Volume 1 1 2 Writers in This Is Issue O N T H E P R E S I D E N T I a L E L E C T I O N
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
Czech Elections: How a Billionaire Populist Upstaged Established Parties Written by Sean Hanley
Czech Elections: How a Billionaire Populist Upstaged Established Parties Written by Sean Hanley This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Czech Elections: How a Billionaire Populist Upstaged Established Parties https://www.e-ir.info/2013/11/09/czech-elections-how-a-billionaire-populist-upstaged-established-parties/ SEAN HANLEY, NOV 9 2013 Voters in the Czech Republic went to the polls in early legislative elections on 25-26 October. The elections followed the collapse in June, amid personal and political scandal, of the minority centre-right government of Petr Nečas and the subsequent failure of a technocrat administration imposed by President Miloš Zeman to win a parliamentary vote of confidence. As in the previous May 2010 elections, the result saw losses for established parties and breakthroughs by new anti- establishment groupings campaigning on platforms of fighting corruption, renewing politics and making government work better. However, the 2013 results represent a decisive breach in the Czech Republic’s previously stable pattern of party politics party whose four main pillars – pro-market conservatives, Social Democrats, Christian Democrats and Communists – made it arguably Central and Eastern Europe’s best approximation to a West European style party system. The new political landscape that has emerged is both fluid and highly fragmented, with no fewer than seven parties now represented in the Chamber of Deputies. Seats held by parties following Czech parliamentary elections of 25-26 October. -
Federal Political Parties and Party Ideology
Government Federal Political Parties and Party Ideology I Basics for the Teacher I Overview See Activity Sheet 4-2: Political Ideologies Discussed for the basics for This lesson is focused on devel- this lesson. oping knowledge of and understanding about the core political ideologies as they I Student Handouts evolved in the 20th century. The lesson is not intended to Activity Sheet 4-1: Your Political Compass create significant depth on Activity Sheet 4-2: Political Ideologies Discussed each ideology but to expose Activity Sheet 4-3: Political Ideologies Chart students to the range of politi- cal ideas that have some cur- Activity Sheet 4-4: Town Hall Meeting rency in modern politics. The lesson is also expected to aid in the refinement of existing polit- Instructions for the Teacher ical thought held by the stu- The curriculum you will teach is contained in the various handouts dents in your class. and answer keys contained in this lesson. Activity sheets provide background details, knowledge components, directions and assigned work. The materials developed for this lesson use a vari- ety of strategies but emphasize active learning and listening and I Objectives presentation skills to help prepare students. Access to a computer, at home or at school, will be an important component of these les- Students will: sons. However, materials have been provided to allow the teach- • Identify and understand ing of this lesson without classroom computer use - with the excep- the political platform of tion of some extension activities. each major federal party. • Understand the funda- Activity 1: Your Political Compass mental tenets of each fed- • This activity is designed to introduce the concept of political eral party’s ideology and ideology to the students and have them recognize that they place each party within have already formed a core of beliefs related to a political ide- the political spectrum or ology. -
Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime David Jaros University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected]
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 5-2014 Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime David Jaros University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, and the Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons Recommended Citation Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime, 99 Iowa L. Rev. 1473 (2014) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime David Jaros" ABSTRACT: Bipartisanship can be dangerous. In the late I970s, liberal and conservative forces united to discard two centuries of discretionary federal sentencing practice by passing the Sentencing &form Act, which ushered in an era offixed guidelines that would reshape the criminal justice landscape. In the decades that followed, liberals would come to bitterly regret their alliance with conservative sentencing reformers. The guideline regime established by the Act ultimately advanced hardline conservative criminal justice goals that were antithetical to the objectives of many of the Act's former liberal supporters. &searchers have shown that a particular cognitive bias-cultural cognition-can explain why intense partisan conflicts persist even when different sides share the same long-term goals. But while scholars have documented ways that cultural cognition fosters disagreement where parties agree on desired outcomes, no commentator has explored the opposite phenomenon: whether cultural cognition may foster agreement where, in fact, citizens and policymakers sharply disagree. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
The Community and the Communitarian Development Models. Emiliana Mangone
The Community and the Communitarian Development Models. Emiliana Mangone To cite this version: Emiliana Mangone. The Community and the Communitarian Development Models.. 6th Interna- tional Conference of Territorial Intelligence ”Tools and methods of Territorial Intelligence”, Oct 2008, Besançon, France. halshs-00982913 HAL Id: halshs-00982913 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00982913 Submitted on 24 Apr 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THE COMMUNITY AND THE COMMUNITARIAN DEVELOPMENT MODELS Emiliana Mangone Researcher in Sociology of cultural and communicational processes [email protected], + 39 089 96 22 87 Professional address University of Salerno - Via Ponte don Melillo - 84084 Fisciano (SA) Italy Summary: The concept of “community”, which seemed to be abandoned, is greatly being re- vived as regards to the possibility of explaining the changes and the interventions in a terri- tory. Nowadays we have to formulate a new concept of community, as a collective intelli- gence, if we want to identify development models to realize the sustainability and the integra- tion of individuals and territories. Keywords: community, collective intelligence, territorial development, identity. pre-acts - 6th annual international conference of Territorial Intelligence - caENTI – October 2008 1 1. -
The Establishment Clause and Government Religious Displays: the Court That Stole Christmas
Touro Law Review Volume 15 Number 3 Article 10 1999 The Establishment Clause and Government Religious Displays: The Court That Stole Christmas Jennifer H. Greenhalgh Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tourolaw.edu/lawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Greenhalgh, Jennifer H. (1999) "The Establishment Clause and Government Religious Displays: The Court That Stole Christmas," Touro Law Review: Vol. 15 : No. 3 , Article 10. Available at: https://digitalcommons.tourolaw.edu/lawreview/vol15/iss3/10 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Touro Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Greenhalgh: Establishment Clause THE ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE AND GOVERNMENT RELIGIOUS DISPLAYS: THE COURT THAT STOLE CHRISTMAS NTRODUCTION Each year, around early November, America begins to see displays of the following images strewn across the country's landscape: candy striped poles dispersed among reindeer and snowmen; Christmas trees adorned with festive ornaments; nativity scenes and depictions of Santa Claus on his sleigh; and lighted menorahs. In fact, such displays are so much a part of our culture that they are expected to appear annually in the late autumn season. For example, consider an annual display that is located in the front courtyard of a County Hall of Records building in my home state of New Jersey. The scene consists of a rendition of the Christian nativity, representing the birth of Jesus in a manger in Bethlehem.' On the opposite side of the courtyard is a menorah, a symbol widely identified with the Jewish religion. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America Matt Browne, John Halpin, and Ruy Teixeira April 2011 The “Demographic Change and Progressive Political Strategy” series of papers is a joint project organized under the auspices of the Global Progress and Progressive Studies programs and the Center for American Progress. The research project was launched following the inaugural Global Progress conference held in October 2009 in Madrid, Spain. The preparatory paper for that conference, “The European Paradox,” sought to analyze why the fortunes of European progressive parties had declined following the previous autumn’s sudden financial collapse and the global economic recession that ensued. The starting premise was that progressives should, in principle, have had two strengths going for them: • Modernizing trends were shifting the demographic terrain in their political favor. • The intellectual and policy bankruptcy of conservatism, which had now proven itself devoid of creative ideas of how to shape the global economic system for the common good. Despite these latent advantages, we surmised that progressives in Europe were struggling for three pri- mary reasons. First, it was increasingly hard to differentiate themselves from conservative opponents who seemed to be wholeheartedly adopting social democratic policies and language in response to the eco- nomic crisis. Second, the nominally progressive majority within their electorate was being split between competing progressive movements. Third, their traditional working-class base was increasingly being seduced by a politics of identity rather than economic arguments. In response, we argued that if progressives could define their long-term economic agenda more clearly— and thus differentiate themselves from conservatives—as well as establish broader and more inclusive electoral coalitions, and organize more effectively among their core constituencies to convey their mes- sage, then they should be able to resolve this paradox. -
Political Game Theory Nolan Mccarty Adam Meirowitz
Political Game Theory Nolan McCarty Adam Meirowitz To Liz, Janis, Lachlan, and Delaney. Contents Acknowledgements vii Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1. Organization of the Book 2 Chapter 2. The Theory of Choice 5 1. Finite Sets of Actions and Outcomes 6 2. Continuous Outcome Spaces* 10 3. Utility Theory 17 4. Utility representations on Continuous Outcome Spaces* 18 5. Spatial Preferences 19 6. Exercises 21 Chapter 3. Choice Under Uncertainty 23 1. TheFiniteCase 23 2. Risk Preferences 32 3. Learning 37 4. Critiques of Expected Utility Theory 41 5. Time Preferences 46 6. Exercises 50 Chapter 4. Social Choice Theory 53 1. The Open Search 53 2. Preference Aggregation Rules 55 3. Collective Choice 61 4. Manipulation of Choice Functions 66 5. Exercises 69 Chapter 5. Games in the Normal Form 71 1. The Normal Form 73 2. Solutions to Normal Form Games 76 3. Application: The Hotelling Model of Political Competition 83 4. Existence of Nash Equilibria 86 5. Pure Strategy Nash Equilibria in Non-Finite Games* 93 6. Application: Interest Group Contributions 95 7. Application: International Externalities 96 iii iv CONTENTS 8. Computing Equilibria with Constrained Optimization* 97 9. Proving the Existence of Nash Equilibria** 98 10. Strategic Complementarity 102 11. Supermodularity and Monotone Comparative Statics* 103 12. Refining Nash Equilibria 108 13. Application: Private Provision of Public Goods 109 14. Exercises 113 Chapter 6. Bayesian Games in the Normal Form 115 1. Formal Definitions 117 2. Application: Trade restrictions 119 3. Application: Jury Voting 121 4. Application: Jury Voting with a Continuum of Signals* 123 5. Application: Public Goods and Incomplete Information 126 6. -
Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-Wing Authoritarianism
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology PREPRINT © 2021 American Psychological Association In press. Not the version of record. Final version DOI: 10.1037/pspp0000341 Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-wing Authoritarianism Thomas H. Costello, Shauna M. Bowes Sean T. Stevens Emory University New York University Foundation for Individual Rights in Education Irwin D. Waldman, Arber Tasimi Scott O. Lilienfeld Emory University Emory University University of Melbourne Authoritarianism has been the subject of scientific inquiry for nearly a century, yet the vast majority of authoritarianism research has focused on right-wing authoritarianism. In the present studies, we inves- tigate the nature, structure, and nomological network of left-wing authoritarianism (LWA), a construct famously known as “the Loch Ness Monster” of political psychology. We iteratively construct a meas- ure and data-driven conceptualization of LWA across six samples (N = 7,258) and conduct quantitative tests of LWA’s relations with over 60 authoritarianism-related variables. We find that LWA, right- wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation reflect a shared constellation of personality traits, cognitive features, beliefs, and motivational values that might be considered the “heart” of au- thoritarianism. Still, relative to right-wing authoritarians, left-wing authoritarians were lower in dog- matism and cognitive rigidity, higher in negative emotionality, and expressed stronger support for a political system with substantial centralized state control. Our results also indicate that LWA power- fully predicts behavioral aggression and is strongly correlated with participation in political violence. We conclude that a movement away from exclusively right-wing conceptualizations of authoritarian- ism may be required to illuminate authoritarianism’s central features, conceptual breadth, and psycho- logical appeal.