Coping with the Remaining Impasses in the Western Balkans

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Coping with the Remaining Impasses in the Western Balkans Table of Contents Foreword 5 Ernst M. Felberbauer and Predrag Jurekovi ć The Balkans: From a Security Problem to a Security Partner Johann Pucher 9 PART 1: GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON INTERETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS COEXISTENCE IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD AND LESSONS LEARNT 15 Comparing Models of Interethnic Coexistence and Practices of Political Parties in the Western Βalkans Dane Taleski 17 The Role of Religion in the Peace Processes Velko Attanassoff 49 Ethno-Religious Nationalism in the Western Balkans - The Necessity to Put the Ethics of Dietrich Bonhoeffer into Action through Integration Drago Pilsel 69 PART 2: THE VISIBLE AND HIDDEN NEXUS BETWEEN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND SANDŽAK 77 An External View on the Internal Political Processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina Christian Haupt 79 The Current and Future Political and Military Role of the European Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina Johannes Viereck 89 3 Requirements for Preserving Moderate Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak Esad He ćimovi ć 99 The Complicated Relations between Belgrade and Novi Pazar Izabela Kisi ć 115 PART 3: CHALLENGES IN THE „SOUTH“ OF THE WESTERN BALKANS 133 Possible Implications of the Dialogue Pristina-Belgrade on Regional Stability – A Kosovo-Albanian View Krenar Gashi 135 Possible Effects of the Upcoming Dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina Dušan Janji ć 149 Challenges for the Implementation of Rule of Law in Kosovo Alessandro Rotta 163 NATO’s Unfinished Business in Kosovo Dennis Blease 177 The Role of Islam in Post-War Kosovo Xhabir Hamiti 201 Albania’s Political Crisis: A Deadlock on the Way to European Integration: Recommendations for European Union Involvement Alba Cela 211 PART 4: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS 219 Policy Recommendations Predrag Jurekovi ć 221 4 Foreword Aside from positive developments in the region, which are in particular connected with Croatia’s finalization of negotiations with EU on mem- bership and encouraging signals being sent by the Presidents of Croatia and Serbia in the process of reconciliation, heavy impasses in regional peacebuilding still remain to be coped with. Unfinished state-building, respectively state weakness in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, fragile inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia as well as rising tensions inside the Islamic community in the Serbian region of Sandžak remind the regional actors and the Euro-Atlantic community that more efforts are necessary to achieve positive peace in this post-war area. As Bosnia’s experience and the latest development in Sandžak have shown, the role of religion and of religious representatives in the process of political transformation is evident. Their influence on peacebuilding is perceived as ambivalent, the radical political rhetoric of some religious dignitaries contradicts messages of religious tolerance. However, the aim of achieving a positive climate in regard to intra- and inter-religious rela- tions and preserving the tolerant tradition of Islam in South East Europe goes hand in hand with finding a balance between ethnic and civic prin- ciples in the processes of transition. Apart from facing the economic and political challenges, establishing satisfying inter-ethnic relations remain a priority goal in regional peacebuilding. Belgrade’s and Pristina’s readiness to open a new chapter in their rela- tions by starting a political dialogue, apart from Kosovo itself, could also positively influence inter-ethnic relations in other parts of the Western Balkans where a South Slavic population lives next to an Albanian, as it is the case in Southern Serbia and Macedonia. However, the problem of the Serbian dominated northern Kosovo that has turned out to be a “cor- pus separatum”, which is neither under full control of Belgrade nor of the international community and least of all the Kosovo authorities, could be a serious burden for a positive outcome. A compromise to be achieved – with the support of the Euro-Atlantic community – in regard 5 to this special case would eliminate a serious security problem in the region. On the other hand, preserving northern Kosovo as a “frozen conflict” in the long run could inspire again radical groups on the Albanian side to re-open the “Albanian issue” by questioning the territorial integrity of Serbia and Macedonia in those areas which are ethnically dominated by Albanians. Albania, in turn, is faced with increasing political tensions which could endanger some positive steps the country has made in the last ten years in regard to implement international standards. This book comprises contributions from the 22 nd workshop of the Study Group “Regional Stability in South East Europe” of the PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes, which was con- vened in Reichenau/Austria, from 13-15 May 2011. Experts from within and beyond the region dealt with the following questions: First, do the remaining “impasses” in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sandžak, Southern Serbia, northern Kosovo and Macedonia – represent a serious threat for the overall process of peacebuilding in the region? Second, what are the lessons learnt from models of interethnic and reli- gious coexistence in the post-war period? Which changes are necessary to positively influence the above mentioned entities? Third, is the tradition of tolerant Balkan Islam endangered by radical movements imported from abroad? Is there a nexus between problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state-building and rising national and reli- gious tensions in the Serbian Sandžak area? Fourth, are there and what kind of links between challenges in balancing “majority” and “minority” rights in Southern Serbia, Kosovo and Mace- donia exist? 6 Fifth and last, to which degree has the international community – and here in particular EU and NATO – been able to contribute positively? What has to be done? The Study Group “Regional Stability in South East Europe” has been assessing the post-war development in the Western Balkan countries and its implications for the region and beyond since 1999. Embedded in the wider academic framework of both the PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes as well as the security- political research in the Austrian Ministry of Defence and Sports, its main focus is to elaborate major conflict areas and propose possible so- lutions to local authorities and international actors alike. The editors are pleased to present the valued readers the analyses and recommendations from the Reichenau meeting and would appreciate if this study group information could contribute to generate positive ideas for supporting the still challenging processes of peacebuilding in the Western Balkans. Ernst M. Felberbauer Predrag Jurekovi ć 7 8 The Balkans: From a Security Problem to a Security Partner Johann Pucher Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends and Partners within the PfP Consortium, Let me present some initial thoughts on the issue at the outset of this introduction to the publication of the 22 nd workshop of the Study Group Regional Stability in South East Europe: The stabilization of the region is to a large degree the result of inter- national and regional cooperation and projects Regional cooperation will allow the participation of the West Balkan countries in international missions for peace and security step by step Austria is offering herself as “natural partner” for regional coopera- tion in international engagements The Western Balkans as a Security Problem For a long time the Western Balkans had to be considered as a centre of instability and therefore constituted a serious security problem. During the past twelve years of post-war developments in the Western Balkans regional and international actors have achieved visible progress in trans- forming the former crisis region into a generally stable environment. The nationalistic rhetoric of the 1990s has been replaced by the com- mitment of most of the regional leaders to resolve open territorial and ethnic issues through dialogue and compromises. One example for this is Slovenia’s and Croatia’s agreement on an arbitration commission to fi- nalize their territorial dispute in the Adriatic Sea. This proves that achieving win-win-situations in SEE can be a realistic option. 9 The continuous engagement of the Western Balkan countries in the nu- merous regional cooperation mechanisms and instruments, which were established in the last decade (the Stability Pact, the Regional Coopera- tion Council, RACVIAC etc.), demonstrates their alignment to achieve security through cooperation. As far as military cooperation is concerned, in particular the RCC’s ef- forts to support the activities of the SEE Defence Policy Directors Fo- rum can be regarded as a very useful contribution to achieving a strate- gic community of partners in SEE. But can instability only be measured in military terms? According to the principles of comprehensive security a sustainable sta- bility also requires good governance, rule of law, human security as well as the underlying socio-economic conditions. The key question cannot be “what comes first”; because of the interde- pendence of all factors of comprehensive security the key question is (has to be) “how to manage the engagement in all factors at the same time”. Of course you can start any stabilization program only after a minimum of security has been reached and can be guaranteed. But al- ready the answer to the question of “what is a minimum of security” differs from case to case. In the police sector the encouraging results in the field of fighting human and drug trafficking which have been achieved through the cooperation of the Interior Ministries of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia underline the relevance of addressing security issues in a broader Euro- pean framework. As we all know – and the experiences from actual missions demonstrate this – particularly in the field of rule of law we have to be very careful with local ownership. Otherwise the acceptance (of missions) will suffer severe damages. We have to avoid anything that would give the impres- sion of a kind of “legal imperialism“.
Recommended publications
  • The Role of Churches and Religious Communities in Sustainable Peace Building in Southeastern Europe”
    ROUND TABLE: “THE ROLE OF CHUrcHES AND RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN SUSTAINABLE PEACE BUILDING IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE” Under THE auSPICES OF: Mr. Terry Davis Secretary General of the Council of Europe Prof. Jean François Collange President of the Protestant Church of the Augsburg Confession of Alsace and Lorraine (ECAAL) President of the Council of the Union of Protestant Churches of Alsace and Lorraine President of the Conference of the Rhine Churches President of the Conference of the Protestant Federation in France Strasbourg, June 19th - 20th 2008 1 THE ROLE OF CHURCHES AND RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN SUSTAINABLE PEACE BUILDING PUBLISHER Association of Nongovernmental Organizations in SEE - CIVIS Kralja Milana 31/II, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia Tel: +381 11 3640 174 Fax: +381 11 3640 202 www.civis-see.org FOR PUBLISHER Maja BOBIć CHIEF EDITOR Mirjana PRLJević EDITOR Bojana Popović PROOFREADER Kate DEBUSSCHERE TRANSLATORS Marko NikoLIć Jelena Savić TECHNICAL EDITOR Marko Zakovski PREPRESS AND DESIGN Agency ZAKOVSKI DESIGN PRINTED BY FUTURA Mažuranićeva 46 21 131 Petrovaradin, Serbia PRINT RUN 1000 pcs YEAR August 2008. THE PUBLISHING OF THIS BOOK WAS supported BY Peace AND CRISES Management FOUndation LIST OF CONTEST INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 5 APPELLE DE STraSBOURG ..................................................................................................... 7 WELCOMING addrESSES .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of External Actors in the Western Balkans
    The influence of external actors in the Western Balkans A map of geopolitical players www.kas.de Impressum Contact: Florian C. Feyerabend Desk Officer for Southeast Europe/Western Balkans European and International Cooperation Europe/North America team Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Phone: +49 30 26996-3539 E-mail: [email protected] Published by: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V. 2018, Sankt Augustin/Berlin Maps: kartoxjm, fotolia Design: yellow too, Pasiek Horntrich GbR Typesetting: Janine Höhle, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Diese Publikation ist/DThe text of this publication is published under a Creative Commons license: “Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 international” (CC BY-SA 4.0), https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-sa/4.0/legalcode. ISBN 978-3-95721-471-3 Contents Introduction: The role of external actors in the Western Balkans 4 Albania 9 Bosnia and Herzegovina 14 Kosovo 17 Croatia 21 Macedonia 25 Romania 29 Serbia and Montenegro 32 The geopolitical context 39 3 Introduction: The role of external actors in the Western Balkans by Dr Lars Hänsel and Florian C. Feyerabend Dear readers, A spectre haunts the Western Balkans – the spec- consists of reports from our representatives in the tre of geopolitics. Once again, the region is at risk various countries involved. Along with the non-EU of becoming a geostrategic chessboard for exter- countries in the Western Balkans, this study also nal actors. Warnings are increasingly being voiced considers the situation in Croatia and Romania. in Brussels and other Western capitals, as well as in the region itself. Russia, China, Turkey and the One thing is clear: the integration of the Western Gulf States are ramping up their political, eco- Balkans into Euro-Atlantic and European struc- nomic and cultural influence in this enclave within tures is already well advanced, with close ties and the European Union – with a variety of resources, interdependencies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Letter of Support to the Initiative For
    President of Kosovo, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga Member of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Bakir Izetbegovic President of Serbia, Mr. Boris Tadic President of Slovenia, Mr. Danilo Turk President of Macedonia, Mr. Djordje Ivanov President of Montenegro, Mr. Filip Vujanovic President of Croatia, Mr. Ivo Josipovic Member of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Nebojsa Radmanovic Member of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Zeljko Komsic Subject: Establishment of RECOM Sarajevo, Belgrade, Prishtina, Zagreb, Skopje, Podgorica, Ljubljana October 2011 Your Excellencies, Presidents and Members of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, We believe that citizens of the countries of the former Yugoslavia have a need and the right to know all the facts about war crimes and other massive human rights violations committed during the wars of the 1990s. They also have the right and a need, we believe, to know the consequences of those wars. This is why we are writing to you. For over a decade, since the weapons have been muted, post-Yugoslav societies have not been able to cope with the heavy legacy of the war past, largely because the fate of a number of those killed, forcibly disappeared, tortured, and persecuted – the people who suffered in so many different, horrible ways – remains unknown to date. Only a few names of those who died are known, but more than 13,000 families of forcibly disappeared persons are still searching for their loved ones. On top of this, there is no organized, systematic mechanism for the victims to seek and obtain fair reparation; and the lack of reliable facts about the victims is continually used for political manipulation, nationalist promotion, hatred and intolerance.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosnia Doesn’T Work 15 Michael Schmunk
    Table of Contents Foreword by the Editors 5 Ernst M. Felberbauer, Predrag Jureković and Frederic Labarre Welcome Speech 7 Johann Pucher PART I: OVERCOMING POLITICAL OBSTACLES, FACING ECONOMIC CHALLENGES 13 A Country with Several Nations, but Without a Proper State? Why Bosnia Doesn’t Work 15 Michael Schmunk Multiple Faces of the Bosnian ”Crisis Circle”: Ethnonationalism and Ethnopolitics in Post-Dayton-Bosnia and their Effects on Democratization 31 Vedran Džihić PART II: REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL FACTORS OF INFLUENCE 55 Bosnia: Hostage of Belgrade 57 Sonja Biserko The Regional Cooperation Council’s Role 63 Alphan Solen NATO and Reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina 67 Bruce McLane PART III: RELEVANT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE SECURITY SECTOR 77 The Challenge of Reaching Self Sustainability in a Post-War Environment 79 Denis Hadžović 3 The Next Step in Defence Reform: Establishing a Military Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina 91 Heinz Vetschera The Religious Radicalism and its Impact on the Security Development in Bosnia and Herzegovina 113 Velko Attanassoff Recent Developments in Fighting Organized Crime in Bosnia- Herzegovina 131 Stephen Alexander Goddard PART IV: SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WAYS OF DEALING WITH THEM 145 Lessons of Peacebuilding for the Balkans and Beyond: Towards a Culture of Dialogue, Reconciliation and Transformation 147 Dennis J.D. Sandole The Role of Media in the Process of Peace-Building 177 Drago Pilsel The Role of Education for Sustainable Peace-Building 183 Wolfgang Benedek PART VI: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 205 Conclusions and Recommendations 207 Predrag Jureković List of Authors and Editors 217 4 Foreword by the Editors Bosnia and Herzegovina in almost 14 years of the post-Dayton period has not become a functional state despite some successes that have been achieved in regard to the Euro-Atlantic integration processes.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Return to the Muslim Balkans by Kerem Öktem
    New Islamic actors after the Wahhabi intermezzo: Turkey’s return to the Muslim Balkans By Kerem Öktem European Studies Centre, University of Oxford December 2010 New Islamic actors after the Wahhabi intermezzo: Turkey’s return to the Muslim Balkans | Kerem Öktem |Oxford| 2010 New Islamic actors after the Wahhabi intermezzo: Turkey’s return to the Muslim Balkans1 By Kerem Öktem St Antony's College, University of Oxford [email protected] Introduction The horrific events of 9/11 solidified Western popular interest in Islamic radicalism2, empow- ered particular discourses on religion as an all-encompassing identity (cf. Sen 2006) and cre- ated new bodies of research. International organizations, governments, academic institutions and independent research centres became keen on supporting a wide range of scholarly explor- ations of interfaith understanding—issues of identity and Muslim minority politics. Thus, a great many journal articles and edited volumes on Islam in Australia (e.g. Dunn 2004, 2005), Europe (e.g. Nielsen 2004; Hunter 2002), Canada (e.g. Isin and Semiatiki 2002) and the United States (Metcalf 1996) were published mainly by experts on the Middle East, theologians, po- litical scientists, human geographers and anthropologists. Simultaneously, security analysts and think-tankers produced numerous studies on the threat of Islamic terrorism, focusing on the activities of Osama Bin Laden and Al-Qaida. It was in this context that a new body of neocon- 1 Paper first presented at the international workshop ‘After the Wahabi Mirage: Islam, politics and international networks in the Balkans’ at the European Studies Centre, University of Oxford in June 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Mainstreaming Islamophobia: the Politics of European Enlargement and the Balkan Crime-Terror Nexus
    East European Quarterly Vol. 43, No. 2-3, pp. 189-214, June-September 2015 © Central European University 2015 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) MAINSTREAMING ISLAMOPHOBIA: THE POLITICS OF EUROPEAN ENLARGEMENT AND THE BALKAN CRIME-TERROR NEXUS Piro Rexhepi Center for Global Affairs New York University Abstract This article examines Islamophobia not as an exclusive feature of far-right politics in Europe but as a constitutive part of mainstream European Union enlargement processes. Looking at EU commission and parliament reports, as well as enlargement strategies, I examine security practices and policies that stem from recent policy debates on the “crime-terror nexus.” Specifically, I look at how EU taxonomies of Islamophobia come to influence broader securitization and bordering practices that mark and produce Muslim populations in the Western Balkans as suspect communities in need of disciplinary violence under the promise of EU integration. As the EU instrumentalizes the fight against organized crime and terrorist networks to demarcate its geopolitical frontiers in the Western Balkans, it also labors in the enactment of physical and political borders that divide Muslims in the Balkans from the larger Muslim world. Keywords: crime-terror nexus, EU enlargement, Islamophobia, Balkans Introduction In 2012, the European Parliament’s Directorate-General for Internal Policies issued the report “Europe’s Crime-Terror Nexus: Links between Terrorist and Organized Crime Groups in the European Union,” outlining the “crime-terror nexus” concept as an overarching framework addressing existing or potential alliances between organized crime and terrorist networks inside the EU and its peripheries (European Union Parliament 2012, p.10). The crime-terror nexus conjectures gained credence in the larger context of European Union securitization politics of the last decade, particularly in the context of EU Author’s correspondence e-mail: [email protected] Mainstreaming Islamophobia enlargement in the Western Balkans.
    [Show full text]
  • Creation of the Founding Myth of Kosovo Albanians
    Vedran Obućina: A War of Myths suvremene TEME, (2011.) god. 4., br. 1. CONTEMPORARY issues, (2011) Vol. 4, No. 1 UDK: 323.1(497.115)”200”=111 Prethodno priopćenje Primljeno: 21.9. 2011. A War of Myths: Creation of the Founding Myth of Kosovo Albanians VEDRAN OBUĆINA Politea: Association for Promotion of Social Sciences and New Media, Zagreb A distinctive Albanian character is present in the shaping of Kosovo’s statehood. The official politics of history and identity diminish the importance of other ethnic communities and focuses on Albanian mythology, represented by mixture of contemporary and historical personalities, events, places and memories. Integrative and European-leaning from outside, Kosovo is more and more particular and Albanian from inside, leaving many doubts and uncertainties about the intercultural future of Europe’s newest state. Keywords: Kosovo, Albanians, founding myth, memory, identity politics 1. Introduction in this paper it will be regarded only as an op- posite to the new myths of the Albanian side. Kosovo mythology might be perceived as The other one, the Albanian one, is the basis one of the indirect causes for bloodshed sur- for Kosovar nation-building. These mythologies rounding the wars, conflicts and atrocities made proclaimed themselves as saviors of the na- in this newly independent state. Kosovo might tion and civilization. In a poor attempt to follow also be regarded as the place where the vio- Samuel Huntington’s version of the clash of lent dissolution of Yugoslavia began. The 1981 civilizations, Serbs and Albanians unconsciously student unrest in Prishtina, the province’s capi- followed the ideas of Fernand Braudel, Oswald tal, showed the fragility of post-Tito Yugosla- Spengler and Arnold Toynbee in arguing that via, as an omen for future years (Ker-Lindsay, states were significantly influenced by their civili- 2009; Ramet, 2000; Udovički, 2000).
    [Show full text]
  • Islamophobia Never Rests in the Balkans: Muslim Communities and the Legacy of Exclusionary Nationalisms and Ethnic Expulsions
    Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs ISSN: 1360-2004 (Print) 1469-9591 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjmm20 Islamophobia Never Rests in the Balkans: Muslim Communities and the Legacy of Exclusionary Nationalisms and Ethnic Expulsions Raymond Taras To cite this article: Raymond Taras (2019): Islamophobia Never Rests in the Balkans: Muslim Communities and the Legacy of Exclusionary Nationalisms and Ethnic Expulsions, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2019.1652411 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2019.1652411 Published online: 13 Aug 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 4 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cjmm20 Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 2019 https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2019.1652411 Islamophobia Never Rests in the Balkans: Muslim Communities and the Legacy of Exclusionary Nationalisms and Ethnic Expulsions RAYMOND TARAS Abstract A long history of anti-Muslim prejudice has marked the Balkans. From Pope Urban’s call to take the Holy Land back from the “Turks,” to the writings of Martin Luther seeking repentance for Christian sins by undergoing Muslim persecu- tion, to anti-Ottoman invectives by Catholic writers in the sixteenth century, Isla- mophobia has been a dominant narrative. But Islamophobic Orientalism may be a preferred framework for examining anti-Muslim prejudice since the intersectional- ity of race and religion, combined with region, offers a more comprehensive explana- tory narrative. Over la longue durée [“the long term”], the crumbing of Islamic structures in the late nineteenth century, the horrors of World War II on the penin- sula, and the outbreak of the Balkan wars in the 1990s—with genocide charges invoked as the definitive sanction—sapped the Muslim presence.
    [Show full text]
  • Novinarskog Druπtva I Sindikata Novinara Hrvatske Poπtarina Plaêena U Poπtanskom Uredu 51000 Rijeka Novinarfoto SINI©A SUNARA
    broj 7/8/9/2010. glasilo Hrvatskog novinarskog druπtva i Sindikata novinara Hrvatske Poπtarina plaÊena u poπtanskom uredu 51000 Rijeka novinarfoto SINI©A SUNARA speluj mejesu njeæno li novinaritko mazohisti to jede iz ruke Ëilost i boljke stogodiπnjaka o dobro • journalism - public good • novinarstvo - javno dobro • journalism - public good novinarstvo - javno dobro • journalism - publicU povodu good • novinarstvo - javno dobro • journalism - public good • novinarstvo - javno dobro • journalism - public good • novinarstvo - javno dobro • journalism - public good stote obljetnice HND-a SADRÆAJ 3 2 SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ U povodu stote obljetnice HND-a »ilost i boljke zrelog stogodiπnjaka Zdenko Duka str. 4. SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ broj 7/8/9/2010. broj 7/8/9/2010. broj novinar novinar Javno financiranje medija Vaæno je imati kriterije Toni GabriÊ str. 6. SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ Okrugli stol Manjine na medijskoj margini Milan Cimeπa str. 9. SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SluËajevi Gorana MiliÊa i Æarka Domljana str.10. SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ SADRÆAJ Struka na raskrπÊu Povratak korijenima Milivoj –ilas str.
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Forbidden Fruit': Islam and Politics of Identity in Kosovo and Macedonia
    Edinburgh Research Explorer The ‘Forbidden Fruit’ Citation for published version: Krasniqi, G 2011, 'The ‘Forbidden Fruit’: Islam and Politics of Identity in Kosovo and Macedonia', Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, vol. 11, pp. 191-207. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2011.587285 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1080/14683857.2011.587285 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Southeast European and Black Sea Studies General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 The ‘forbidden fruit’: Islam and politics of identity in Kosovo and Macedonia Gëzim Krasniqi* School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh Abstract: This paper depicts the interplay of religion and politics, as well as of external and internal actors among Albanian communities in Kosovo and Macedonia. It argues that Islam has never been allowed into the political space, despite occasional attempts to politicise it and utilise it for political and nationalist expediency. This relative absence of Islam from the political sphere is due to a specific social and political context, as well as to a specific historical experience.
    [Show full text]
  • Multiethnic State Or Ethnic Homogeneity: the Case of South East Europe
    PfP Consortium of Defense Auademles and Security Studies Institutes LANDESVERTEIDIGUNGSAKADEMIE WIEN Study Group Information Multiethnic State or Ethnic Homogeneity: The Case of South East Europe 3rd Workshop of the Study Group "Crisis Management in South East Europe" Vienna, April 2002 Publishers: National Defence Academy, Vienna / Institute for Peace Support and Conflict Management in co-operation with: PfP-Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes Editor: Mag. Predrag Jurekovič Managing Editors: CAPT Mag. Ernst M. Felberbauer Edin Karabeg B.A. Hrvoje Miloslavič Mag. Andreas Wannemacher Dario Aničič-Župarič Layout: Zeichenstelle Landesverteidigungsakademie, Vienna. Production: Druck- und Kopierstelle Landesverteidigungsakademie, Vienna. Address: Stiftgasse 2a, 1070 Vienna, AUSTRIA ISBN: 3-901328-68-8 CONTENTS Predrag Jurekovic Introduction 5 Arian Starova The Principle of Non-forced Change of Borders versus the Principle of Self-Determination of Peoples 7 Nicolae Micu Overcoming Conflict in the Balkans 19 Frederic Labarre Peace Building in the Balkans: The Need to Stay the Course 27 Yantsislav Yanakiev The Bulgarian Ethnic Model - A Factor of Stability in the Balkans 37 Octavian Sofransky Ethno-political Conflict in Moldova 73 Dragan Simic/Veljko B. Kadijevic The Multi-Ethnic State and Ethnic Homogeneity - An Artificial Dilemma in the Case of New Yugoslavia 99 Edita Tahiri Independent State of Kosovo - The Contribution for Stability in the Region 107 Drago Pilsel The Role of Journalism in the Prevention of Conflicts and in the Sustention of Multi-Ethnic, Multi-Cultural and Multi-Religious Society 115 The Principle of Non-forced Change of Borders versus the Principle of Self-Determination of Peoples The topic of this conference, "Multiethnic State or Ethnic Homogeneity - the case of South East Europe", is both theoretically interesting and practically important.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Public Criticism and Support of the Initiative for RECOM
    Analysis of Public Criticism and Support of the Initiative for RECOM Igor Mekina / August 2011 The first report about the Initiative for the establishment of the Regional Commission for truth and truth-telling about war crimes in the former Yugoslavia was aired on Radio Free Europe on October 29, 2007. From then, until the end of August 2011, both print and electronic media published over 600 reports. These include, first and foremost, statements, interviews and opinions by advocates of RECOM; reviews of the Initiative; interviews with supporters or opponents of the idea of RECOM, articles, columns and op- eds; television and radio programs about RECOM; as well as various contributions directed against the Initiative. 1. Analysis objective and assessment criteria The main objective of this analysis is to investigate a number of critical evaluations and public controversies surrounding RECOM. In an effort to establish the truth, the analysis focuses on those contributions that launched a variety of charges against the Initiative for RECOM. The analysis comprises of more than 220 interviews, responses, articles, programs or written contributions in electronic media, all published on the website of the Initiative for RECOM (www.zarekom.org). In any evaluation of media coverage, truth is always the most important criterion. A commitment to truth and accuracy in reporting have been embraced in journalistic ethics as a basic obligation. From this obligation stem the fundamental principles of a journalistic code of ethics: journalists have a moral obligation to transmit, to the greatest extent possible, relevant and truthful information of public interest.1 For this reason, journalists are obliged to convey the truth as best as they can, to avoid intentional and unintentional falsehoods, recourse to prejudice and stereotypes, and to verify the veracity of others’ statements and allegations in order to detect and correct random or intentional errors.
    [Show full text]