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Confirmation Bias, Ingroup Bias, and Negativity Bias in Selective CRXXXX10.1177/0093650217719596Communication ResearchKnobloch-Westerwick et al. 719596research-article2017 Article Communication Research 1 –21 Confirmation Bias, Ingroup © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: Bias, and Negativity Bias in sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650217719596DOI: 10.1177/0093650217719596 Selective Exposure to journals.sagepub.com/home/crx Political Information Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick1, Cornelia Mothes1, and Nick Polavin1 Abstract Selective reading of political online information was examined based on cognitive dissonance, social identity, and news values frameworks. Online reports were displayed to 156 Americans while selective exposure was tracked. The news articles that participants chose from were either conservative or liberal and also either positive or negative regarding American political policies. In addition, information processing styles (cognitive reflection and need-for-cognition) were measured. Results revealed confirmation and negativity biases, per cognitive dissonance and news values, but did not corroborate the hypothesis derived from social identity theory. Greater cognitive reflection, greater need-for-cognition, and worse affective state fostered the confirmation bias; stronger social comparison tendency reduced the negativity bias. Keywords selective exposure, confirmation bias, social identity, news values, political information Audience members predominantly select what media messages they attend to and thus shape their individual information environments. Biases in political media coverage have long raised concerns among scholars (e.g., D’Alessio & Allen, 2000), but media users play a pivotal role in creating their own potentially biased information environ- ment by selectively attending political messages. Specifically in the Internet age, where information selection has become particularly convenient due to online access, 1The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA Corresponding Author: Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick, The Ohio State University, 154 N Oval Mall, Columbus, OH 43210, USA. Email: [email protected] 2 Communication Research 00(0) many scholars are concerned with factors that may result in biased message consump- tion (e.g., Bennett & Iyengar, 2008). Festinger’s (1957) theory of cognitive dissonance guided numerous studies that investigated whether media users prefer attitude-consis- tent content over attitude-discrepant messages (Donsbach, 2009). Another theory by Festinger (1954), social comparison theory, inspired social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), which has guided some recent research into news selection and pro- cessing (e.g., Iyengar, Sood, & Lelkes, 2012; Stroud, Muddiman, & Lee, 2014). Per social identity theory, media consumers should prefer messages that present their ingroup in a favorable light, even though classic news factors research suggests that news consumers are generally more attracted to negative news. In the following, these three theoretical perspectives will be reviewed to derive hypotheses. What information recipients choose to attend to is of central interest to this investigation. The term selective exposure is used here simply to denote that indi- viduals choose from messages and exhibit preferences in those selections, which may take the form of a confirmation bias but can also demonstrate other leanings. An empirical study will examine the confirmation bias, the ingroup bias, and the negativ- ity bias simultaneously in a selective exposure study in which American participants browsed online messages that aligned either with liberal or conservative stances and that either praised or critiqued the United States in comparison with another country. Confirmation Bias: A Cognitive Dissonance Perspective The postulation that individuals prefer messages that align preexisting attitudes over those messages that challenge them (Festinger, 1957) has not found consistent support throughout decades of research (Donsbach, 2009). Specific meta-analytic examination with focus on postdecision selective-exposure in controlled settings did indeed sup- port Festinger’s (1957) propositions (D’Alessio & Allen, 2002). A recent surge of empirical investigations in particular for political news and information, with an emphasis on online contexts, has yielded more and more consensus that information users favor attitude-consistent messages (e.g., review by Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). While debate exists on whether the avoidance of attitude-discrepant messages is as strong as the preference for attitude-consistent content (Garrett, 2009) and how the confirmation bias may foster political polarization (e.g., Iyengar et al., 2012; Stroud, 2010), the current view is that information users generally approach political messages with a confirmation bias. Hence, the present work also expects to find evi- dence of this bias. Hypothesis 1 (H1): Selective exposure is greater for political messages that align with preexisting political attitudes than selective exposure to messages that chal- lenge them (confirmation bias). Given the concern that citizens may restrict themselves largely to attitude-consis- tent information with negative consequences for political discourse and polarization (Bennett & Iyengar, 2008; Knobloch-Westerwick, 2012), stable and situational factors that might moderate the extent of this confirmation bias need to be examined. Stable Knobloch-Westerwick et al. 3 interindividual differences have occasionally been examined (dogmatism, authoritari- anism, chronic anxiety, and repression/sensitization; see reviews by Hart et al., 2009; Smith, Fabrigar, & Norris, 2008). Recent work suggests that information processing styles and the way in which attitude-consistent versus attitude-discrepant exposure is operationalized may affect the confirmation bias and its consequences for attitudes: Specifically, Taber and Lodge (2006) proposed that barring attitude-discrepant influ- ences takes cognitive efforts. Simply put, selecting information that converges with preexisting views involves more cognitive engagement and preliminary processing of cues about the content of available messages than relatively mindless message choices. Thus, with the second hypothesis, the present work will also examine whether these stable interindividual differences in information processing styles influence the con- firmation bias—also in light of the fact that the ample related research has only rarely considered such traits (Hart et al., 2009; Smith et al., 2008). Research by Kahan (2013) suggests that the tendency to override first intuitive conclusions in favor of more thoughtful processing as measured by Frederick’s (2005) cognitive reflection (CR) test favors even greater motivated processing along the lines of a confirmation bias, in line with Taber and Lodge’s notion. Furthermore, need for cognition (NFC) as the general motivation to engage in thorough processing should foster a greater confirma- tion bias accordingly, as proposed in the following. Hypothesis 2 (H2): Information processing styles (a) CR and (b) NFC increase the extent of selective exposure to attitude-consistent messages (confirmation bias). Moreover, affect as a situational factor will be considered because Festinger (1957) suggested that the confirmation bias results from a desire to reduce or avoid unpleas- ant states of dissonance; indeed, earlier work (Jonas, Graupmann, & Frey, 2006) dem- onstrated that a negative mood led to a stronger confirmation bias. Hypothesis 3 (H3): A less positive affective state increases the extent of selective exposure to attitude-consistent messages. Another lens in studying selection biases in political information use has applied a social identity perspective to the phenomenon. For example, source cues have often served to lead media users to anticipate attitude-consistent versus attitude-discrepant messages (e.g., Iyengar & Hahn, 2009)—Relatedly, source and media perceptions have recently been interpreted from a social identity perspective because media users tend to be more familiar with sources that are aligned with their political views and may perceive them as ingroup sources (Stroud et al., 2014). This line of work utilized partisanship as a type of social identity. To extend this approach, the next section will explore the social identity perspective with regard to nationality. Ingroup Bias: A Social Identity Perspective Numerous scholars have drawn upon social identity theory to study news content (Jones & Sheets, 2009; Rivenburgh, 2000) and consumption (e.g., Gilmore, Meeks, & Domke, 4 Communication Research 00(0) 2013; Hoffner & Rehkoff, 2011). Social identity theory suggests that individuals cate- gorize themselves and others into groups, with those groups they consider themselves to be a part of as ingroups and the others as outgroups (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Hence, individuals think of themselves as having not only an individual “personal identity” but also a “social identity” defined by these group memberships. The theory further postu- lates ingroup favoritism such that individuals aim to derive positive self-esteem from differentiating their ingroups from relevant comparison outgroups such that the com- parison sheds a favorable light on the ingroup. Several studies have fruitfully applied this perspective to news exposure. For example, Hoffner and Rehkoff (2011) inter- preted voters’ perceptions of preelection coverage and found that Republicans per- ceived the outgroup, defined as partisans
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