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Latino Engagement, Place Identities, and Shared Futures in South Los Angeles

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Latino Engagement, Place Identities, and Shared Futures in South Los Angeles ROOTS RAíCES Latino Engagement, Place Identities, and Shared Futures in South Los Angeles Full Report October 2016 By Manuel Pastor, Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, Alejandro Sanchez-Lopez, Pamela Stephens, Vanessa Carter, and Walter Thompson-Hernandez USC Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration (CSII) Roots|Raíces: Latino Engagement, Place Identities, and Shared Futures in Learn more about the Roots|Raíces project: http://dornsife.usc.edu/CSII/roots-raices-south-la South Los Angeles By Manuel Pastor, Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, This work by the Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration (CSII) at the University of Southern California is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0). Alejandro Sanchez-Lopez, Pamela Stephens, Vanessa Carter, and Walter Thompson-Hernandez USC Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration (CSII) October 2016 Table of Contents IV. Bridging Race: Institutions in Flux or Inflexible 95 Institutions: Inflexible or In Flux 97 Tensions and Tightropes 99 Building Bridges 102 Organizing Together 103 Executive Summary 1 Combatting Anti-Blackness 106 I. Introduction 15 Forging the Future 108 What’s Gone Before 16 Encouraging Latino Civic Engagement 108 How We Did It: Methodology 19 Next Generation Issues, Next Generation Leaders 111 Roadmap to the Report 21 Which Way, South LA 113 Looking Forward 25 II. Shifting Space: Decades of Demographic Change 29 V. Facing Forward: Lessons, Recommendations, and Conclusion 116 A Brief History 30 Lessons Defining South LA: Data and Methods 37 1. Latinos in South LA are both Numerous and Diverse 116 Transformation over Time: Demographic Change in South LA 39 2. Rootedness Does Not Mean Civic Engagement 118 Putting Down Roots: Settling in South LA 45 3. Latinos are Proud of South LA 119 Race and Place: Points of Conflict and Commonality 49 4. Blackness Matters to Latino Civic Identity 120 Moving Forward 58 5. The South LA Experience Offers a New Model of Immigrant Integration 121 III. Finding Place: Latinos on Living in South LA 61 Recommendations 122 Methodology 63 1. Create On-Ramps to Broad Forms of Civic Engagement 122 Latinos Who Moved to South LA 66 2. Increase and Deepen Latino Leadership for Multi-Racial Coalitions 125 Moving to South LA 66 3. Strengthen Black-Latino Alliances by Investing in African American Reception of Latinos 75 Autonomous Spaces 126 Race, Language, and Civic Engagement 79 4. Strengthening Capacity in Existing South LA Organizations 127 Attitudes about South LA Today 80 5. Invest in Reframing South LA in the Public Narrative 129 Latinos Who Grew Up in South LA 83 Conclusion 130 Being Brown, Being Black 83 Place, Race, and Identity 86 Appendices Understanding the Generations 90 References 132 Roots, Engagement, and the Future 92 Endnotes 137 Image Credits 139 List of Civic Leader Interviewees 140 Page 4 Page 5 Acknowledgments Roots|Raíces could not have happened without a small village. As we explain, this report was born from South LA, itself—it was key civic leaders in South LA who brought the idea to us, and as we delved into the project, the people of South LA informed us and shaped its content. Benjamin Torres of Community Development Technologies (CDTech) at Los Angeles Trade Technical College was central in that prodding. Thanks to him and to all the other civic leaders and residents who allowed us to interview them to better understand the dynamics at play in South LA; we hope that we have captured part of the wisdom you Executive Summary shared and that this report will be useful in your future work. Roots|Raíces explores a different sort of immigrant integration: the settling of The authors would like to thank the team at the USC Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration Latinos into a historically African-American place. As we will see, the initial Latino (CSII). Rhonda Ortiz, managing director, who not only helped develop the project from its inception, wave arrived to a neighborhood in crisis, one wracked by deindustrialization, a crack but helped cultivate the resources to make it possible, enforced the workflow to make it happen, and epidemic, and militarized police and gangs. The anti-Black prejudices many migrants managed to keep the team’s morale high along the way—as she does on every project. Gladys Malibiran, brought from their home countries were reinforced by daily fears and social distance. communications specialist, captured the essence of our writing by leading the design team and But their kids—some who are now prodding their elders in a more open direction— coordinating the media and dissemination efforts for this report. Thanks to Justin Scoggins, grew up with Black schoolmates and friends and exhibit much tighter solidarity with data manager, for keeping our databases groomed and up-to-date, as well as providing analytical African Americans. Strikingly, both generations exhibit a special pride in being from South troubleshooting. Thanks also to Lauren Portillo, administrative assistant, and Jacqueline Wong, former LA; much like their Black neighbors, they celebrate a sense of resilience in the face of program specialist, for their administrative support. challenges and injustice and are often invested in multi-racial coalitions to bring change. Beyond CSII staff, the report was supported by those who joined our team in shorter periods. Then If there is a constant in South LA, it is change: The mega-neighborhood has been through post-doctorate fellow, Veronica Montes, played a vital role (as we explain in the report) in helping us to transition after transition for more than a century. Once farmland, the area became the understand the experience of first-generation Latinos in South LA. A number of USC graduate student paradigm for white industrial suburbs in the 1920s and on through the post-war period. Black interns also contributed: Kristie Valdez-Guillen and Jessica Medina were central to the interview and LA, always a presence, grew dramatically in the war years, and Central Avenue flourished, building other processes, Stephanie Canizales swooped in to assist with coding, and Carolyn Vera (from UCLA) on its history as a home to Black architecture, a renowned jazz scene, and more. After racially- was persistent with the seemingly unending process of copy editing a report as long as this one. We also restrictive housing covenants fell, the Black community moved south and west, providing much thank design consultant Andrea Guevara, and interns Jenny Zhang and Sama Shah for their support. needed relief from residential overcrowding. The 1965 Watts Rebellion led to “white flight” that We are grateful to each of them for joining us along this journey. effectively opened up new territory. By 1970, the area now known as South LA—stretching from the 10 freeway to the north, the Alameda Corridor to the east, Imperial Highway to the south, and Baldwin Hills Finally, we are grateful for the support from the W.K. Kellogg Foundation, The California Endowment, to the west—was 80 percent African American. and the James Irvine Foundation which complemented our own early investment of time and resources with the additional funds needed to complete the work. But time—and demographics—did not stand still. In the 1980s, job loss from deindustrialization and the combination of high crime and excess policing forced many African Americans to re-consider their futures in the area. The 1992 civil unrest gave another push, particularly for middle-class families worried that their children would be caught up in either gangs or police sweeps. As the Black exodus increased, Latinos moved in, pushed from Latin America by economic crises and civil wars, lured to the US by changing labor demands in the country, and squeezed out of traditional entry points, like Pico-Union just west of downtown, that were literally filling up. The multiple drivers are reflected in demographic diversity: While Central Americans are 14 percent of the county’s Latino population, they comprise 23 percent of South LA’s Latinos. The long-term result of these various flows: The heart of Black LA—South LA—is now nearly two-thirds Latino. Page 1 ROOTS | RAÍCES Latino Engagement, Place Identities, and Shared Futures in South Los Angeles Executive Summary sedimentation. The typical The demographic Percent Non-Hispanic African American, South Los Angeles, 1970 Percent Latino, South Los Angeles, 1970 transition is captured in narrative of neighborhood these maps, and they ± ± change is one in which University ¨¦§10 University Percent Non-Hispanic African American, ¨¦§10 Percent Latino, 1970 an incoming ethnic group make clear that this has Park 1970 Park Adams- Adams- By Census Tract West Adams Jefferson Park Normandie By Census Tract West Adams Jefferson Park Normandie “takes over” and more Less than 30% not been a geographically Less than 15% 30% to 50% even process: The eastern 15% to 30% or less wipes away the Exposition Park Historic Exposition Park Historic 50% to 65% Baldwin Hills/Crenshaw South-Central 30% to 50% Baldwin Hills/Crenshaw South-Central Leimert Park Leimert Park 65% to 80% past. Whatever the merit part of South LA has 50% to 65% Greater than 80% Greater than 65% Central- of that sort of analysis in experienced the most Vermont Square Central- Vermont Square South LA Neighborhoods Alameda South LA Neighborhoods Alameda South Park South Park View Park-Windsor Hills describing past immigrant Latinization. But neither View Park-Windsor Hills Hyde Park Chesterfield Hyde Park Chesterfield experiences, it does the
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