertius is more concerned with the god's relationship with Ariadne and the Maenads and develops a complex exemplum for his affair with Cynthia using these as major characters; Ovid makes frequent use of ideas concerning Bacchus developed by the other two poets but adds nothing really new to the concept of the god as patron of poetry.