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Coping with the Remaining Impasses in the Western Balkans

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Coping with the Remaining Impasses in the Western Balkans Table of Contents Foreword 5 Ernst M. Felberbauer and Predrag Jurekovi ć The Balkans: From a Security Problem to a Security Partner Johann Pucher 9 PART 1: GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON INTERETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS COEXISTENCE IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD AND LESSONS LEARNT 15 Comparing Models of Interethnic Coexistence and Practices of Political Parties in the Western Βalkans Dane Taleski 17 The Role of Religion in the Peace Processes Velko Attanassoff 49 Ethno-Religious Nationalism in the Western Balkans - The Necessity to Put the Ethics of Dietrich Bonhoeffer into Action through Integration Drago Pilsel 69 PART 2: THE VISIBLE AND HIDDEN NEXUS BETWEEN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND SANDŽAK 77 An External View on the Internal Political Processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina Christian Haupt 79 The Current and Future Political and Military Role of the European Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina Johannes Viereck 89 3 Requirements for Preserving Moderate Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak Esad He ćimovi ć 99 The Complicated Relations between Belgrade and Novi Pazar Izabela Kisi ć 115 PART 3: CHALLENGES IN THE „SOUTH“ OF THE WESTERN BALKANS 133 Possible Implications of the Dialogue Pristina-Belgrade on Regional Stability – A Kosovo-Albanian View Krenar Gashi 135 Possible Effects of the Upcoming Dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina Dušan Janji ć 149 Challenges for the Implementation of Rule of Law in Kosovo Alessandro Rotta 163 NATO’s Unfinished Business in Kosovo Dennis Blease 177 The Role of Islam in Post-War Kosovo Xhabir Hamiti 201 Albania’s Political Crisis: A Deadlock on the Way to European Integration: Recommendations for European Union Involvement Alba Cela 211 PART 4: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS 219 Policy Recommendations Predrag Jurekovi ć 221 4 Foreword Aside from positive developments in the region, which are in particular connected with Croatia’s finalization of negotiations with EU on mem- bership and encouraging signals being sent by the Presidents of Croatia and Serbia in the process of reconciliation, heavy impasses in regional peacebuilding still remain to be coped with. Unfinished state-building, respectively state weakness in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, fragile inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia as well as rising tensions inside the Islamic community in the Serbian region of Sandžak remind the regional actors and the Euro-Atlantic community that more efforts are necessary to achieve positive peace in this post-war area. As Bosnia’s experience and the latest development in Sandžak have shown, the role of religion and of religious representatives in the process of political transformation is evident. Their influence on peacebuilding is perceived as ambivalent, the radical political rhetoric of some religious dignitaries contradicts messages of religious tolerance. However, the aim of achieving a positive climate in regard to intra- and inter-religious rela- tions and preserving the tolerant tradition of Islam in South East Europe goes hand in hand with finding a balance between ethnic and civic prin- ciples in the processes of transition. Apart from facing the economic and political challenges, establishing satisfying inter-ethnic relations remain a priority goal in regional peacebuilding. Belgrade’s and Pristina’s readiness to open a new chapter in their rela- tions by starting a political dialogue, apart from Kosovo itself, could also positively influence inter-ethnic relations in other parts of the Western Balkans where a South Slavic population lives next to an Albanian, as it is the case in Southern Serbia and Macedonia. However, the problem of the Serbian dominated northern Kosovo that has turned out to be a “cor- pus separatum”, which is neither under full control of Belgrade nor of the international community and least of all the Kosovo authorities, could be a serious burden for a positive outcome. A compromise to be achieved – with the support of the Euro-Atlantic community – in regard 5 to this special case would eliminate a serious security problem in the region. On the other hand, preserving northern Kosovo as a “frozen conflict” in the long run could inspire again radical groups on the Albanian side to re-open the “Albanian issue” by questioning the territorial integrity of Serbia and Macedonia in those areas which are ethnically dominated by Albanians. Albania, in turn, is faced with increasing political tensions which could endanger some positive steps the country has made in the last ten years in regard to implement international standards. This book comprises contributions from the 22 nd workshop of the Study Group “Regional Stability in South East Europe” of the PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes, which was con- vened in Reichenau/Austria, from 13-15 May 2011. Experts from within and beyond the region dealt with the following questions: First, do the remaining “impasses” in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sandžak, Southern Serbia, northern Kosovo and Macedonia – represent a serious threat for the overall process of peacebuilding in the region? Second, what are the lessons learnt from models of interethnic and reli- gious coexistence in the post-war period? Which changes are necessary to positively influence the above mentioned entities? Third, is the tradition of tolerant Balkan Islam endangered by radical movements imported from abroad? Is there a nexus between problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state-building and rising national and reli- gious tensions in the Serbian Sandžak area? Fourth, are there and what kind of links between challenges in balancing “majority” and “minority” rights in Southern Serbia, Kosovo and Mace- donia exist? 6 Fifth and last, to which degree has the international community – and here in particular EU and NATO – been able to contribute positively? What has to be done? The Study Group “Regional Stability in South East Europe” has been assessing the post-war development in the Western Balkan countries and its implications for the region and beyond since 1999. Embedded in the wider academic framework of both the PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes as well as the security- political research in the Austrian Ministry of Defence and Sports, its main focus is to elaborate major conflict areas and propose possible so- lutions to local authorities and international actors alike. The editors are pleased to present the valued readers the analyses and recommendations from the Reichenau meeting and would appreciate if this study group information could contribute to generate positive ideas for supporting the still challenging processes of peacebuilding in the Western Balkans. Ernst M. Felberbauer Predrag Jurekovi ć 7 8 The Balkans: From a Security Problem to a Security Partner Johann Pucher Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends and Partners within the PfP Consortium, Let me present some initial thoughts on the issue at the outset of this introduction to the publication of the 22 nd workshop of the Study Group Regional Stability in South East Europe: The stabilization of the region is to a large degree the result of inter- national and regional cooperation and projects Regional cooperation will allow the participation of the West Balkan countries in international missions for peace and security step by step Austria is offering herself as “natural partner” for regional coopera- tion in international engagements The Western Balkans as a Security Problem For a long time the Western Balkans had to be considered as a centre of instability and therefore constituted a serious security problem. During the past twelve years of post-war developments in the Western Balkans regional and international actors have achieved visible progress in trans- forming the former crisis region into a generally stable environment. The nationalistic rhetoric of the 1990s has been replaced by the com- mitment of most of the regional leaders to resolve open territorial and ethnic issues through dialogue and compromises. One example for this is Slovenia’s and Croatia’s agreement on an arbitration commission to fi- nalize their territorial dispute in the Adriatic Sea. This proves that achieving win-win-situations in SEE can be a realistic option. 9 The continuous engagement of the Western Balkan countries in the nu- merous regional cooperation mechanisms and instruments, which were established in the last decade (the Stability Pact, the Regional Coopera- tion Council, RACVIAC etc.), demonstrates their alignment to achieve security through cooperation. As far as military cooperation is concerned, in particular the RCC’s ef- forts to support the activities of the SEE Defence Policy Directors Fo- rum can be regarded as a very useful contribution to achieving a strate- gic community of partners in SEE. But can instability only be measured in military terms? According to the principles of comprehensive security a sustainable sta- bility also requires good governance, rule of law, human security as well as the underlying socio-economic conditions. The key question cannot be “what comes first”; because of the interde- pendence of all factors of comprehensive security the key question is (has to be) “how to manage the engagement in all factors at the same time”. Of course you can start any stabilization program only after a minimum of security has been reached and can be guaranteed. But al- ready the answer to the question of “what is a minimum of security” differs from case to case. In the police sector the encouraging results in the field of fighting human and drug trafficking which have been achieved through the cooperation of the Interior Ministries of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia underline the relevance of addressing security issues in a broader Euro- pean framework. As we all know – and the experiences from actual missions demonstrate this – particularly in the field of rule of law we have to be very careful with local ownership. Otherwise the acceptance (of missions) will suffer severe damages. We have to avoid anything that would give the impres- sion of a kind of “legal imperialism“.
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