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Chapter Ii the Foundations of International Inter- Course

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Chapter Ii the Foundations of International Inter- Course CHAPTER II THE FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL INTER- COURSE The revolted Spanish colonies send messengers toWashington—The early policy of the United States concerning the Spanish-American Revolution—The policy of Portugal- Monrocs Message of March 5, 1522—The Lay, of May 4, 18fl—The United States acknowledges the independence of Hispanic-American nations—The first legations of the United States in Hispanic America—Early hispanic-American legations at Washing- ton—The intervention of the Holy Alliance in Spain—The promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine—Its reception in hispanic-American countries—The policy of England toward the new republics—The acknowledgment of Brazil's independence by England and Portugal—Tardy recognition of the Spanish-American republics by the motherland— The rôle of the United States. The establishment of diplomatic intercourse between the United States and Hispanic-American nations was presaged by the appointment of agents from the revolted Spanish colonists to the government at Washington. At Caracas the provisional junta soon selected Juan Bolivar and Telesforo de Orea to carry to the United States the news of the changes that had occurred in Venezuela) Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, in December, 1810, commissioned Paseasio Ortiz de Letona to negotiate a treaty of commerce and alliance with the United States.' In June, 1811, the junta of Buenos Aires instructed two agents bearing assumed names to proceed to Washington and to secure arms from the Republic of the North. 3 Although President Madison could not receive such messengers at a time when the provisional gov- ernments in Spanish America had not even declared themselves independent of the motherland, yet their activities directed the attention of the people and the government of the United States 'Robertson, "Francisco de Miranda and the Revolutionizing of Spanish America;' in American Iliotoncal Assoc,oiaois Report, 1907, vol. r. p 327 Alamán, lijajoyja de 3Uztco, vol. n, pp. 65, 66; Garcia, Doc,stnento, histdncos mesa- eanos, vol vs. pp. 17, 81 The credentials of Diego Saavedra and Juan Pedro de Aguirre dated June 6. 1811, are found in State Department MSS., Papers Relative to the Revolted Spanish Colonies. 26 FOUNDATIONS OF INTERCOURSE £7 to the insurrectionary movements which were developing in the South. After formal declarations of independence from Spain were made in America, the revolutionary governments selected agents to inform the United States of those pronunciamientos of liberty. The first agent to represent in the United States a Hispanic- American nation which had asserted her independence of Old World monarchies was Telesforo de Ores, who, on July 27, 1811, was made by the new government at Caracas the "extraordi- nary agent of the Venezuelan Confederation" to the United StateS. 4 In 1817—in accordance with the action of the con- gress of 'l'ucunthn—the United Provinces of In Plata dispatched Manuel Hermenejildo de Aguirre to Washington to solicit the acknowledgment of her independence.' On May 15, 1820, the government of Great Colombia appointed Manuel Torres its agent and chargé d'affaires to the United States.6 There is no doubt that the representations of such agents at Washington vividly impressed upon Secretary of State James Monroe and his successor, John Quincy Adams, the fact that new nations were arising in Spanish America.' During the period when the Spanish Americans were estab- lishing their independence, the government of the United States sent agents to various parts of South America who were ex- pected to report upon the conditions existing in the revolted colonies. In December, 1817, a commission composed of The- ocloric Bland, John Graham, and Caesar A. Rodney, with H. M. Brackenridge as secretary, sailed in the frigate Congress for South America. Instructions to those commissioners, written by Secretary of State Richard Rush and dated July 18, 1817, appropriately described the policy of the United States toward Spanish America in these words: It is by success that the colonies acquire new claims on other powers which it may comport neither with their interest nor duty to disregard. 'Urrutia, Pdginasdehistoriodo dzplon.dtiaz, pp 20. 21. I Regi.tro ofieiol In repzThiica argeiitina, vol. i, p 381. American State Papers. Foreign Re1owris, vol. iv, pp. 833. 834, 7 ibid • pp 832-30; Carlene, Andes diplondt woe de Cotonthta, pp. 128-50; Robertson, "The Beginnings of Spanish-American Diplomacy," in Turner Essays In American flütonj, pp. 254, 255. HISPANIC—AMERICAN RELATIONS Several of the colonies having declared their independence and enjoyed it for some years, and the authority of Spain being shaken in others, it seems probable that, if the parties be left to themselves, the most permanent political changes will be effected. It therefore Seems in- cumbent on the United States to watch the movement in its subse- quent steps with particular attention,witli a view to pursue such course as a just regard for all those considerations which they are bound to respect may dictate.' But this commission—the most important of all the missions sent to South America during the revolutionary epoch—was without much influence upon the policy of the United States. The reports of the commissioners (lid not agree: their generaliza- tions upon the obvious conditions which existed in South Amer- ica were colored by their respective prejudices.' While observing with interest the emergence of new nations in Spanish America, the United States Government, as in duty bound, adopted a neutral policy with regard to Spain and her revolted colonies. It viewed them as belligerents in a civil war. On September 1, 1815, in accordance with the policy initiated in 1793, President Madison issued a proclamation of neutrality which warned all citizens of the United States to refrain from enlisting in military expeditions against the dominions of Spain.it In December, 1816, in a special message to Congress, President Monroe proposed that the neutrality laws should be modified: on January 14 following the House Committee on Foreign Relations reported a bill which contained more stringent provisions than the existing law in regard to violations of neu- trality; and on March 17 that bill entitled "An Act more effec- tually to preserve the neutral relations of the United States" be- came a law.' That act was superseded by another law on April 20, 1818, which prohibited all United States citizens from accept- ing or exercising any commission within their country to serve any people against a government with which the United States was at peace. This law also enjoined citizens of the United 'As quoted by Paxson, The Independence of the South-American Republic,, p 113 Anierwan State Papers: Foreign Relations, vol. iv, pp. 211-323, Paxson, pp 133, 134 'o American Slate Papers: Foreign Relation,, vol iv, p. 1 ii The Public Statutes at Large of the United State., vol. in, pp 370. 371 FOUNDATIONS OF INTERCOURSE 29 States not to enlist in the service of a foreign state or colony. Neither were they to equip any ship or privateer to cruise against a foreign nation.12 Obviously the object of those neutrality laws was to prevent such persons as strongly sympathized with the Spanish-American revolutionists from committing any unneutral acts against Spain. For several years the government of the United States was restrained from taking a more favorable attitude than that of friendly neutrality toward the new nations in Spanish America partly because of doubts entertained by prominent officials—no- tably by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams—as to whether or not their independence was actually and indisputably es- tablished. While the cabinet of President Monroe was seri- ously considering the acknowledgment of the independence of those nations, Henry Clay became the eloquent champion of recognition in Congress. His glowing periods earned for him the gratitude of some South American leaders but did not greatly influence the policy of the United States. Recognition of the Spanish-American nations could hardly take place while the United States Government was negotiating with Spain for the cession of Florida. During the negotiations which culminated in the Treaty of 1819 between the United States and Spain, and during the period which elapsed before that treaty was ratified by the Spanish king, Secretary Adams repeatedly refused to give a pledge to Spain that his government would not recognize the revolted Spanish colonies. After the ratifications of that treaty were exchanged in 1821, a serious obstacle to the acknowl- edgment of Spanish-American independence by the United States was removed." To the writer it is clear that during the early stages of the pro- tracted struggle for the liberation of the American colonists from Spanish rule, the policy of the United States was to inves- tigate conditions in the revolted colonies, to maintain her neu- 12 The Public Statutes at Large of the United States, vol. in, pp. 447-50. On commer- cial relations between the United States and the Hispanic-American states during this period see pp 192-97, infra. Robertson, 'The Recognition of the hispanic American Nations by the United States," in ffispnnwAraenean Historical Renew, vol.i, pp. 245-50. so HISPANIC—AMERICAN RELATIONS trality in the war between Spain and the revolutionists, and to watch any developments which might enable her to take steps favorable to the rising states. In the meantime the provisional governments in certain parts of Spanish America entered into relations with the revolutionary authorities of other sections which implied a desire to acknowledge them as distinct political entities. For our purpose it will be sufficient to notice an illustration from southern South America. On December 12, 1818, the congress of the United Provinces of La Plata formally acknowl- edged Chile as "a free, sovereign and independent state invested with all the attributes and powers ..
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