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Home , Allan Nevins, James Ford Rhodes, John Brough, Robert Dale Owen, Scorched earth

Scorched Earth or Fertile Ground? in the Civil , 1861-1865

by

STEPHEN E. TOWNE

has generated more writings than any other topic or HISTORIANSperiod in HAVEUnitedOFTENStatesOBSERVEDhistory. THATWhatTHEKennethCIVIL WARM. Stampp described twenty-five years ago as a "steady stream of books and articles" is today a raging flood of publications.! Books, articles, magazines, film, and now the Internet crowd each other. The already popular interest in the war grew to enormous proportions with the Ken Burns public television series on the CivilWar several years ago. The flood of writings on the began before the war was over, as soldiers published memoirs and personal accounts of wartime hard• ship and heroics. With the end of the war the outpouring of such accounts continued. This essay will begin with an overview of writings that appeared shortly after the end of the conflict and demon• strated how it touched Indiana. I will focus on two important and frequently addressed issues that have been constants over the years in the literature. I will conclude with my thoughts about what can still be done to enhance the understanding of ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000) C THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) the period based on the existing archival resources. Owing to rosters of the commissioned officers and rank and file of all space limitations, I cannot address important questions on the volunteer units raised in the state. This includes the twenty• antecedents of the rebellion or the Reconstruction period that eighth United States Colored Troops regiment, the majority followed. The majority of the work on Indiana in the CivilWar of which was recruited in Indiana. The report featured brief deals with issues. The volumes of literature on units, histories of each Indiana volunteer unit, along with lists of the , campaigns, and military leaders will not be assessed. dead of each unit. Also included was a list of thousands of Nonetheless, it is my intent to show that, despite the enormous deserters and draft dodgers, a clear swipe at those perceived outpouring of writings on the Civil War, much more can and to have been slackers in the war effort as well as those who needs to be done to gain a fuller, more comprehensive picture opposed the war. For indeed, the Report of the Adjutant General of the human experience in Indiana during wartime. of Indiana was clearly a document of partisan intent. The Among the first out of the publishing blocks in Indiana eighth volume of Terrell's work was a narrative, in his words, was Catharine Merrill, a well-educated daughter of a promi• "showing what was done by the State in carrying on the war."3 nent family with publishing connections. Her It was, in effect, an apologia for the administration of Gov. two-volume work, The Soldier of Indiana in the Warfor the Union, Oliver P. Morton and an attack on his critics and foes. published anonymously, was a compilation of stories gathered Terrell, who had served on Morton's before his from newspaper accounts, some official reports, and personal appointment as adjutant general, dealt with the administra• accounts of Indiana veterans. The work focused on activities tion of Indiana's war effort topically: the call to arms at the of Indiana volunteer regiments in putting down the rebellion. beginning of the rebellion, recruiting and the numerous Merrill celebrated the heroism and sacrifice of the soldiers. problems attendant to it, the state-administered draft of 1862 Similar to most works on the Civil War, detailed accounts of and the subsequent federally administered drafts, the prob• military campaigns and battles comprise the body of the work. lems of appointing competent commissioned officers, the Little was noted of Indiana on the home front apart from state militia (the Indiana Legion), relief of soldiers' families, numerous stabs at the perceived disloyalty of Indiana and the purchasing of arms for the troops. Terrell also wrote Democrats.2 about some of the serious challenges that confronted Morton The most important work on Indiana in the CivilWar from and his administration: the Bragg of Kentucky in the nineteenth century also appeared shortly after the end of 1862 that threatened Indiana, the various guerrilla incursions the war. In 1865 the ordered the into the state including the Morgan raid of July 1863, and, production of a report on the part taken by Indiana and its most notably, what he termed "Internal State Troubles." These government in the prosecution of the war. The adjutant gen• Were the manifestations of dissent and perceived disloyalty eral of Indiana at the end of the rebellion, W. H. H. Terrell, among Indiana citizens during the rebellion. Terrell devoted was charged with the task. His famous report, published in ninety pages to analyzing the sources for dissent and the ways eight volumes between 1865 and 1869, remains an invaluable antiwar sentiments translated into acts of opposition to the resource for researchers. Seven of the eight volumes contain prosecution of the war: and the encouragement of ( THE S TAT E 0 FIN D I A N A --~---I-S--:;- 0 R Y 2 0 0 0 ) ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 )

desertion, obstruction of the draft including the murder of Morton and his administration, glimpses of the people of the draft enrollment officers and the destruction of enrollment state can be seen. Public attitudes appear in the sections on records, and the organization of secret groups to aid and abet internal dissent. The concern for women and children on the the Southern rebels. Continuing the wartime partisan ani• home front is evident in the section on relief efforts. Women mosity, Terrell painted Democratic leaders as secretly plotting volunteer nurses are celebrated in the section on the actions to overthrow the state's government. Only the energetic lead• of the Indiana Sanitary Commission/Indiana Military Agency. ership of Morton stopped these disloyal traitors from seizing Terrell's history stands as an important document and source, control of the state and weakening the federal government's the usefulness of which continues today. efforts to suppress the rebellion. Numerous other nineteenth-century works of history shed Throughout the narrative volume, Terrell portrayed light on Indiana's role in the war. Almost all of these books, Governor Morton as the of the hour. Morton deserved essays,and articles focused on battles, campaigns, and military much of the credit for preventing Kentucky from leaving the leaders of the conflict. Along with the myriad personal Union in 1861, and Morton's leadership stopped the accounts, scores of book-length unit histories appeared, Democrats in the Indiana legislature from seizing power from detailing the marches and battles of Indiana volunteer regi• the governor. It was Morton who devised plans to reenlist the ments. Many of these works are valuable additions to the his• veteran regiments by offering the inducement of a furlough. torical literature on the Civil War's military aspects. In the He (and Gov.John Brough of ) came up with the plan to years after the war, Union veterans' organizations celebrated enlist regiments for one hundred days in 1864. And so on. the members' achievements and commemorated the sacri• Terrell wrote: fices of the thousands of dead. These groups, the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) and the Military Order of the Loyal This report does not aspire to the dignity of a history. Legion of the United States (MOLLUS) prominent among It is but a compend of well authenticated facts, reliable them, produced many notable works on the military exploits official documents and accurate statistics. Possibly it of the . Under their aegis, numerous Indiana sol• may furnish some material for history hereafter.4 diers wrote and published accounts, including some detailed analyses of important campaigns and battles.5 The publication Despite his modest claim, Terrell's report constituted the first by the War Department of a massive 128-volume compilation serious history of Indiana's role in the war. He had the moun• of archival documentation served to fuel this work. This tains of records of the adjutant general's office and those of series, The War of the Rebellion: A ComPilation of the Official the governor's office at his fingertips and employed them to Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, known popularly as great effect. While strongly partisan in tone, he was careful to the Official Records (OR), sparked many heated debates among be accurate and solicited detailed reports from military lead• former high-ranking officers eager to vindicate themselves ers, administrators, and bureaucrats. It is also notable that and point the finger of blame at others for battlefield blun• while the focus of the report was clearly on the actions of ders. Several important Indiana commanders participated in ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) c-THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) the of words, including Lew Wallace, Milo S. Hascall, and and that of other historians relied almost exclusively on what Henry B. Carrington.6 information the OR afforded on Indiana, supplemented by At the end of the nineteenth century an influential work Foulke's biography. The result was the development of two of Indiana history appeared. William Dudley Foulke's two• themes: 1) the problem of disloyalty and dissent in the state, volume biography, Life of Oliver P Morton: Including His and 2) the proactive measures of Governor Morton to wage a Important Speeches, was an important work of scholarship on vigorous war in the South and combat disloyalty on the home the key figure in Indiana during the era.7 Foulke was an front. Other themes are absent from the literature. Indeed, in important voice for civil service reform for many years and a the one major work of of the North during the professional author. An erstwhile Wayne County resident and CivilWar, dating from the early years of the twentieth century, friend of the Morton family, Foulke was approached by one of Indiana is hardly mentioned.lO Morton's sons to write the governor's biography. Foulke This focus on the two themes of disloyalty and Morton con• lamented in his autobiography that little of Morton's private tinued to be the norm in discussions of Indiana in the histor• correspondence had survived,S but he employed to good icalliterature for much of the twentieth century. A number of effect the remaining correspondence, letter books, and tele• useful biographies of important Civil War figures from graph books retained by the Morton family, as well as Terrell's Indiana have been written. These include works on Lew history, other published documents, and interviews and remi• Wallace, George W. , , Robert Dale niscences of Morton's contemporaries. The result was a work Owen,John W. Foster, and Walter Q. Gresham.ll Morton, how• that elevated Morton to the highest levels of statesmanship, ever, has remained the focus of attention, and rightly so, since vindicated his controversial directives and moves during the his influence both in the state and in the nation was signifi• war, and absolved him of the charges of dictatorship and ille• cant. Just how significant he was depends on which historian gal measures. In Foulke's view, Morton's energy, determina• you read. Starting with the titanic statesman depicted by tion, and skill saved the state from civil war and disaster. Foulke, other historians had varying takes on the Indiana gov• Foulke's work has been widely cited and remains the only full• ernor. James A. Woodburn in his 1903 essay "Party Politics in length biographical study of the wartime governor. Indiana during the Civil War" portrayed Morton as "a conser• The increase in scholarly attention paid to the Civil War vative but a positive leader, who was ready to temporize, or during the early years of the development of the historical wait on time and public sentiment, for the sake of success."12 profession at the beginning of the twentieth century owed Stampp, in his excellent Indiana Politics during the Civil War, much to the appearance of the Official Records series men• described Morton as a political opportunist, a man of great tioned previously. For example, 's treat• ability, unbounded energy, and ambition, who "never hesi• ment of the rebellion in his History of the United States from the tated to shift his views as the occasion required," and was will• Compromise of 1850, published in eight volumes, is based ing to employ any method to further his ends. Stampp almost solely on the documentation provided in the OR9 The depicted the governor as humorless, intolerant of opposition, treatment of Indiana during the rebellion in Rhodes's work and happily willing to take on the mantle of dictator in order ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) rTHE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 )

to force his will on the state. Although Stampp's portrait of The depiction of Morton and other Northern war lead• Morton is wholly unsympathetic, the author does acknowledge ers as excitable alarmists was a common characteristic of the the war governor's achievements in organizing the state's sig• works of historians keen to elevate Lincoln as the savior of nificant contributions to putting down the rebellion.13 In the nation. Carl Sandburg's biography of Lincoln featured Indiana from Frontier to Industrial Commonwealth, John D. a quaint quote of most dubious origin. Lincoln is credited Barnhart and Donald F. Carmony blame Morton's high-handed as having said that Morton was "at times ... the skeeredest measures for driving opponents into disloyalty and treason.14 man I know of."17David Herbert Donald uses this quote in Other historians held equally unsympathetic views of his Lincoln biography as evidence that the president had Morton. William B. Hesseltine analyzed the relationship difficulty believing Morton's reports of con• between the Northern war governors and President Abraham spiracies.18 Indeed, this accepted view sometimes descends Lincoln. Lincoln and the War Governors had its roots in the New almost to caricature. An example is the grossly inaccurate Deal era of centralizing government and the magnetic leader• view of Morton in a recent work of Richard F. Bensel. Bensel ship of President Franklin Roosevelt. Hesseltine's account of averred that "under and suspension powers, the great national debacle, the Civil War, showed the "shrewd Morton exercised virtual dictatorial authority over the state prairie lawyer" outwitting the Northern governors and claim• of Indiana from 1863 to 1865 after the state legislature, ing real power and authority for the federal government. controlled by the Democratic party, refused to enact war Hesseltine described Morton as an opportunist and a man measures." Three notable errors appear in this single sen• without convictions, albeit possessing great energy, but he tence: 1) Morton mobilized the state militia, calling out all praised Morton as the most efficient western governor. able-bodied men during invasion crises in 1862 and 1863, Morton was an alarmist, impatient, bombastic, and panicky, resisting the imposition of martial law by military com• screaming and begging for the federal government to save manders, especially during the "Morgan Raid" of July 1863; him from imagined or exaggerated disloyal plots. Lincoln, in 2) Morton did not use suspension power-presumably Hesseltine's view,would calmly and patiently reassure the "hys• meaning suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas terical" state leader, guiding him gently but firmly into line. corpus. It was Lincoln who did-and Morton who resisted Thus did Lincoln save the Union and transform the assem• and protested military arrests of Indiana civilians; and

blage of states into a new nation. IS 3) Democrats in the general assembly did not refuse to took a similar view of Morton in his eight-vol• enact war measures in the 1863 session. Rather, Democrats ume work, The Ordeal of the Union. The governor was a "hot• were trying to pass measures to limit Morton's powers as tempered," "explosive" autocrat and easily excitable and governor. Republican legislators skipped town to deny the frightened. Nevins portrayed Morton as a "vehement" radical Democratic majority a quorum.19 who, nonetheless, "carried Indiana through the two crowning Other historians have taken a more balanced view of the years of the war [1863 and 1864] with an energy for which he Indiana war governor. Emma Lou Thornbrough's survey of deserves enduring fame."16 Indiana at midcentury, Indiana in the Civil War Era, 1850-1880, ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) praised Morton for his "organizational genius" and "determina• A rich literature on antiwar dissent in Indiana and sur• tion" as a war governor. But, she wrote, the "personality and rounding Northern states developed in this century. Possibly methods of Governor Morton exacerbated the bitterness and attracted by the drama of secret plots, spies, and skullduggery, fears of his Democratic opponents, and his disregard for consti• historians have examined disloyalty and antiwar sentiment to tutional processes alarmed them."20Lorna Lutes Sylvester's dis• understand the phenomenon of dissent during the great sertation on Morton and Indiana politics during the war national crisis. The subject offers tremendous potential for acknowledged his egotism, imperial self-confidence, and arro• scholars to delve into the motivations and actions of persons gance. At the same time, Sylvester worked to counteract the who heretofore rarely have been mentioned in discussions of demonization of Morton by other historians. Her analysis the Civil War: the civilian on the home front. Unfortunately, demonstrated Morton has been blamed for things he did not the scholarship has been of very uneven quality and has not do, such as fabricating the existence of secret societies, demand• tapped that potential. ing military trials for civilians, and illegal operation of state gov• James Ford Rhodes's treatment of dissent and organized dis• ernment. Rather, Sylvester placed equal if not more blame on loyalty discounted the threat posed to the Northern war effort. "malevolent, malicious, backward-looking" Indiana Democrats Rhodes claimed it was "almost certain" that disaffected for transcending loyal opposition and venturing into "unjustifi• Northerners would not rise up in arms when rebel troops able faction" by supporting "insupportable views" and policies invaded Indiana in 1863. In the following year Morton was based on their poor grounding in the reality of the rebellion.21 "undoubtedly more afraid" of losing to his Democratic guber• There has been no consensus on the character of Morton natorial rival than of a rising of the Sons of Liberty, a secret dis• and his role in the state's history. He is either a towering loyal organization tied to the Democratic party that allegedly statesman, genius, and dynamo, or a villain and political plotted an uprising in Indiana before the election.22 Mayo chameleon. But, clearly, Morton must be seen as one of the Fesler's 1918 essay published in the Indiana Magazine of History paramount leaders in the North during the rebellion. It would on antigovernment secret societies was the first significant work be time well spent for scholars to return to the subject of on dissent. Focusing on developments in Indiana, Fesler also Morton and reexamine his role in light of the growing litera• discounted the threat of subversion. Instead, Fesler argued that ture on Northern war politics in the states and Washington, Republican politicians magnified any threat for electoral pur• D.C. Closer scrutiny of Northern war leadership outside the poses, painting all Democrats as disloyal rebel sympathizers.23 White House would correct the unfortunately distorted, but The theme of minimal threat and Republican manipulation of popular, view of the martyred Lincoln as national savior. The the fear of insurrection has been echoed by many other histo• somewhat unfashionable medium of historical biography can rians. Nevins likened it to the ghost in Hamlet "It was here, it still yield impressive results. The recent reorganization of wasthere, it was nowhere."24Stampp stressed the incompetence thousands of pages of Morton records in the Indiana State of the leadership of the secret groups and noted that they Archives, which facilitates their use, along with new discover• served primarily as foils for Republican electoral victories in ies of records therein, should serve as incentives to historians. 1864. Morton's spies kept him apprised of all the plotters' ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) C THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) doings. Thus, concluded Stampp, Morton "had no reason to Liberty were traitorous were, in Klement's view, merely a fear [the Sons of Liberty] as a menace to domestic peace."25 "smear campaign" created by Morton and his henchmen "to The leading historian of dissent and disloyalty in the North justify his high-handed measures, to win elections, and to dis• during the Civil War, Frank L. Klement, developed the theme credit the Democratic opposition." Klement dismissed the of minimal threat and Republican manipulation of the "exposes" of the organization, seizure of boxes of firearms, evidence of Democratic disloyalty in a series of articles and and the subsequent treason trials before a military commis• books published over many years. Klement's book, The sion in Indianapolis as "wanton" fabrications.28 Clearly not sat• Copperheads in the Middle West, challenged the traditional view isfied that his views were widely accepted, Klement rehashed that many Democratic leaders and party rank and file were these same themes in a later book, Dark Lanterns: Secret disloyal and plotted insurrection. He depicted the Political Societies, Conspiracies, and Treason Trials in the Civil War. Copperheads-those excoriated by Republicans-as conser• Klement discounted everything said by Morton and other pro• vative Democrats reacting to events brought about by the war. Union partisans, even in private communications, and he Klement's Copperheads opposed the wartime measures of the credited any and all utterances by Democrats in defense of Lincoln administration that threatened their Jeffersonian their views and actions.29 Klement's partisanship seriously ideals. Midwestern Copperheadism, he wrote, "was a tangle of undermines his credibility. It may be possible that Klement, economic, religious, social, personal, and sectional threads ... writing at the height and aftermath of the McCarthy witch• colored by a conservatism that opposed the changes which the hunts, was more intent on vindicating the reputations of the Civil War was slowly but surely bringing to America."26 As Copperhead leaders than analyzing the phenomenon. Robert H. Abzug correctly observed in his bibliographical Klement's self-described "revisionist" thesis that the Sons essay, "The Copperheads: Historical Approaches to Civil War of Liberty and other secret antigovernment groups were never Dissent in the Midwest," Klement used the term Copperheads more than paper tigers has taken hold in historical circles. interchangeably with that of Democrats, or more accurately, Gilbert R. Tredway's Democratic Opposition to the Lincoln the Peace Democrats.27 Klement dismissed as complete fabri• Administration in Indiana constitutes a more complete and cations wartime reports of secret societies in Indiana and thorough sifting of many available records. Tredway accented other Midwest states. Military officers and Republican politi• many of Klement's contentions specific to Indiana but cians "concocted an assortment of cock-and-bull stories" for rejected others. As in Klement's works, conservative, agrarian political purposes. Some Democrats in 1863 began a peace Jeffersonian Democrats in Indiana became threatened by war movement intent on compromise with the rebels, while others policies thrust on them by the Lincoln administration. established the Sons of Liberty as a secret auxiliary to the Republican wartime propaganda transformed legitimate dis• party, in Klement's words, to "help win elections, give support sent into tales of traitorous secret organizations plotting sub• to weak-kneed Democrats, infuse new life into the party, and version. Tredway doubted that the Knights of the Golden counteract the effective work of the Union Leagues," the Circle ever existed in Indiana. Nevertheless, Tredway departed Republicans' pro-Union organization. Stories that the Sons of from Klement to give greater credence to the existence C THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000) C THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 )

by mid-1864 of the Sons of Liberty as one of several "anti• ogy among the rural yeomanry, as Churchill calls them, fueled administration secret orders whose military potential was con• their actions to take up arms. Churchill saw the rural siderable." Confederate agents and midwestern leaders of yeomanry as an independent force from the small-town and secret societies did plan armed insurrection in the summer of city-based leadership of the Democratic party, a force willing 1864. Democratic party leaders recoiled from the plan and to make active resistance to the government.33 tried to dissuade the "hotheads." Furthermore, Tredway con• Again, there is little consensus on the character and moti• cluded that, contrary to Klement, in 1863 and 1864 "a grave vations of the dissenters. The recent work of Long and danger of a spontaneous revolt existed .... The fact that it did Churchill is buttressed by the employment of primary sources not come seems due as much to chance as to management."30 not used by Klement, Tredway, and others. For instance, nei• Klement's "revisionist" thesis has been accepted widely. ther Klement nor Tredway employed the personal papers of Indeed, Mark Neely, Jr., formerly historian at the Lincoln Henry B. Carrington, Morton's military lieutenant and spy• Museum at Fort Wayne, wrote in 1991 that "Klement ... has master, in their studies. Churchill's work is especially note• proved, beyond any reasonable doubt, that no systematic, worthy for his extensive research into federal court records organized disloyal opposition to the war existed in the and records of the district provost marshals of Indiana found North."31 More recently, however, some reasonable doubts to in the National Archives, which Klement and others did not the Klement thesis have emerged. David E. Long's book, The cite. As mentioned before, recent reorganization of Civil War• Jewel of Liberty: '5 Reelection and the End of era records in the Indiana State Archives provides new , challenged several aspects of Klement's thesis. In an avenues for research into the questions of dissent and disloy• analysis of the 1864 presidential election, Long pointed to sev• alty. A large group of records of the Indiana Legion, the state eral errors based on selective emphasis and reading of evi• militia that played an important role in suppressing dissent dence in Klement's work that distorted the significance of the during the war, is organized and available. These records pro• activities of the Copperheads and minimized their threat. vide many glimpses into affairs in Indiana. Long concluded that men from Indiana and other Northern In summary, the of Indiana in the CivilWar states did actively plot with agents of the Confederate govern• has focused almost solely on political elites. Researchers and ment in their effort to raise revolt in the North and thwart the historians need to develop the social history of the war in reelection of Lincoln.32Another historian, Robert Churchill, Indiana and to integrate the political and social themes into a has recently examined the conspiracy efforts of the secret soci• larger picture. Some work has been done on this score. eties in Indiana. Churchill's article points to the motivations Thomas E. Rodgers's dissertation and recent articles on polit• of members of the secret societies in order to explain their ical ideology in the west-central part ofIndiana during the war willingness to rise up violently against their government. use rigorous statistical analysis of census, election, and draft Threats to personal liberty, local autonomy, and white enrollment records, along with manuscript collections of supremacy prompted resistance to draft enrollment and mili• Indiana citizens, to form an idea of the political character of tary arrest. The persistence of revolutionary libertarian ideol- the population.34 Significant work has recently been done on ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ) ( THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 )

the aims and motivations of the thousands of Northern sol• that are released from the cone by fire's heat can germinate. diers who left home to suppress the rebellion.35 Nicole That is why I conclude that although the fire of one hundred Etcheson's study of the development of a regional political and thirty years of writing on the Civil War in Indiana has and social culture in the Midwest provides a framework for scorched the earth, the soil can be more fertile and fruitful future work.36The publication of the letters and diaries of than ever. individual soldiers from Indiana is an important step in learn• ing about the men who did the fighting. This is a fine way to intertwine military and social history threadsY Although this is an admirable start, more needs to be done. Local commu• Notes nity studies such as those published for cities, towns, and rural 1. Kenneth M. Stampp, ed., The Causes of the Civil War (Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: areas in other states would assist immensely and obviate the Prentice-Hall, 1974), 1. 2. Catharine Merrill, The Soldier of Indiana in the War for the Union, 2 vols. many vague generalizations that plague the existing literature. (Indianapolis: Merrill and Co., 1866-69). 3. W. H. H. Terrell, Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Indiana, 8 vols. This is a serious void in the historiography.38 Noncombatant (Indianapolis: State Printer, 1865-59), l:iii. women and children and Mrican Americans have been left 4. Ibid., l:introductory note. 5. Not to be forgotten are the commemorative works produced to sanctity cer• out of the picture entirely, and their experiences need to be tain Civil War battlefields. See Indiana at Chickamauga, 1863: Report of the Indiana integrated into the study of the war. This is being done else• Commissioners, Chickamauga National Military Park (Indianapolis: Sentinel Printing Co., 1900); Indiana at Shiloh: Report of the Commission (Indianapolis: Indiana Shiloh National where but needs to be done for Indiana.39 Religion and the Park Commission, 1904); and Indiana at Vicksburg:Published Pursuant to an Act of the Sixty• rebellion has gained some attention, but deserves more.40 Eric sixth General Assembly, Approved March 5, 1909 by the Indiana-Vicksburg Military Park Commission (Indianapolis: William B. Burford, 1911). T. Dean's Indiana-centered analysis of mental illness deriving 6. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and from in the Civil War is an exemplar of the Confederate Armies, 128 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901) . kind of work that can be done using sources seldom before 7. William Dudley Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton: Including His Important Speeches, employed.4! Studies on the draft in Indiana, the phenomena 2 vols. (Indianapolis: Bowen-Merrill, 1899). 8. William Dudley Foulke, A Hoosier Autobiography (New York: Oxford University of desertion and draft dodging, violence, the military arrests Press, 1922),206. of civilians in Indiana, and other topics are needed. An analy• 9. James Ford Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, 8vols. (New York: Macmillan Co., 1893-1928). sis of the Indiana Legion during the Civil War would yield 10. Emerson David Fite, Social and Industrial Conditions in the North during the Civil many useful insights. Such topics and more await enterprising War (1910; reprint, Williamstown, Mass.: Corner House, 1976). 11. See Robert E. Morsberger and Katharine M. Morsberger, Lew Wallace:Militant graduate students and senior scholars alike should they Romantic (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980); Richard William Leopold, Robert Dale Owen: A decide to venture into these realms. BiograPhy, Harvard Historical Studies, vol. 45 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1940); Patrick W. Riddleberger, , Radical Republican: A Despite the large outpouring of works on the Civil War, Study in Nineteenth-Century Politics and Reform, Indiana Historical Collections, vol. 45 much needs still to be done. Forest biologists know that eco• (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1966); Willard H. Smith, Schuyler Colfax: The Changing Fortunes of a Political Idol, Indiana Historical Collections,vol. 33 (Indianapolis: logical regeneration often occurs most readily after the forest Indiana Historical Bureau, 1952); Charles W. Calhoun, Cato: The Life of Walter burns down. The ashes enrich the soil; plant species that Q. Gresham (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1988); and Michael J. Devine,john W.Foster:Politics and Diplomacy in the Imperial Era, 1873-1917 (Athens: heretofore had been choked out can see the light. Pine seeds Press, 1981). THE S TAT E o F INDIANA HISTORY 2000 ( ) C THE STATE OF INDIANA HISTORY 2000 )

12. James A. Woodburn, "Party Politics in Indiana during the Civil War," in ground in two essays: "Frank Klement Revisited: Disloyalty and Treason in the American Annual Report oj the American Historical Association Jor the Year 1902 (Washington, D.C.: Civil War," Lincoln Herald (fall 1995): 99-115 and" 'I Say We Can Control That Government Printing Office, 1903). Election': Confederate Policy Towards the 1864 U.S. Presidential Election," ibid. (fall 13. Kenneth M. Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, Indiana Historical 1997): 111-29. Collections,vol. 31 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1949),59,82-83, 185. 33. Robert Churchill, "Liberty, , and Delusions of Grandeur: The 14. John D. Barnhart and Donald F. Carmony, Indiana from Frontier to Industrial Sons of Liberty Conspiracy of 1863-1864," Prologue30 (winter 1998): 295-303. Commonwealth, 4 vols. (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1954), 2:ii, 179. 34. Thomas E. Rodgers, "Northern Political Ideologies in the Civil War Era: West• 15. William B. Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors (New York: Alfred A. Central Indiana, 1860-1866," (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1991). See also his Knopf, 1948), vi, 42, 153, 210, 240. "Liberty, Will, and Violence: The Political Ideology of the Democrats of West-Central 16. Allan Nevins, The Ordeal oj the Union, vol. 5, The War Jor the Union: The Indiana during the Civil War," Indiana Magazine oj History 92 Gune 1996): 133-59 and Impoverished War, 1861-1862 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1959), 347 and vol. 6, "Republicans and Drifters: Political Affiliation and Union Army Volunteers in West• The WarJor the Union: War BecomesRevolution, 1862-1863 (New York: Charles Scribner's Central Indiana," ibid. (Dee. 1996): 321-45. Sons, 1960), 391, 392. 35. Gerald F. Linderman, Embattled Courage: The Experience oj Combat in the 17. Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln: The War Years,4 vols. (New York: Harcourt (New York: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1987); Reid Mitchell, The Brace, 1939), 2:244. Vacant Chair: The Northern SoldierLeaves Home (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); 18. David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995),419. Earl J. Hess, The Union Soldier in : Enduring the Ordeal oj Combat (Lawrence: However, another leading Lincoln scholar did not place credence in the purported University Press of Kansas, 1997); James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why quote. The quotation rates a "C" for being recorded noncontemporaneously, in 1892, Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Joseph Allan by William B. Wilson. See Don E. Fehrenbacher and Fehrenbacher, eds., Frank, With Ballot and Bayonet: The Political Socialization oj American Civil War Soldiers RecollectedWords ojAbraham Lincoln (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996),449. (Athens: University of Press, 1998). 19. Richard F. Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins oj Central State Authority in 36. Nicole Etcheson, The Emerging Midwest: Upland Southerners and the Political American, 1859-1877 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 144 n. Culture oj the Old Northwest, 1787-1861 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996). 99. Other historians simply misidentiry Morton. See John Niven, Salmon P Chase: A 37. Recent works include William Winters, The Musick oJthe Mocking Birds, the Roar BiograPhy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995),338, where the Indiana governor oj the Cannon: The Civil War Diary and Letters oj William Winters, ed. Steven E. Woodworth is confused with New York banker Levi P. Morton. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), and George W. Squier, This Wilderness oj 20. Emma Lou Thornbrough, Indiana in the Civil War Era, 1850-1880, The History War: The Civil War Letters oj GeorgeW Squier, Hoosier Volunteer, eds. Julie A. Doyle, John oj Indiana, vol. 3 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1965), 106-7, 182. David Smith, and Richard M. McMurray (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 21. Lorna Lutes Sylvester, "Oliver P. Morton and Hoosier Politics during the Civil 1998). War" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1968), 115, 292, 301-2, 293-94, 297-98. 38. Recent local community studies to appear include Richard F. Nation, "Home 22. Rhodes, History oJthe United Statesfrom the Compromiseoj 1850, vol. 5:317, 319-20. in the Hoosier Hills: Agriculture, Politics, and Religion in Southern Indiana, 23. Mayo Fesler, "Secret Political Societies in the North during the Civil War," 1810-1870," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1995); Lawrence M. Lipin, Indiana Magazine oj History 14 (Sept. 1918): 183-86. Producers,Proletarians, and Politicians: Workersand Party Politicsin Evansville and New Albany, 24. Nevins, War BecomesRevolution, 391. Indiana, 1850--1887 (Urbana: University of Press, 1994); and Darrel E. Bigham, 25. Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, 241. Towns and Villages oj the Lower Ohio (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998). 26. Frank L. Klement, The Copperheadsin the Middle West (Chicago: University of 39. For recent work on children, see James Marten, The Children's Civil War Chicago Press, 1960),21,37. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998). See also Maureen A. Reynolds, 27. Robert H. Abzug, "The Copperheads: Historical Approaches to Civil War "Politics and Indiana's Public Schools during the Civil War Era, 1850-1875" (Ph.D. diss., Dissent in the Midwest," Indiana Magazine oj History 66 (Mar. 1970): 50. Indiana University, 1997). William R. Forstchen, "The 28th United States Colored 28. Klement, Copperheadsin the Middle West,89, 134, 159, 196 and "Carrington and Troops: Indiana's African-Americans Go to War, 1863-1865" (Ph.D. diss., Purdue the Golden Circle Legend in Indiana during the Civil War," Indiana Magazine oj History University, 1994), offers social analysis of the men who enlisted in the regiment. 61 (Mar. 1965): 52. 40. See Rodgers, "Northern Political Ideologies in the Civil War Era," and Nation, 29. Frank L. Klement, Dark Lanterns: Secret Political Societies, Conspiracies, and "Home in the Hoosier Hills," for analyses of the role of religion in political life. See also Treason Trials in the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1984). Bryon C. Andreasen, "'As Good a Right to Pray': Copperhead Christians on the 30. Gilbert R. Tredway, Democratic Opposition to the Lincoln Administration in Northern Civil War Home Front" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana• Indiana, Indiana Historical Collections,vol. 48 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, Champaign, 1998). 1973),108-113,119,135,280-81. 41. Eric T. Dean,Jr., Shook Over Hell: Post-Traumatic Stress, Vietnam, and the Civil War 31. Mark E. Neely, Jr., The Fate oj Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties (New (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997). York: Oxford University Press, 1991), xii. 32. David E. Long, The Jewel oj Liberty: Abraham Lincoln's Reelection and the End oj Slavery (Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Stackpole, 1994), 131-53. Long also covered the same