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Home , Sardis, Thapsacus, Tyana, Zeugma (Commagene)

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ZEUGMA: ARMAGEDDON ON THE ?

Mark Wilson Oral Roberts University Tulsa, OK

INTRODUCTION Above , the Euphrates flows through a narrow valley with steep sides; below the site (fig. 4), No archaeological site in the world has gathered the river spreads out as the valley broadens and the more attention in 2000 than that of Zeugma in . plateau (fig. 5) disappears. This deep river trough to Zeugma has been featured in such diverse media as the north has hindered east-west traffic throughout the New York Times, U. S. News & World Report, and history. In antiquity, the only two major river cross­ ABC World News Tonight, as well as archaeological ings above Zeugma were at Tomisa near Melitene, publications such as Archaeology and Archaeology and at Samosata, the capital of the Commagenian Odyssey. Global interest has been generated because Empire.2 The matter of river crossings relates direct­ of the spectacular finds discovered shortly before the ly to the route of the Persian that ran from site was flooded by the Dam (fig. 1), located to Susa. Some advocates of the northern route just downstream.' proposed a crossing near Melitene.3 Others, such as William Ramsay (1890: 27-29), as well as proponents Geographical Location of the southern route plotted its course through the . This would put the crossing at Zeugma is located in southeastern Turkey (fig. 2) Zeugma (Yamauchi, 1996: 175-76). George M. A. on the Euphrates River (Fyrat Nehri), approximately Hanfmann (1972: 19), the excavator of Sardis, sug­ five miles northeast of in the province of gests a hybrid route from Caesarea Mazaca to . In 1738, Pocoke (1745: 156) was one of Germanica before crossing at Zeugma. Regardless of the first travelers in the region to inquire about the the route of the Royal Road to the Euphrates, the ford location of Zeugma. In 1917, Franz Cumont at Zeugma was already a major river crossing point by (1917:119-50) argued persuasively for placing the sixth century B.C. Zeugma at its current site. In the 1970s, Jorg Wagner (1976:132-46) began fieldwork at the villages of Historical Background Belkis and Tilmusa and made a strong circumstantial case for the site's identification based on the discov­ Around 300 B.C., the Macedonian ruler, ery of stamped roof tiles that bore the name of the TV , founded twin cities on the Legion Scythica. However, no inscriptions have yet Euphrates: he named after himself, while been found to secure the identification. Zeugma is was named after one of his wives (Appian, really twin cities (fig. 3), Seleucia on the west bank Syr. 57).4 He linked them with the only permanent and Apamea on the east, lying on the border between bridge in the region, built in pontoon (schedia)-sty\e. and Mesopotamia. At Zeugma, the Euphrates It was known as Seleucia on the Bridge to distinguish has a gentle S-shaped bend, and here the river is at its it from the eight other Seleucias founded by Seleucus closest point, approximately 100 miles, to the (he founded two other Apameas as well), and later Mediterranean Sea at the Gulf of (Vskenderun). simply as the Bridge—Zeugma in Greek (Jones 1971: (Nat. 5.67; 6.126) states that the dis­ 243^44).5 tance to , the port of Syria's capital The Roman presence in the region began early in , was 175 Roman miles (ca. 161 miles), while the first century B.C.. Rome's first contact with the distance southward to Seleucia on the was occurred in about 92 B.C. when L. Cornelius 724 Roman miles (ca. 666 miles). Sulla met a messenger of Mithridates II Eupator, who 23

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was requesting the friendship of Rome, on the west hegemony of the client kings of Commagene ruling bank of the Euphrates. Rome's contact with Parthia from Samosata. But after Octavian's defeat of Antony over the next 150 years was very complex, so only a at Actium in 31 B.C., Aune (1997 2: 893) writes, "the few high points of this period will be mentioned.6 control of Seleucia or Zeugma ("bridge"), the main Pompey led the first Roman army east of the crossing point for the Euphrates, passed into the Euphrates in the mid 60s B.C., driving as far east as hands of the Romans, and the Euphrates became the Armenia and the Caucasus. After M. Licinius Crassus main symbolic boundary between Rome and became governor of Syria in 55 B.C., he invaded Parthia."7 Both (Geogr. 16.1.28) and Velleius Parthia by crossing at Zeugma. He was killed at his (Hist.Rom. 2.101) affirm that the Euphrates was decisive defeat at Carrhae (Haran) in 53 B.C. by the Rome's limes at this time. superior Parthian archers (Plutarch, Crass. 16-31). In 20 B.C., Augustus regained the spoils and The Parthians retaliated in the years following by standards lost by Crassus in 53 B.C. and by Antony in invading the of Syria. During the 40 B.C. and 36 B.C. through diplomatic means Roman Civil Wars the Parthians supported Pompey (Augustus, Res Gestae 27; 29). A pax ensued (49 B.C.) and Cassius (44 B.C.), but when the in the East until the time of Nero (Velleius, Hist. Rom. Parthians invaded Syria around 40 B.C., Marc Antony 2.126; Strabo, Geogr. 16.1.28). In A.D. 59, Corbulo, succeeded in driving them out (38 B.C.). During the governor of Syria, conquered Armenia and the much of the first century B.C. Zeugma was under the Roman victory over the Parthians was total. Only 2000 ZEUGMA: ARMAGEDDON ON THE EUPHRATES? 25

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through the folly of the client king Tigranes in 60 crown. The Parthian client king was treated as visiting A.D. and the ineptitude of his replacement, Paetus, royalty by Nero, and the emperor was hailed for were the Parthians able to regain an advantage by restoring to the empire with his triumph over defeating the Romans at Rhandeia in 62 A.D. Once the Parthians. Tiridates visited the cities of on his Corbulo reestablished the Roman position in 63 A.D., return to Parthia, and the impression given to its resi­ the Parthians again become suppliants with Tiridates dents, including John and the Asian Christians, would forced to travel to Rome in 65 A.D. to receive his have been of a submitted monarch rather than a victo- 26 WILSON NEASB 45

7" ... ..ZEUGMA \ Archaeological Project SiWlf! \\ fer\~>'\ -v.- \&M Ancient City :r; |||9 Cemeteries ,—.V;,1 ; if \ [|||| Modem Villages \M.''~*> (A) Tumuli . j--. <*'"' JK:. f¥ . . II "2 \ V'''-'";>;v, ji V \ -N- fv"' H o b a b \ '/ Plain 0 Tilmusa

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'?<'*}/•' ;V> ',--' J'.';-^- /.'7 ,--' / '--"'„-' J-'r '^B-f-V ^-'^^^^l NecropolisJ) ;_ / & kjCK Kilometres _s^&_ Fig. 3. Map of Zeugma (Seleucia and Apamea) from Kennedy 1998. rious general. on Jerusalem. Josephus (JW 7.5.2@105-106) reports The civil war in 68-69 A.D. would have been an that, following the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. ideal time for the Parthians to strike against their 70, Titus traveled from Antioch to Zeugma, where he longtime enemy. Mucianus, then governor of Syria, received a golden crown from the Parthian king had left the eastern frontier vulnerable when he led Vologeses I in recognition of his victory over the the sixth legion westward to depose Vitellius. But Jews. After hosting a banquet for the king's deputa­ Henderson (1908: 145) indicates that "neither tion, Tims returned to Antioch. Following his reor­ Vologeses, nor his brother Tiridates in Armenia, ganization of the East after A.D. 72, Vespasian main­ showed any desire to break the peace and friendship tained IV Scythica at Zeugma (Levick 1999: 166). recently secured by the Neronian policy." In fact, Following the fall of Jerusalem, "the eastern half of Vologeses offered Vespasian 40,000 Parthian cavalry the Empire caused little anxiety to the Flavian to help him secure the principate. The Flavians were Emperors " (Henderson 1927: 59). In fact, the peace thus indebted to the Parthians for their cooperation with Parthia lasted over fifty years and is reflected by during this tumultuous transition. Half a legion from the total absence on Roman coinage of anti-Parthian Zeugma, probably X Fretensis (Josephus JW war types, which only return again in the second cen­ 7.1.3@17; Millar, 1993:75), joined the 50,00-60,000 tury (Grant 1968: 48 n). troops that gathered in Caesarea for the final assault One of the more amusing anecdotes regarding I^imimmmm ittt^tmmmi^M

2000 ZEUGMA: ARMAGEDDON ON THE EUPHRATES? 27

Fig. 4. Euphrates River near Zeugma before flooding.

Fig. 5. Barren Country west of the Euphrates with Pistachio Orchards in Foreground.

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ApoIIonius of occurred at Zeugma. While The Euphrates and the Tigris are the two main rivers crossing to Mesopotamia, the tax collector there of Mesopotamia, although the length of the Euphrates asked ApoIIonius if he had anything to declare. at 1780 miles is much longer than the 1200 mile-long ApoIIonius named several nouns all in the feminine Tigris. The source of the river is in the Armenian gender: Prudence, Justice, Virtue, Temperance, mountains of eastern , from which its two Courage, and Perseverance. The official, with an eye main tributaries (the Habur and the Blikh) flow to his personal profit, responded, "well then, make me (Harrington and La Sor 1982: 202-3). The Euphrates a list of your slaves." "I cannot," retorted ApoIIonius: was one of the four rivers which flowed near the gar­ "it is not my slaves I am declaring, but my mistress­ den of Eden (Gen. 2:14). Abraham followed it on his es" (Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 1.20). According to journey to Canaan (Josh 24:2-3), settling briefly in Kennedy (1998: 11), by the year 200, "Zeugma was Haran. In the Genesis Apocryphon(lQGenAp 21: 16- one of the great cities of the , a fortress 17), Abraham is depicted in his circular journey of the city and cultural centre set at a political and cultural Near East as following a route up the Mediterranean interface. Several thousand soldiers and perhaps ten coast to the , then eastward to times as many civilians lived out their lives in the Zeugma probably before turning southward along the context of the city's instimtions amidst the bustle of Euphrates to the Red Sea. military life, the caravan traffic, the pre-occupations The Euphrates was the northeastern boundary for of commerce and manufacture, and the pervasive the territory promised to Israel (Gen 15:18; cf. Deut influence of the surrounding countryside." 11:24). The distance from Zeugma, where Alexander from the third century A.D. depict the emperor on the crossed in pursuit of Darius, to the old bridge at obverse with the temple of Zeugma and dragon on the Thapsacus was 2000 (ca. 264 miles), according reverse (Temizsoy, 1989: 72). Zeugma's boom was to Strabo (Geogr. 16.1.21-23). The site of Thapsacus, short-lived, however, for by the fourth century A.D. usually thought to be south of Zeugma (cf. Musil, the city was a fraction of its former size as history had 1927: 217-21, 318-19), has recently been challenged bypassed it. by Gawlikowski (1996: 130). He claims that Strabo As paganism gave way to Christianity, Zuegma confused his identification with an older Thapsacus was the site of a bishopric as late as 1048. In The Book downriver at the great bend of the Euphrates. It is here of the Bee 48, Mar , bishop of Basra in Iraz where Tiphsah, mentioned in 1 Kings 4:24 (LXX 8 (ca. 1222), names Simon Zelotes as one of the 70 who Qaya,; Syr. Thapsa), is located in most atlases. preached in Zeugma in the later first century A.D. Gawlikowski instead identifies Zeugma with Simon's companion Rufus was martyred while teach­ Thapsacus, claiming in an extended discussion that ing in Zeugma. Solomon collected information about the literary evidence, both classical and biblical, early Christianity in the region in Syriac. With the rise points in this same direction. He (1996:131) con­ of Islam, Zeugma was on the border between the com­ cludes, "putting Thapsacus at Zeugma restores to its peting factions of Arabs, Byzantines, Turks, and rightful place a major Syrian city with the Persian Armenians. In the Middle Ages, the main crossing of Empire, and perhaps even a crossing point of the the Euphrates moved south to Birecik, where the Assyrian merchants of the second millennium B.C." highway bridge crosses even today (Kennedy, 1998: If Galikowski's revised identification is accepted, the 11-13). limits of Solomon's empire must be extended north­ ward to Zeugma, thereby magnifying the site's prophetic and eschatological significance.9 Biblical Significance The Egyptians and the Assyrians were defeated Although Zeugma is never mentioned in the by the Babylonians in 605 B.C. at , just Bible, its topographic feature, the Euphrates River, is downriver from Zeugma (2 Chron 35:20). In a the third most mentioned river in the Bible, apart from prophecy that mentions the Euphrates three times (Jer the Jordan and the Nile. In the OT the Euphrates is 46:2, 6, 10), Jeremiah emphasizes God's avenging also referred to as the "great river" (Deut 1:7; Josh role in this empire-changing battle. Egypt's defeat 1:4) or simply as "the River" (Isa 7:20; Ezra 4:10,11). occurred shortly after Pharoah Neco had defeated ^iBySa»5&J '-'-^a mniffnM m

2000 ZEUGMA: ARMAGEDDON ON THE EUPHRATES? 29

Israel at Megiddo, where King Josiah was killed (2 his power to the world." Thus, the Parthian king Kgs 23:29). would be God's rod or club against his enemies, like The Euphrates is the last river mentioned in the Sennecharib, Nebuchadnezzar, or Cyrus (cf. Isa 10:5). Bible. It is named twice in the in The Zealots in their struggle mistakenly understood the context of judgments of the sixth trumpet and the the Parthians to be their deliverers from Rome. If John sixth bowl. The first mention of the Euphrates is in in fact departed from Judea to Asia with his commu­ Rev 9:14, with verses 15-19 describing the plague nity at the start of the Jewish revolt, he would have that issues from the horsemen gathered at the river.10 certainly understood Parthia to be another "broken The troops released at the Euphrates are compared to reed" like Egypt (2 Kgs 19:21). Yet John's vision of a deadly mounted cavalry. The Parthians favored the kings of the east seems to reflect, in part, the pop­ armored horses and riders (kalaphraktot) in warfare, ular sentiment regarding the Parthian threat. Hence and used them in 53 B.C. to decisively defeat the 's eastern enemy assembles at the Euphrates Romans at nearby Carrhae. The Euphrates is men­ near Zeugma for the last battle. In the OT, Israel's tioned again in Rev 16:12. In both texts it is called eschatological enemy came from the north (Jer 6:1, "the great river," a title clearly drawn from the OT. In 22; Ezek 38:6) or the east (Isa 41:2; 46.11). Rev 16:12, John sees the river dried up "so that the Daniel 11:44 predicts that a king of the North way of the kings might be prepared from the east of would become alarmed by reports from the east and the sun." north. Whether this king is the Antichrist (Young: These kings of the east are viewed by many com­ 25I-53)ornot(Goldingay 1989: 305) is disputed. Yet mentators on Revelation as the Parthians. Yet Aune from Daniel's perspective, according to Goldingay (1997: 893) concedes that the possibility of a Parthian (1989: 305), "This final battle takes place, as it must, invasion across the Euphrates was remote, at least at the midpoint of that [Mesopotamia-Egypt] axis, at during Nero's lifetime. However, the fear of the the center of the world, at the place where the Parthians is seen in the rise of the Nero redivivus myth Scriptures had therefore long expected the final con­ among residents of the eastern provinces. The flict." Likewise, the Revelator views the east as the Sibylline Oracles 4.120 mention a "great king" (i.e., direction from which Babylon's future eschatological Nero redivivus) who will flee across the Euphrates enemy will come. Commentators diverge at this point "beyond the Parthian land." This fugitive will later whether this battle is symbolic or literal. On the one recross the river with a Parthian army numbering hand, John seems to delocalize the site of the last bat­ "many myriads" (Sibylline Oracles 4.138-39) to fight tle in Rev 16:16 by calling it Harmagedon, rather than against Rome. Two pretenders, Tarentius Maximus in its biblical and historical name, Megiddo. G. K. Beale 80 A.D. and another in 88/89 A.D. in fact attempted (1999: 828) thus concludes, "So the Euphrates cannot to garner support from the Parthians before their be a literal geographical reference to the Euphrates in demise. modem Iraq, Syria, and Turkey but must be figurative Josephus mentions several times the role of and universal." Others such as Henry Afford (1875: Parthia in the Jewish revolt of 66-70 (JW 700) see this reference as literal: "by the drying up of 2.16.4@388, 2.19.2@520; [email protected]; 6.6.4@356- the Euphrates, the way of those kings who are to come 57). In fact, the Jewish rebels sent emissaries across to it from the East is made ready." For John and his the Euphrates soliciting Parthian support (JW audience, Zeugma on the Euphrates was an apocalyp­ 6.6.2@343). As Rappaport (1989: 377) comments, tic staging site for the last battle of Armageddon. "There was no realistic expectation of Parthian inter­ vention at all, especially one which would bring into Archaeological Work existence a Jewish sovereign state." Yet why does Josephus mention the possibility? Rappaport (1989: The foundational work done by Wagner in the 378) suggests persuasively that the Messianic expec­ 1970s was followed up in the 1990s after plans for the tations of the rebels viewed Parthia in "the role of Birecik Dam began to be implemented. Looters were God's messenger, through which he would save an ongoing problem for archaeologists at the site. Israel, punish the wicked Roman Empire and show Rifat Ergec, the director of the regional Gaziantep 30 WILSON NEASB 45

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Fig. 6. Archaeological Site plan of Zeugma (from Kennedy 1998).

Museum, uncovered a spectacular villa under ten feet In his comprehensive work on Zeugma, Wagner of soil (Site D; cf. figs. 6-7). In its main room was (1976: 175-271) listed approximately 150 inscriptions found a second-century A.D. floor depicting of Zeugma. Of these inscriptions the majority are in the wedding feast of Dionysos and Ariadne. The Greek with only a few in Latin. No texts in other lan­ mosaic was left in situ behind the metal bars installed guages, such as Syriac or Armenian, have yet been to enclose the villa. However, in 1998 looters broke in discovered. Kennedy's team added 26 new inscrip­ and cut out two-thirds of the mosaic. Since then, this tions, almost all of which were fragmentary mosaic has been on Interpol's list of Most Wanted (Kennedy, 1998: 93-108). New ones are continually Works of Art. being identified because they have been so widely In 1992 David Kennedy of the University of dispersed in public and private collections both in Western Australia applied to the Turkish authorities Turkey and abroad. for permission to excavate Zeugma in light of the During his work, Kennedy discovered a looters' coming inundation by the dam. However, the major tunnel that led to a mosaic whose central section had funding required to mount several seasons of excava­ already been cut out. The remainder of the mosaic tions failed to materialize. With limited resources, was placed in the Gaziantep Museum. The missing Kennedy and his team worked at the site for several section was later identified as two mythological fig­ weeks in 1993. His survey identified three cemeteries ures, Parthenope and Metiochos, that were part of the with hypogea at Seleucia and one at Apamea. Menil Collection of Houston, Texas, on loan to Rice According to Kennedy (1998: 41), "the cities of the University. These mosiac sections have since been dead are one of the most notable features of the site." returned to Turkey.11 Without further support, , .c SLa^^^^^»^- Ea NaMMBMrt

2000 ZEUGMA: ARMAGEDDON ON THE EUPHRATES? 31

Fig. 7. Ergec Villa with Bellas Tepe in the Background.

Kennedy was forced to discontinue work in 1995 square feet, have been saved from these villas (Acar (Kennedy 1998: 7-8). However, the publicity generat­ 2000: 42).'2 These (fig. 10) have been ed by Kennedy caught the attention of French and removed to the regional museum at nearby Gaziantep. Swiss scholars who, led by Catherine Abadie-Reynal Presently, there are 13 mosaics from Zeugma on dis­ of Nantes University, have worked at the site since play: 4 large, 8 medium size, and 1 small one. To dis­ 1995. Their work has included the use of sophisticat­ play all these mosaic finds, a new museum is needed, ed satellite remote sensing data. which would then rival that in Antakya (Antioch on When dam construction began in 1996, bulldoz­ the Orontes) with its displays from Daphne. ers began to uncover ruins. A team of Turkish archae­ Salvage work by a team of two hundred archae­ ologists, with limited funding, have valiantly tried to ologists continued through the summer higher on the save as many mosaics as possible. Rescue efforts riverbanks, in an area that was eventually flooded in (fig. 8) stepped up in 1999 and new mosaics were dis­ October 2000. The work accomplished in these four covered. In the spring of 2000, with the discovery of months would usually take about ten years new mosaics in the villas along the river's edge, glob­ (Moore:2000: 1-2). Much of the upper city will never al attention suddenly focused on the potential loss at be flooded, so excavations are continuing in this area, Zeugma due to the dam. The Packard Foundation which covers approximately 70% of Seleucia. Here committed five million dollars to salvage work, which lies a monumental archive building containing allowed the saving of some mosaics from villas in the approximately 65,000 ceramic seals, the largest seal lowest part of the city (fig. 9). Thus far approximate­ discovery ever found at a single site. Apamea on the ly 60 pieces of mosaics (16 major floor ones), totaling east bank is now totally flooded. 5,500 square feet, and 50 frescoes, covering 1,500

•3T" i 1 32 WILSON NEASB 45

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Fig. 8. Rescue efforts in the Middle City before its flooding.

CONCLUSION

The archaeological story of Zeugma is one of lost opportunities. Yet, important lessons of trust and cooperation were learned by both Turkish and foreign authorities and excavators. Because of all the media frenzy, Meyerson (2000: 41) notes that "the city of Zeugma has finally begun to attract the serious archaeological attention it deserves." She concludes with this question: "could it be that the story of Zeugma will end not in tragedy but in triumph—with the rising waters of the Euphrates lifting this ancient city out of obscurity?" Acar (2000: 43) sums up the experience this way: "unfortunate as it is to lose part of Zeugma, the integrated, mutidisciplinary rescue project may give rise to new initiatives that will help bridge the gap between Turkey's need for energy and the protection of its historic sites." In fifty years the dam is scheduled to shut down and the flood waters to recede. Perhaps the next generation of archaeolo­ gists will have the opportunity to view the mosaics that should be largely preserved under the present inundation.

Fig. 9. Section of the Ancient City Wall. ffip wmmmm asmam HBp ^W Swfe

2000 ZEUGMA: ARMAGEDDON ON THE EUPHRATES? 33

. ' « • *»H.- > *• * 1 - - - •• - - - ;i 4 ' • • • j : " .* I. m .* ' * ... J • 1 ' * 1 1. 1 • •- " • - I ' .. " .' * -^ * ; " " j • .- f. • . l- , r ' " • | 1 — « i • : * *• j • V m 1 -•1 • • 1 •- • . r . i - - -^ 1 - - »- . II • i tr ' I '.. 1 J .^ ' . *• 1 . ••- •—- * , _ -. . -,. ._ .»- - * .-.•»- * —* 1 •" . \ «"*' *- " -*• -. *". *• %.. •*-.»•„ - V "* •' w .... • ... k — •_ ...» <»—« • «._ -.r- •» ;•• **••»•---• — - _.* .«....-*-,.. .. . -••.»•»•.i ff ' r :" --• r •* 1 -M. Fig. 10. Rescued Mosaic displayed in Gaziantep Museum.

NOTES

1This dam is part of the GAP (Guneydo5u Anadolu periods before 31. Also Inholt (1969) has interpreted the Projesi) of the Southeast Anatolia Development Project iconography on the Augustus Prima Porta statue as symbol­ which is projected to build 15 dams in the Euphrates and izing the recovery of the standards of . Cf. Griffin Tigris Basin. (1984); Huzar (1978); Jones (1984). 8 3Both sites were also inundated by dams before major Cf. Tiphsah: Rasmussan (1989: 62, 123, 130); excavations could be done. Aharoni et al. (1993: maps 105, 127, 147) and Thapsacus: Rasmussan (1989: 143,148; and Aharoni et al. (1993: maps 3Freya Stark (1966: 109; map 106-7) chooses this 174, 185). route, while noting the Zeugma alternative in a note. The map in Yamauchi (1996: 177) shows the northern route. 'Commenting on this view, Kennedy (1998: 237nl) writes: "Gawlikowski's discussion may have strengthened ^Kennedy (1998: 139-61) helpfully provides the text the case for a northern rather than a southern location for with comment on 113 ancient sources that mention Zeugma. Thapsacus, but its precise site is not yet definitively resolved." 5Cf. Grainger (1990); Kuhrt and Sherwin-White (1987). 10The number of this army—myriads of myriads ("two 6This history is ably summarized by David Aune hundred million," Niv, NRSV; "twice ten thousand times ten (1969: 176-87) in his commentary on Revelation (1997: thousand," REB, NJB)—represents approximately thirty- 892-93). seven thousand legions. In the firstcentur y the Roman army numbered less than thirty legions. To John's audience this 7Aune's statement should be qualified with "complete­ innumerable host would undoubtedly be understood as sym­ ly passed," since the Romans had controlled Zeugma for bolic (cf. 4 Ezra 13:5, 11, 44-47),

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11 The unopened crate containing the mosaics sat 12Two of these mosaics are illustrated in Meyerson before the damaged section awaiting restoration when I vis­ (2000: 32-33, 36). ited the Gaziantep Musem in July 2000.

REFERENCES

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