Heintzenberg, Herrle, Kreibich (Eds.) Kreibich Herrle, Heintzenberg, Sterly, Hackenbroch, Kraas, Frauke Kraas, Kirsten Hackenbroch, Harald Sterly, Jost Heintzenberg, Peter Herrle and Volker Kreibich (Eds.) Megacities – Megachallenge: Informal Dynamics of Global Change. Insights from , Bangladesh and Pearl River Delta, China

Megacities are gaining importance as hubs of globalisation processes in a world Mega increasingly dominated by cities. A deeper understanding of the multiple causes and drivers of their development is needed to shape the global urban transfor- mation towards sustainability. The interdisciplinary research programme “Megacities – Megachallenge: Cities Informal Dynamics of Global Change” aimed at understanding the connections between informal mega-urban processes and global change by investigating the situation in the two mega-urban areas of the Pearl River Delta/China and Dhaka/Bangladesh. The research focused on processes and interactions in

Megacities – Megachallenge Mega governance and self-organisation, differentiation of urban economies, dynamics four fields with high development dynamics and social relevance: new forms of of matter and resource flows, and informal settlement development. Challenge Informal Dynamics of Global Change Insights from Dhaka, Bangladesh and Pearl River Delta, China

Frauke Kraas, Kirsten Hackenbroch, 978-3-443-01103-1 Harald Sterly, Jost Heintzenberg,    www.borntraeger-cramer.de Borntraeger Science Publishers Peter Herrle and Volker Kreibich (Eds.) Mega Cities Mega Challenge Urban transformation in

Photo: Frauke Kraas Mega Cities Mega Challenge Informal Dynamics of Global Change Insights from Dhaka, Bangladesh and Pearl River Delta, China

Frauke Kraas, Kirsten Hackenbroch, Harald Sterly, Jost Heintzenberg, Peter Herrle and Volker Kreibich (Eds.)

Borntraeger Science Publishers Stuttgart 2019

• Dhaka harbour

Photo: Frauke Kraas 5 Imprint © 2019 Gebr. Borntraeger Verlags- buchhandlung, Stuttgart, Germany Megacities - Megachallenge All rights reserved. No part of this Informal Dynamics of Global Change publication may be reproduced, stored Insights from Dhaka, Bangladesh and in a retrieval system, or transmitted, Pearl River Delta, China in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording, We would be pleased to receive your or otherwise, without the prior written comments on the content of this book: permission of Gebr. Borntraeger Verlags- [email protected] buchhandlung.

Front cover: Publisher: Transformation process in Dhaka Gebr. Borntraeger Verlagsbuchhandlung Photo: Frauke Kraas Johannesstr. 3A, 70176 Stuttgart, Germany Back cover: [email protected] Urban disparities in Dhaka www.borntraeger-cramer.de Photo: Frauke Kraas Printed on permanent paper conforming The priority programme (SPP1233)  to ISO 9706-1994 was funded by the German Research Foundation between 2006 and 2013. Designkonzept: Anna B. Design, Berlin ISBN 978-3-443-01103-1 Information on this title: Layout: www.borntraeger-cramer.com Designbüro Stefanie Naumann, Köln /9783443011031 Regine Spohner, Köln

Printed in Germany by: Gulde-Druck GmbH & Co. KG, Tübingen

This book has been published under the Creative Commons Open Access License CC-BY-NC (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) ISBN eBook: 978-3-443-01105-5 Contents

11 Acknowledgements

1 Introduction 14 Introduction to the SSP

2 Megacities 24 2.1 Global Megacity Dynamics 40 2.2 Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration 52 2.3 The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region 7 3 Research 66 3.1 Governance Processes 80 3.2 Migration and Migrants in the City 96 3.3 Rising Economies 112 3.4 Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities 126 3.5 Public Health and Urban Environments 142 3.6 Global Change 148 3.7 Informality

4 Pathways 160 4.1 Coordinating the Research Programme 164 4.2 Research Partners 170 4.3 Methodological Challenges 174 4.4 Interdisciplinarity

5 180 5.1 Objectives and Outcomes of the Research ReflectionsProgramme and Outlook 182 5.2 186 5.3 PolicyReflections Interface on the Research Process 190 5.4 OutlookReflections on the Science-Practice/

6 Follow up 198 6.1 References 220 6.2 List of Members 224 6.3 Editors and Authors

In memoriam Hans-Georg Bohle, Detlef Ipsen und Günter Mertins Urban Market in Dhaka

Photo : Kirsten Hackenbroch Acknowledgements

In May 2005, the Senate of the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG) endorsed the priority programme ‘Megacities – Megachallenge: Informal Dynamics of Global Change’ (SPP 1233). Its idea and aim was to gain deeper understanding of one of the most important mechanisms and practices of worldwide urbanisation – the dynamics of informality within megacities.

Between 2006 and 2013, thirteen joint international research groups could - within the framework of this programme - conduct intensive research work in and with colleagues from Dhaka/Bangladesh and the Pearl River Delta (PRD)/China. Thus, altogether more than 120 colleagues, among them numerous PhD candidates and PostDoc scholars, from sixteen different disciplines enjoyed the privilege of interdisciplinary and international research and exchange. In more than 250

in detail. They are visible proof of the deep mutual learning process experienced by scholarspublications, from the Bangladesh, rich findings China and and new Germany insights – have who been shared elaborated their knowledge and explained and perspectives in order to enhance understanding of processes, mechanisms, agents and agency that contribute to the informal drivers of and negotiations within megacities. The present book documents the conceptual frame, the aims and

recommendations of SPP 1233 in Dhaka and the Pearl River Delta. perspectives, the learning process and pathways, the research findings and The priority programme could not have been conducted without the long-standing collaboration and constant support of countless dedicated scholars in numerous universities and institutions in Bangladesh, China and Germany. We are sincerely 11 individuals who, with great kindness and patience, supported the work with information,thankful to many data colleagues,and advice, department and shared knowledgeheads, officials, and experiencestaff members over and many other years. First and foremost, we would like to express our sincere thanks to the German Research Foundation (DFG) and all the evaluators and colleagues involved for having

Karteenabled from the the thirteen German research Research teams Foundation to participate for his in invaluable flagship research support in and the very trustfulemerging cooperation field of mega-urbanisation. for more than ten Particularly, years. We are we most are indebted sincerely to thankful Dr. Johannes to numerous colleagues in Bangladesh and China for their trust, support and openness to jointly explore and work with us in the joint research programme and projects over the many years in which the SPP gained shape. We owe sincere gratitude to the Rectors and Heads of the Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) in Dhaka and the School of Geographical Sciences and Planning, Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou as our lead partner institutions. Many colleagues from further institutions – all named later in this book – provided valuable support to the research work and deserve heartfelt thanks. We thank all our colleagues and project team members – all personally named later in the book – for their strong commitment, their creative ideas and passionate engagement over many years.

Sincere thanks are due to all our co-authors of this book, for their excellent contributions and great patience. We owe special thanks to Prof. Anna Berkenbusch, Stefanie Naumann and Dr. Regine Spohner for the layout, Katharine Thomas for the thorough translation and English correction and Dr. Andreas Nägele of Borntraeger/ Schweizerbart for the very supportive publishing surroundings.

Frauke Kraas, Kirsten Hackenbroch, Harald Sterly, Jost Heintzenberg, Peter Herrle and Volker Kreibich Cologne, Dhaka, Bonn, Osnabrück, Berlin and Dortmund, November 2018 Introduction

Korail in Dhaka Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch 1 1 Introduction to the SPP Frauke Kraas, Kirsten Hackenbroch, Harald Sterly, Jost Heintzenberg, Peter Herrle and Volker Kreibich

In May 2005, the Senate of the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG) endorsed the priority programme ‘Megacities – Megachallenge: Informal Dynamics of Global Change’ (SPP 1233). For seven years (2006-2013), thirteen joint, international and interdisciplinary research groups conducted research in Dhaka, Bangladesh, and the Pearl River Delta (PRD), China, within the framework of this programme. Seventeen German and eleven Chinese and Bangladesh universities with approximately 120 researchers, among them thirty-seven PhD candidates and thirteen PostDocs were involved. The strongly interlinked research projects investigated the informal aspects of mega-urban dynamics and their interrelations with global change processes. The aims of the priority programme (SPP) were to gain a deeper understanding of the different forms, processes and practices of informality and to contribute to the development of theoretical approaches and models suitable for the general explanation of informal processes and structures in megacities.

This implied Further development of theoretical concepts of the mega-urban, national and global organisation of� society, economy, politics and their interrelations, (Re)conceptualisation of informality with a system of concepts better representing the complex, multi- layered� and dynamic reality, Further deepening of the understanding of informal institutions and processes as well as their relevance for mega-urban� dynamics and actors, and Further development of existing models and 15 scenarios, especially considering multidisciplinary approaches,� quantitative and qualitative methods and the complex dynamics of mega-urban systems.

Four key problem areas, identified by their highly dynamic nature and considerable social relevance, were central to the programme: The loss of planning control and governability and

� The dominance and differentiation of urban economies,the influence of new forms of governance, � The complexity and dynamics of material and

� The multi-layered dynamics of settlement development.resource flows, and � The complex and dynamic nature of mega-urban processes requires a dedicated interdisciplinary and SSP Research in PRD SSP Research in Dhaka and urban health Internal andinternational migrant communities inthePearl River Delta/China–linkinginformal migration dynamics, global change University) University) Prof. Dr. Werner Breitung (Sun Yat-sen (Hamburg University), ofKassel),(University Dr. Michael Waibel self-organization �Prof. Dr. Uwe Altrock to informal development and in thePearl River Delta–withspecialregard differentiation ofurban governance modes Border-drawing andspatial Prof. Dr. Manfred Wendisch ofLeipzig) (University studies �Prof. Dr. Alexander Krämer ofBielefeld), (University Prof. Dr. JostHeintzenberg (LeibnizInstitute for Tropospheric Research), Satellite-based aerosol mappingover megacities: Development ofmethodologyandapplicationinhealthclimate related (University ofKiel)(University River Delta�Prof. Dr. Rafig Azzam, Prof. Dr. ChristianL.Krause (Technical Aachen University Prof. Dr. University), Rainer Wehrhahn Analysis ofinformal dynamics inmega urban areas –Based onspatialstructure andsteering mechanismsfocused onwater inthePearl Prof. Dr. Alexander Krämer ofBielefeld) (University (INNOVATE) �Prof. Dr. WilfriedEndlicher, Prof. Dr. ElmarKulke, Prof. Dr. Patrick Berlin), Hostert (allHumboldtUniversity Informal settlements,economicandenvironmental change,andpublichealth-Strategies to improve thequalityoflife inDhaka ofBonn),Dr.(University Wolfgang-Peter Zingel ofHeidelberg) (University The megaurban food system ofDhaka/Bangladesh �Prof. Dr. Hans-Georg Bohle � Prof. Dr. Prof. Dr. SabineBaumgart, Volker Kreibich (Technical Dortmund) University informal andstatutory planninginstitutionsinDhaka, Bangladesh The struggle for urban livelihoods andthequestfor afunctionalcity. Reconciling (University ofCologne)(University ofGießen), Prof.(University Dr. Frauke Kraas Prof. Dr. Ingo Liefner, Dr. Stefan Hennemann (Kiel Institute for the World Economy), Dr. DeanSpinanger, Dr. Dirk Dohse of Hanover), Prof. Dr. Rüdiger Soltwedel, Dr. Daniel Schiller (University and thePRD�Prof. Dr. JavierRevilla Diez, Regional agilityandupgrading inHongKong Mechanisms �Prof. Dr. Peter Herrle (Technical Berlin), ofKassel) Detlev University Ipsen(University The DynamicsofPeri-urbanization inthePearl River Delta:Emerging LandUsepatterns, Urban Villagesand theirLinkages to Global 2006 –2008 Phase 1 � Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas ofCologne), (University Prof. Dr. BettinaGransow (Free Berlin) University

2008 –2011 Phase 2 Prof. Dr. Rüdiger (both Soltwedel Kiel Institute for the World Economy) PD Dr. Daniel Schiller ofHanover), (both University Dr. Dirk Dohse, of Gießen),Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas ofCologne), (University Prof. Dr. JavierRevilla Diez, River Delta? Regional agilityinthewake ofcrisis:Towards anewgrowth modelintheGreater Pearl (University ofKassel)(University Prof. Dr.onal University), Uwe Altrock Prof. Dr. Luigi Tomba (Australian Nati- citizenship Governability, borders andurban � Dr. Michael Waibel (Hamburg University) and informal growth inthePRD in acontext ofmultipletransitions development andredevelopment tiation andtemporal changeofurban Governance intime:Spatialdifferen- Prof. Dr. ClemensSimmerofBonn) (University and informal dynamics �Prof. Dr. ofCologne), BorisBraun (University Natural hazards andclimate changeinDhaka: future trends, socialadaptation � Prof. Dr. Werner Breitung, � Prof. Dr. Ingo Liefner, Dr. Stefan Hennemann(both University

Prof. Dr. Uwe Altrock ofKassel) (University Dr. Michael Waibel (Hamburg University), maturing mega-city � restructuring informal dynamics ofthe The governance ofspatialandeconomic University) Prof. Dr. Luigi Tomba (Australian National (Sun Yat-sen University), citizenship Governability, borders andurban 2011 –2013 Phase 3 (Technical Dortmund) University Prof. Dr. Volker Kreibich � Prof. Dr. SabineBaumgart, governance inDhaka, Bangladesh Spatial transformation andinformal urban (Technical Kaiserslautern)University Bonn), Prof. Dr. Michael von Hauff Prof. Dr. of Hans-Georg Bohle(University markets inDhaka, Bangladesh Economic andspatialrestructuring of food Multiple modernitiesinthemegacity? (SPP 1233) of thePriorityProgramme Figure 1.1 � Prof. Dr. Werner Breitung Research projects

� introduction multi-sectoral approach, with a special focus on the interfaces and interactions between the diverse urban subsystems – taking into account both ‘horizontal’ (sector- and discipline overarching) and ‘vertical’ (scale overarching, i.e. global, regional, local and sub- local) interconnections. The four core problem areas were thus investigated by interdisciplinary research teams dedicated to a close collaboration between approaches of social and natural sciences. Figure 1.1 provides an overview of the research projects that were carried out under the umbrella of the SPP between 2006 and 2013.

Research Areas The research areas were selected based on the idea of contrasting different forms of statutory organisation in

Figure 1.2 A guide to this publication 17

1 Introduction

2 Megacities

2.1 Global Megacity Dynamics 2.2 Dhaka 2.3 Pearl River Delta

3 Research 4 Pathways

4.1 Coordinating the 3.1 Governance Processes 3.2 Migrants in the City Research Programme

3.3 Rising Economies 3.4 Risks and Vulnerabilities 4.2 Research Partners

3.5 Public Health and Urban 3.6 Global Change 4.3 Methodological Challenges Environments

3.7 Informality 4.4 Interdisciplinarity

5 Future 6 Follow up 5.1 Objectives and Outcomes of 5.2 Reflections on the Research the Research Programme Process 6.1 References

5.3 Reflections on the Science- 5.4 Outlook 6.2 List of Members Practice/Policy Interface

6.3 Editors and Authors order to understand the accompanying and potentially

change. Accordingly, the Pearl River Delta was selected ascase-specific a research informalarea in a dynamicscentralised and state relations where toit wasglobal assumed that informality would only partially be possible. Dhaka was selected based on its comparatively decentralised state organisation and a high degree of loss of governability and the assumption that informality would be particularly pronounced.

The Pearl River Delta – consisting of nine prefectures of Guangdong Province, Hong Kong SAR and Macau SAR – is a poly-nodal mega-urban region. Since the mid-1980s, economic reforms and massive investment have rapidly turned the region into one of China’s economic powerhouses. Seven projects with twelve

18

Fangcun tea market in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas

Young waste recycler in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly introduction German and Chinese universities wereSterly_DSC_7051_HongKong established to conduct research in the urban centres of the Pearl River Delta, among them Guangzhou, , and Hong Kong.

Dhaka is considered to be one of the world’s fastest 2007_11_Dhaka_DSC_2606_STERLY.JPG growing urban centres, with a population increase of almost 470 % during the last quarter of the 21st century. Four projects conducted research in Dhaka, partner institutions in Bangladesh. comprising of five German universities and their A strong cooperation with partner universities in Bangladesh and China enabled the international exchange of knowledge and experiences and the joint

development of scientific approaches and methods. 19

Urban modernisation in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch A guide to this publication This publication addresses the academic community and policy makers dealing with the above-mentioned themes in large agglomerations and mega-urban environments. The SPP research themes are thus presented according to thematic clusters, integrating the perspectives of the individual research consortia. Chapter 1 'Introduction' presents the structure of this book. Chapter 2 ‘Megacities’ provides an overview of the current framing of megacities and introduces the two research sites, Dhaka and the Pearl River Delta. The authors illustrate how the SPP research and selected other research has contributed to knowledge production about these two megacities. Chapter 3 ‘Research’ details the research results of the SPP in the

20 fields of urban growth and settlement development,

Rikshaw puller in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly

Rice transportation in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas introduction governance processes, migrants in the city, mega- urban economies, risks and vulnerabilities, public health and urban environments. The chapter closes by bringing the SPP research to a more abstract level, discussing how the research has contributed to an improved understanding of the dynamics of global change and informality. Chapter 4 ‘Pathways’ illustrates how the SPP and its projects have arrived at the integrative research results, looking at coordination efforts behind the scene and the challenges that the interdisciplinary SPP had to master. Chapter 5 ‘Outlook’ summarises the recommendations emerging from the SPP research, addressing both policy makers concerning potential responses to mega-urban problems and academia concerning future research on megacities.

21 Village-in-the-city in Guangzhou

Photo: Harald Sterly Megacities

River view in Guangzhou Photo: Frauke Kraas 2 2 2.1

Global Megacity Dynamics

2.1.1 Global Shifts and Dynamics unknown dimensions and developmental in the Megacity Landscape dynamics of population growth and urban Authors Frauke Kraas, Mareike Kroll, Harald Sterly sprawl as well as the high concentrations of population, infrastructure, economic power, The world of the 21th century is predominantly capital and decision. But above all are new also urban, with currently 54% of the global the simultaneous and overlapping nature of the population residing in cities, and an expected diverse ecological, economic, social and political increase to 66% until 2050. While the level of processes with their multitude of interacting urbanisation is already high in North America and partially self-enhancing acceleration and (82%), Latin America and the Caribbean (80%) feedback effects. Also new is the at least partial and Europe (73%), the future urban growth is loss of governance and control in megacities, expected to take place mainly in Asia and Africa. with concurrent increases in informality and in Cities in these two regions will have to the number of stakeholders and actors with accommodate 2.2 billion additional people until their multiple-scale entwinements (Kraas 2050, by then hosting 73% of the global urban 2007a). population (compared to 65% in 2014) Thus, the dynamics and complexity of (UN DESA 2015). The provision of basic services the processes found in megacities and their and accommodation for these new residents, effects upon the reorganisation of global e.g. in newly planned city extensions, is going to spatial, socio-cultural, economic and political- be a big challenge for Asian and African cities institutional relationships are part of the (UN-Habitat 2016: 174). Urbanisation dynamics greatest challenges of our times. Historically, are not only changing within regions, there are the processes connected with today’s mega- also continuous shifts within city systems. urbanisation can only be compared with the Megacities, as relatively new phenomena of profound changes that occurred as a result of worldwide urbanisation, are gaining importance the Middle European and North American as hubs of globalisation processes and industrialisation of the 19th and 20th governance centres in a world increasingly century – if their importance is not dominated by cities. New are not the hitherto exceeding it, especially with respect to the megacities

2.1 Megacities (> 10 Mio) Emerging megacities Megacities and emerging (5-10 Mio) megacities combined (> 5 Mio)

1970 3 ( 54,760 / 4%) 15 ( 105,927 / 8%) 18 ( 160,687 / 12%)

1990 19 ( 152,663 / 7%) 21 ( 157,009 / 7%) 40 ( 309,672 / 14%)

2015 29 ( 471,314 / 12%) 44 ( 306,864 / 8%) 71 ( 778,178 / 20%)

2030 41 ( 729,916 / 14%) 63 ( 433,898 / 9%) 104 ( 1,163,814 / 23%)

Figure 2.1.1-1 Number of (emerging) megacities, their total population and per cent of global urban population between 1970 and 2030

Source: UN DESA 2015

25 current, enormous mega-urbanisation DESA 2015), a reference which take recourse to dynamics in Asia’s populous countries and national statistics or respectively extrapolations the global shift of production and services. which could result in an even higher number of Currently, megacities in Asia and partly in megacities. Furthermore, the different spatial Africa are facing the world’s most dynamic delimiting criteria of the urban areas must be changes. The number of megacities (see Box kept in mind. The highest urban growth rates 2.1.1-1) and the number of inhabitants living in result from an overlay of natural population these cities has been growing quickly during the growth, but also of migration and incorporation last decades (see Figure 2.1.1-1). Until 1950, only of other administrative areas. Also, international two megacities with more than 10 million and/or national migration of workers can be inhabitants existed: New York and Tokyo. In 2015, permanent or temporary, or follow circular or 29 megacities existed worldwide, accommodating around 12% of the global urban dwellers. The population numbers. largest megacity, Tokyo, alone had 38 million seasonal patterns, leading to fluctuating urban inhabitants, followed by Delhi (25 million) and (23 million).

inhabitants and include so-called emerging megacities If we apply (Kraas the 2003, threshold 2007a) of five or larger million cities (UN DESA 2015), the number increases to 73 cities accommodating 20% of the global urban population. By 2030, there are likely to be 41 megacities and 63 emerging megacities, which will then accommodate 23% of the global urban population (1.2 million inhabitants) (see Figure 2.1.1-1 and Figure 2.1.1-3).

These figures have however to be taken with care: they are based on official UN statistics (UN Population in million Average annual (and city rank) rate of growth (%)

1970 1990 2014 2030 1970– 1990– 2014– 1990 2014 2030

Dhaka 1.4 6.6 17.0 27.4 7.9 % 3.9 % 3.0 % (–) (24) (11) (6)

Guangzhou 1.5 3.1 11.8 17.6 3.5 % 5.6 % 2.5 % (–) (–) (22) (16)

Figure 2.1.1-2 Dhaka and Guangzhou: Population (in million), city rank (among the 30 biggest cities worldwide) and average annual rate of change (%)

Source: UN DESA 2015: 93

26

The quantitative changes of megacity growth (see Figure 2.1.1-1) are characterised by huge regional inhabitants in 2014) had higher growth rates compared2014, five megacitiesto 1970-1990, (with all more of them than located 5 mill. in located in developed countries, today and in the China. Until 2030, only four megacities are futurechanges. the Whereas majority the of (emerging)first megacities megacities were will estimated to grow at higher rates than in the be located in developing countries. In 2014, 54 previous period (, , Jakarta and Dar out of 72 emerging megacities and megacities es Salaam) (UN DESA 2015: 93). The two case were located in developing countries1, and for study cities Dhaka and Guangzhou (see Sections 2030 estimates suggest that the number is going 2.2 and 2.3) are still expected to grow 3% and to increase to 83 out of 104. In 2014, alone 6 2.5% per year respectively (see Figure 2.1.1-2), megacities and 10 emerging megacities were which would mean a population increase of about located in China. Four Indian emerging megacities 10 million (Dhaka) and 5 million (Guangzhou) are expected to become megacities in the coming within the next 15 years. years, so by 2030 seven megacities will be located Although megacities and emerging megacities in India. In Africa, the three currently existing are ‘in some ways the leading edge of megacities (Cairo, and Lagos) will be joined by Dar es Salaam, and economic importance’ (UN-Habitat 2016: 9), data in 2030, whereas 12 cities are expected to showurbanisation, that development because of pathways their influence of megacities and pass the 5 million threshold by then. However, are going to differ in the future. Some megacities growth rates are slowly declining. In developed have stagnant or even slowly decreasing countries, the growth of megacities has slowed populations (especially the established down considerably since the 1980s (London, New York, and had growth rates below 1% per year between 1970 and 1990), whereas 1 More developed regions comprise according to UN DESA African and Asian megacities such as Delhi, Lagos, (2015: 201) Europe, Northern America, Australia, New Zealand and Japan. Less developed regions comprise all regions of Africa, Kinshasa, Shenzhen or Dhaka had growth rates Asia (excluding Japan), Latin America and the Caribbean plus above 5% during this time. Between 1990 and Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia. Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities megacities, e.g. Tokyo, , Paris) and some consideration of smaller cities is important have slow (e.g. , ) to high (UN-Habitat 2016: 9). However, the past rapid and (e.g. Dhaka, Delhi) growth rates. Despite generally sometimes uncoordinated growth in megacities declining growth rates, megacities and emerging with different types of synergies can provide megacities are still going to have the largest useful lessons learned. Furthermore, it is also absolute population increase between 2015 and important to understand the global distribution of 2030 (around 386 000 people) (UN DESA 2015). different types of cities and their national, Nevertheless, the majority of the urban regional and global connectedness, since these population is and will be living in cities below one have important implications for the functioning of million inhabitants until 2030. Focusing urban national and global city systems, e.g. in terms of planning efforts on megacities and metropolitan concentration of functions, national areas in developing countries can contribute to decentralisation and the centre-periphery divide urban primacy of these megacities, therefore the (WBGU 2016).

Figure 2.1.1-3 Mega-urban population in 2025 and growth rates 2015-2025

Source: UN DESA 2015

27

St. Petersburg Moscow Detroit Toronto London Boston Paris Ankara Dallas Philadelphia Barcelona Houston Madrid New York Tokyo Atlanta Washington Alexandria Riyadh Monterrey Miami Cairo Osaka Guadalajara Kano Jiddah Mexico City Dakar Khartoum Bogota Abidjan Singapore Lagos Nairobi Ibadan Dar es Salaam Jakarta Salvador Kinshasa Luana Belo Horizonte Sao Paulo Santiago Buenos Aires Sydney

Harbin Changchun Shenyang Ürümqi Growth rate of calculated population, Jinan Zhengzhou 2015-2025 (%) Qingdao Kabul Xi‘an Delhi Nanjing Suzhou > 0,0 – < 1,8 1,8 – < 3,3 > 3,3 Wuxi Dakha Shanghai Guangzhou Hefei Mega-urban Population 2025 Ahmadabad Kolkata Shantou in Million, calculated Surat Shenzhen Chittagong Dongguan Pune Yangon Hong Kong Ho Chi Minh City 5,0 10,0 20,0 30,0 38,7 Box 2.1.1-1 Megacities are usually differentiated according to quantitative attributes. An internationally What defines a megacity? qualitativeaccepted classification and quantitative of cities criteria. does notFor existmegacities, (UN DESA two 2015: quantitative 4). Types thresholds of cities (e.g.can bemetropolis, found in theworld literature: city, small mono-centric and medium cities sized with towns) 5 million are usually inhabitants classified and accordinga minimum to populationfunctional, density of 2,000 inhabitants per square kilometre (Bronger 2004), or mono-centric cities with 10 million inhabitants (UN DESA 2015). Cities with 5 to 10 million inhabitants are sometimes called emerging megacities (Kraas 2003, 2007), or large cities (UN DESA 2015). If polycentric urban regions with more than 10 million inhabitants show high functional integration and interaction among (e.g. the Rhine- Area in Germany, the Pearl River Delta in Southern China), they are also designated as megacity regions (Hall/Pain 2006, Kraas/Mertins 2014).

The lack of international standards to classify city types and define quantitative thresholds, Statisticalthe national thresholds differences and in growth defining rates, city boundariesthough indicating and the for availability, example – comparabilityin the case of megacitiesand quality andof census emerging data megacitiesat the city level– high call population into question concentrations the usefulness and ofrapid quantitative development definitions. dynamics,

in common that they are deeply affected by the economic, political, social and ecological impacts ofprove globalisation to be insufficient and global and change. necessitate At the the same addition time, ofthey qualitative serve as characteristics.important steering Megacities centres have and nodal points for all kinds of interactions and thereby shape global change and its impact in other regions of regional, national and global scope. Based on these processes, the qualitative characteristics or similarities observed in megacities and emerging megacities are: high densities

28

Drivers and Outcomes of Mega-Urbanisation and and international migrants into the megacities Urban Restructuring in Developing Countries (Baur et al. 2006, for example, there are estimates Above all, globalisation processes were and are for the mega-urban Pearl River Delta of up to the motors that drive these enormous changes 25-30 million migrants among the estimated and are the driving forces, together with present total population of ca. 48 million transformation and liberalisation policies, behind inhabitants). the economic developments of approximately the Connected with the, in part, rapid growth past 25 years (in China, especially the so-called of the economy and population, are profound ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ that inner-urban structural changes, as well as started under Deng Xiaoping in 1978/79, in India widespread expansion of the cities into bordering, essentially the economic reform processes with previously not yet urbanised neighbouring the so-called ‘New Economic Policy’ as of 1991; regions. Depending on the political and economic Cartier 2001, Bork-Hüffer 2012, Nissel 1999, systems, either proactive-constitutive or mainly Butsch et al. 2016). Especially in megacities, reactive city development planning strategies prevail. direct investments, to intensive industrialisation At present, profound urban renewal processes processesthese reforms through led to the an international enormous influx relocation of foreign of are taking place within city areas that were built production locations, and – depending upon the before the latest urbanisation surge, at times location – in some cases to considerable involving the disbandment of the previous urban expansion of the services sector with increasing structures and functions. In transition countries, property prices increase drastically especially in reorientation of national support policies. Hereby the inner cities, depending on the degree to which transnationallydemand for office acting space, conglomerates as well as to aexercised an free-market enterprises affect property prices and whether real estate companies develop free- transfer payments from overseas communities. In market, or semi-private housing. Large parts of unmistakeable influence, as did the considerable the inner cities undergo extensive, large-scale through massive migration movements of national renewal or are completely rebuilt. Substantial turn, these processes are flanked and intensified Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities

of population, infrastructure and productivity with intensive land expansion and suburbanisation processes, high dynamics in terms of spatial and demographic growth and land use changes (with high land and property prices causing problems of affordable housing), inner-urban

garbageconsolidation removal and and diversification processing), processes, a high degree functional of socio-cultural primate city heterogeneity dominance, ofsymptoms society with of pronouncedecological and socio-economic infrastructural disparities capacity overloads and polarisation and stress and (e.g. overall traffic high jams, vulnerability air pollution, towards social, environmental and political risks. Furthermore, megacities are often characterised by a loss of governance and an increase in informal processes. Due to their scale, mega-urban systems are highly complex, with highly dynamic and multi-layered interactions between subsystems, leading to wanted and unwanted synergies (Kraas/Mertins 2014, Kraas 2008). The manifestation of these characteristics may vary in each megacity, especially depending on whether a megacity is located in a developing or developed country and whether it can be considered as a world city with important global economic ties, providing high-ranking services and hosting the headquarters of transnational businesses that produce for world, national and regional markets. The Globalisation and World Cities (GaWC) Research Network, for example, ranks world cities based on their international connectedness in alpha, beta and

(GaWCgamma 2014).cities. London and New York for example are classified (for 2010) as Alpha ++ cities, MumbaiSince as the an quantitative Alpha city, Guangzhou changes in as many a Beta existing + city, megacitiesand Dhaka asare a goingcity with to slow high down,sufficiency an understanding of their qualitative characteristics, the continuous processes of change and adaptation, and their system synergies becomes even more pertinent.

29 parts of historical inner-city districts or also In the course of globalisation and modernisation traditional settlement structures of the former processes, urban structures are being typical ‘villages-in-the-city’ (so in China; see: increasingly characterised by socio-economic Yan/Wei 2004, Qi/Kreibich/Baumgart 2007, disparities. This is often associated with a loss Bork-Hüffer 2012) are torn down and rebuilt – of social coherence and is most clearly seen in usually as modern high-rise buildings. the growing contrasts in housing: informal and Furthermore, completely new city districts with partly illegal settlements of the poor (up to modern design and futuristic architecture develop 60-80% of the urban population; Ribbeck 2002) near the inner cities on hitherto unused or and the closed-off gated communities for the underused areas or on land reclamation areas. prosperous (Mertins 2003, Dittrich 2007). Individual symbolic prestige objects growingly The loss of social coherence manifests itself characterise the silhouettes of prosperous through decreasing social interaction and megacities. responsibilities between the classes. Large In megacities in transition countries, housing and services projects encourage a a booming private sector, together with self-segregation of the privileged in many globalisation processes – in the production megacities, where substantial urban areas sector as also in a wide range of services – leads are increasingly planned, built, marketed and to catching-up in tertiarisation processes, managed by private project developers and development of private inner-city market and operating agencies and for the most part evade distribution systems, and booming private public regulation. construction. However, it also causes social polarisation and displacement processes within the various socio-economic population groups that are continuing to drift further apart, to substantial suburbanisation processes, and to the privatisation and internationalisation of municipal functions. In the course of large-scale modernisation such problems. Whether they can and should also processes and urban reorganisation, the lower promote the marginal, for example recycling income classes are being increasingly forced out economies, is subject to critical judgement and of the inner-city areas. However, with respect to debate (Kulke/Staffeld 2009). their genesis, urban location and legal situation, The most prominent characteristic of the there are very different types of marginal, or present urbanisation processes is the expansion respectively, substandard or informal settlements of the megacities far beyond their administrative (in part with very differentiating local borders, often as ribbon development along terminology). Often, they occupy marginal infrastructure lines and coastal areas. This locations, such as railroad embankments, canals, development process of extended metropolitan regions (EMR) (McGee 1991) or mega-urban the city borders, or on wasteland or future regions (McGee/Robinson 1995, Pain 2010), in developmentslopes, riverbanks areas. or Above flood all,plains, the uncertaintyincreasingly of at which urban and rural elements and structures land rights, rather than the housing shortages, are closely intertwined, is often following a constitutes the major development and ‘desakota’ process. This Indonesian concept investment hindrance for the inhabitants. The stands for the unity and intertwinement of town experience with numerous eviction, resettlement, and village. Many metropolises have low-density slum upgrading and sites and services extensions into the surrounding areas, in the form programmes as well as social housing projects – of bands or sectors, with traditional farmland kept that often mainly serve the upper lower or the adjacent. Thus the current urbanisation processes middle class – shows that there are not many are taking place often region-based rather than alternatives to at least partial legalisation, city-based (McGee 1995: 10). The political development and promotion of informal and implications of these processes are important. substandard settlements. Strategies that promote Many mega-urban regions are substantially the self-help potential of the inhabitants of the decentralised, with several urban subsystems marginal settlements can contribute to solving close together. 30 Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities The urban development usually takes place This is strongly shaping the look of the very quickly and claims enormous areas. megacity ‘landscape’. In some cases, the It often involves numerous stakeholders who inhabitants’ housing, consumption habits, operate uncoordinatedly, with quite different mobility and leisure activities correspond to motives and interests at local and regional levels, their ‘Western’ counterparts. A multitude of creating small-scale land allotment mosaics. private housing estates are developed and Especially new migrants often aim for such transacted as the result of rising land and real expanding areas of the urban fringes, because estate prices. Advertising campaigns promote there the construction boom and industrialisation images of exclusivity and global modernity, processes result in the highest demand and most opportunities for unskilled and semi-skilled attractive locations, often with proximity to workers. Temporary housing for the workers shoppingbut also specific malls, internationalinfrastructure schools, as well special as often first develops in connection with clinics or popular theme and amusement parks. infrastructure or housing projects and then Large-scale urban planning projects, such as later becomes established at the location. large new city districts on former farmland, Extensive suburbanisation and the or large industrial estates document enormous development of private and public new town structural transformation in many megacities. projects in the urban fringe of many megacities, New airports and the economy-driven expansion of high performance traffic infrastructures designs, document the extensive spatial serve and create rising passenger and freight demandseven if in ofdiffering the rising sizes, middle configurations income classes. and volumes in economically prospering megacities.

Transformation of a village-in-the-city in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas 31

Box 2.1.1-2 structures in urban growth centres The FederalMegacities Ministry of Education of Tomorrow and Research’s – Energy- (BMBF) and funding climate- priority efficientfocused on future megacities, i.e. rapidly growing cities, approaching the threshold to megacity status in the coming decade. These cities still have the chance to practice precaution, chart sustainable courses towards their future and proactively utilise the momentum of the inevitable transformations. Urban agglomerations and, in particular, megacities in developing and newly industrialising countries also contribute three-quarters of global energy consumption as well as approx. 85% of the global production of greenhouse gases originating in cities. Many of these future megacities not only co-drive climate change,

world’s population lives less than 30 kilometres from the coast in areas with high popu- lationthey also densities. receive The the fundingfull brunt priority of its consequences, was the development not least and because implementation about a fifth of of solu- the tion-oriented and integrated planning and management concepts (best practice). Sixteen projects were set up for a pre-phase in cities in Latin America, Africa and Asia (2005- - cies and innovation potentials of urban living such as: energy supply and consumption; mobility2008). As and to their transport; topics, housing they were and dedicated construction; towards water specific supply, practical waste treatment, needs, exigen urban planning and governance; nutrition and urban agriculture, and environmental manage- ment. For the main phase (2008-2013), the research teams had to prove their capaci-

structures in urban growth centres. The funding priority contributed to the international dialogueties by prioritising as outlined their in BMBF’s efforts ‘Hightechon the implementation Strategy for Climate of energy- Protection’. and climate-efficient It was part of the ‘fona - Research for Sustainability’ framework programme by the BMBF.

Further information www.fona.de/de/future-megacities-10081.html Box 2.1.1-3 Megacities – Megachallenge: Informal Dynamics of Global Change The Priority Programme ‘Megacities - Megachallenge: Informal Dynamics of Global Change’, funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG) as SPP 1233, primarily undertook research on the process dynamics of global change, mega-urbanisation and informal phenomena and their relationships and interactions. The programme was aimed at understanding the connection between informal mega-urban processes and the form and effect of global change upon the spatial, social, and institutional relationships in megacities. The two mega-urban areas of the Pearl River Delta/China and Dhaka/Bangladesh were selected. The processes and interactions of four issues with high development dynamics and social relevance form the main focus of the programme: new governance forms and self-organisation, differentiation of urban economies, dynamics of

topics were investigated: border-drawing and spatial differentiation of urban governance modes, spatialmatter structureand resource and flows,steering and mechanisms informal settlement of water, development.informal migrant In detail, communities the following and health research

urban livelihoods, and reconciling informal and statutory planning institutions, the metropolitan foodstrategies, system, satellite-based and strategies aerosol to improve mapping, the quality dynamics of life. of peri-urbanisation, agile firm organisation,

Further information: www.megacities-megachallenge.org

With respect to sustainability, developments in away from incremental approaches that are the cities and megacities will determine whether essentially driven by short-term requirements, a global transformation to sustainability pathways towards transformative changes with a strategic, will succeed or not. Sustainable development thus long-term view of humanity’s natural life-support will depend substantially on the decisions and systems and the creation of a form of urbanity 32 strategies taken in cities over the next few years that sustainably promotes human quality of life.’ and decades. ‘There is a need for a paradigm shift (WBGU 2016: 3).

Box 2.1.1-4 Risk Habitat Megacity: Strategies for Sustainable Development of Megacities and Urban Agglomerations The Helmholtz Association funded interdisciplinary cooperation (2007-2011) among its asso- ciated institutes on the theme of ‘Risk Habitat Megacity’ in Latin American megacities and large agglomerations. It focused on the following research questions: What factors drive the risks and opportunities associated with the global trend towards mega-urbanisation? What risks,

policies can steer the urban system towards more sustainable development? The Risk Habitat or indeed opportunities, are associated with mega-urbanisation? What specific strategies and partner organisations from Latin America were involved, sought to generate orientation and decision-makingMegacity research knowledge. initiative, inThe which research scientists adopted from governance, five Helmholtz risk researchconcepts centresand sustainable and their urban development as three crosscutting research themes and an integrating framework. The initiative applied these analytical concepts to several typical megacity issues, such as land use management, socio-spatial differentiation, energy, transportation, air quality and health, water resources and services, and waste management. Geographically, the initiative concentrated on megacities in Latin America. Santiago de Chile was the ‘anchor city’ for the initiative and hosted its coordination and the dissemination of results. The metropolitan region of Santiago de Chile was also the case study for the implementation phase. The initiative was strongly committed to the training of young scientists in interdisciplinary and problem-oriented research (Heinrichs et al. 2012). Two follow-up projects focused on Climate Adaptation Santiago (CAS; 2009-2012) and on Evaluating Environmental and Life Quality to analyse Urban Vulnerability in Santiago de Chile (EnvLifeQual 2011-2013).

Further information: www.risk-habitat-megacity.org Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities 2.1.2 Megacities as Places of Challenges and Potentials as the widely networked and interacting Authors Mareike Kroll, Frauke Kraas stakeholders.available financial They and can human especially resources act as pioneers as well on the way to sustainable development, for In 2015, 71 (emerging) megacities worldwide instance through decreasing spatial consumption hosted 20% of the global urban population. This education and healthcare. Furthermore, technical innovationsper capita, efficient in megacities resource can use be realisedor improved human-madefigure shows how hazards single (e.g. events nuclear - such accidents, as natural civilhazards wars) (e.g. - or earthquakes, other changes floods, (e.g. etc.) improved and structures (e.g. transport systems, networks, service provision, air quality improvement processcost-efficiently innovations; and integrated Herrle et inal. the2006). existing measures) in one or a few megacities can have Megacities and metropolitan regions have a tremendous impact on many urban dwellers. Furthermore, such events and changes can have cities and play an increasingly dominant role as positive and negative spill-over effects on other driversbenefited of moreeconomic from wealth globalisation and employment: than secondary the cities and regions. Megacities are subject to the manifold population) generate 60% of the global GDP processes of global ecological and socio- (UN-Habitattop 600 cities 2016: (hosting 7, 141). a fifth The of availabilitythe world of a economic-political change. Due to their strong cheap labour force through the in-migration of developmental dynamics, they also co-determine skilled and unskilled workers from the rural these global changes (Kraas 2007a, Borsdorf/Coy hinterland of the megacities, but also other 2009) (see Section 3.6), for example climate regions and countries, is one important factor for change, economic globalisation dynamics or economic growth. changes in social and political orientations. Due to strong economic dynamics and high areas (Mitchell 1999, Kraas 2008), where infrastructure, jobs, supply and disposal systems Megacities are often construed as specific risk immigration figures in many megacities, housing, environmental pollution, symptoms of capacity as well as health care and education must be 33 overloads and stress, resource consumption, provided for hundreds of thousands, often within natural and human-made hazards (e.g. a few years. Naturally, this can be managed more inundation, earthquakes, storms, water shortage, easily by economically prosperous megacities than in regions where mega-urbanisation takes industrial accidents) can endanger the functioning place without notable economic growth. The ofeconomic mega-urban crises, economies ethnic-religious and societies. conflicts, In and struggle for urban livelihoods and limited state particular, disadvantaged population groups in support create regimes where informality megacities are subject to increasing poverty and prevails (Hall/Pfeiffer 2000, Hackenbroch et al. vulnerability (Bohle/Sakdapolrak 2008), socio- spatial segregation and fragmentation processes; land use planning and control, as well as in addition, socio-economic disparities and increasing2009). Insufficient loss of governance or a lack of and developmental inadequate and disintegration tend to deepen. Environmental administration capacities impact the organisation, planning, control and management cities that lack the necessary infrastructure and of municipal tasks – with the result that many institutionsrisks such as to flooding respond or to storms such risks. are amplified As most in processes are taking place unregulated, informal megacities are located in coastal regions, a or illegal (Roy/Alsayad 2004, Kreibich 2010). one-metre rise in sea level would pose a great Thus, a substantial and in part increasing amount threat to many coastal megacities such as Dhaka, of informal structures and processes can be New York, Ho Chi Minh-City, Mumbai or Cairo observed beyond state-registered and state- (UN-Habitat 2016: 16). Since many megacities are regulated activities. Within the wide range of the informal economy, these include e.g. domestic systems, the negative economic consequences of help, street hawkers and cook shop operators, anydeeply disaster connected can spread to regional far beyond or global the financialcities’ as well as unregistered workers in transport boundaries (for example the economic impacts of and repair sectors, travelling hawkers, waste collectors and informal vendors. Earlier However, the positive development chances conceptions of the ‘informal sector’, as a sector inherentthe floods in in megacities Bangkok in as 2011, global see hubs Kraas and 2012). nodes that absorbs the masses, are being questioned should also be perceived (Ehlers 2006). There is because of the informal economy’s adaptive substantial potential due to the wide range of (see Chapter 3.7).

capacities and flexibility Recent debates address the question as to developing countries (WBGU 2016, Kraas/ whether and to what extent informal structures Mertins 2014). and processes in megacities will be able to Addressing the multiple challenges described provide necessary survival functions despite the above would necessitate a deepened under- erosion of local supply systems due to the standing of the multi-level driving forces and internationalisation of markets). their interconnections, an increased public The economic success of megacities especially participation, as well as a change of perspective in developing countries is often not only towards taking all relevant stakeholders into jeopardised by major events or disasters, but also 2.1.3account. by the everyday problems of an overloaded, Authors insuficient infrastructure and by problems with basic service provision (water, electricity etc.). ResearchFrauke Kraas, Mareike on Megacities Kroll Trafic problems in Mumbai, Dhaka or Buenos Aires, for example, are causing extreme With the megacities’ strong impact on global commuting times to work. Problems with environmental, social, economic and political infrastructure and basic service provision are change, their performance is no longer just in the caused, among others, by weak governability and interest of local and national actors. Research on steering structures. Whereas multi-level megacities has thus become a very complex, governance frameworks have been implemented international and interdisciplinary endeavour, in many megacities in order to deal with the with globally spanning research and researchers’ challenges of managing mega-urban growth, a networks. Some megacities such as New York or lack of decision-making powers, little autonomy London (but also smaller cities such as Vancouver, in the ield of tax revenue and expenditure, Copenhagen or Freiburg) have taken on a leading corruption and bureaucracy are major barriers to role to increase their sustainable development. effective governance in many megacities in Megacities as social, economic and political 34

Green space in Sun Yat-sen Photo:University, Harald Guangzhou Sterly Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities

Figure 2.1.3-1 Central characteristics and differences of the programmes

Research Programme Funding Thematic focus Regional focus Institutional setup

Future Megacities BMBF (Federal Ministry Climate, Energy and 10 emerging megacities 10 projects, with of Education and Resour in Africa, Asia and partners from Research) Latin America universities, technology ce Ef�iciency companies, governmental agencies and NGOs in all countries

Megacities– DFG (German Research Informality, 2 areas: Dhaka 13 projects, with Megachallenge: Foundation – Global Change (Bangladesh), Pearl partners from Informal Dynamics Deutsche Forschungs- River Delta (China) universities in both of Global Change gemeinschaft) countries

Risk Habitat Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Complex Risks, Santiago de Chile 10 partners from Megacity Risk Governance universities and research institutions in Chile and Latin America

35 steering centres (but also numerous smaller cities) Thus, megacities are increasingly recognised as are increasingly embedded in transnational drivers of change offering income opportunities processes, e.g. through city networks such as C40 and quality of life. They can be understood as or ICLEI in climate change mitigation and ’laboratories of the future’ (Kraas/Sterly 2009: adaptation efforts, as well as in other sustainability 50) that simulate global development trends in a condensed form. A deeper understanding of the Zimmermann 2014, Lee 2013). The C40 network multiple causes and drivers of their development forrelated example fields started (see e.g. as Keiner/Kim a network of 2014, the world’s processes is thus important to shape the global megacities committed to addressing climate urban trans-formation process towards urban change that today also includes other metropolitan sustainable development worldwide. This cities such as Copenhagen or Amsterdam. Changes requires an understanding of the complex, highly within (a few) megacities worldwide can have a dynamic formal and informal processes occurring global impact (e.g. globalisation worldwide), also simultaneously within megacities, their structures by spill-over effects on other cities. Furthermore, and actors involved. Research focusing on many megacities have already undergone quick megacities therefore should be international, and often unplanned growth and therefore can interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary, including provide important lessons learned in an diverse stakeholder groups of multi-level increasingly complex and connected world, governance systems (i.e. local administration, for example how to avoid negative path local, regional and national governments, dependencies. Megacities with high population international organisations), the civil society, densities can provide good examples for providing the private sector and research institutions. adequate solutions for e.g. transportation, housing, Megacities have received increasing international resource management or disaster prevention recognition in research in the last decade due (Ieda 2010, Kidokoro et al. 2008a). to their increasing numbers and scales, but especially also due to a deepened understanding of their economic, social and political importance. A number of inter-disciplinary and international granted one of its Priority Programmes to initiatives (such as the MegaCity TaskForce and ‘Megacities – Megachallenge: Informal dynamics the MegaCity Commission of the International of global change’ (2006-2013) (see Box 2.1.1-3). Geographical Union (2000-2016)) and numerous The Helmholtz Association started a project on research programmes and projects thus have ‘Risk Habitat Megacity’ (2007-2011) (see Box been and are focusing on deepening 2.1.1-4). This coordinated channelling of resources into mega-urban research is dynamics and performance. unprecedented and unequalled both on a national understandingIn Germany, of the their German specific National phenomena, Committee of Global Change Research (NKGCF) since 2002 cover the broad thematic and regional scope, the successfully encouraged a dialogue within the threeand an initiatives international were level. established In order to to be sufficiently complimentary in their research approaches, bundling their previous research efforts, focusing regional foci and institutional setup. onscientific the most communities important challengesto look into of options megacities of These efforts were in line with the research. International Human Dimensions Programme Three research programmes focused entirely (IHDP) Core Project on ‘Urbanisation and Global on megacities in developing countries (see Figure Environmental Change’ (Sanchez-Rodriguez et 2.1.1-3). The German Ministry of Education and al. 2005) as well as with one of the key topics Research (BMBF) developed its programme on ‘Megacities – our global urban future’ of the ‘Research for the Sustainable Development of the International Year of Planet Earth (2007–2009 Megacities of Tomorrow’ (2005-2013) (see Box (Kraas et al. 2014)). The collaboration of the 2.1.1-2). The German Research Council (DFG) programmes was initiated in the preparatory

Old airport in Hong Kong

Photo: Frauke Kraas 36 Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities stage, with their steering committees meeting Megacities’3 focuses on results from the BMBF regularly in the form of the “National Initiative research programme. for Megacity Research”, sharing and exchanging The present book provides an overview about information and aligning their steering the research activities and results conducted strategies. Mutual participation on the interim within the DFG programme ‘Megacities- conferences and annual colloquia also enabled Megachallenges – Informal Dynamics of Global insights into the levels of the actual project work Change’ in Guangzhou and Dhaka. and outputs. The cooperation furthermore involved joint presentations at international conferences (e.g. World Urban Forum). The planned activities include further synthesis of results and a joint networking facility for young researchers. The projects were based on international partnerships among interdisciplinary academic communities as well as major stakeholders from local governments, private enterprises, non- governmental organisations and the civil 2 http://www.steiner-verlag.de/reihe/view/listtitel. societies, particularly in developing countries. html?tx_crondavtitel_pi%5BfilterReihe%5D=444&tx_crondavti- 2 tel_pi%5BfilterKategorie%5D=&cHash=c42f- The book series ‘Megacities and Global Change’ 016d2706a890939bed3b73f73e4f presents numerous research results of the three programmes. The book series ‘Future 3 https://www.jovis.de/de/buecher/reihen/future-megacities.html

New housing in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch 37 Urban transformation in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas Global Megacity Dynamics

megacities

New infrastructure in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas

39

Housing diversity in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch

Constructing new high-rise buildings in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas 2.2

Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration

Authors Kirsten Hackenbroch, Harald Sterly Seven years of research on Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, have considerably enlarged the literature and knowledge base on this megacity. Bangladesh has been a parliamentary democracy since 1990, although it has also been referred to as an ‘illiberal democracy’ (Jahan 2007). This is in reference to the lack of political legitimacy – despite electoral democracy – and furthermore to excessive corruption and the confrontational politics between the two largest parties. Dhaka as a case represents a city where the state and statutory institutions have only limited capacity to govern, although some of our research has indicated that power and knowledge determine much of the governing capacity and willingness of statutory institutions. However, whether governing is selective and strategic or not, urban informality plays a pivotal role for organising everyday life in Dhaka in its multiple facets. Thus Dhaka stands for a decentralised way of organising urban life, starting from the organisation of street vending in small public places to the organisation of economic production processes such as leather and plastic recycling. The research has shed more light on some of the initial assumptions and ascriptions related to the original case selection criteria of ‘democracy’ and ‘decentralisation’. It has revealed a highly 2.2 megacities

Skyline of Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas

41 complex institutional setup within which diverse 2.2.1 (Mega-)Urbanisation of Dhaka actors make very strategic use of available resources. Thus the picture of Dhaka that has Dhaka today is an agglomeration of emerged moves far beyond the media approximately 15 million inhabitants. As the representation, where Dhaka is often portrayed as capital of Bangladesh and its primate city – a city of poverty and decay with little agency (see economically, politically, administratively and for example Ernst 2006, Friedman 2009, Khan culturally – Dhaka has experienced continuous 2010). Similarly, it is notorious for being among population growth for over 60 years (Box 2.1.1-1 the lowest ten of almost all lists of ‘liveable cities’ and Figure 2.2.1-1). The population growth of the in the world (e.g. The Economist 2016). However last decades went along with considerable the larger structural effects of global and societal growth in the spatial extent of the city (Figure change and political culture on the city rarely 2.2.1-2 attract attention – the focus is usually only on of changes of the built-up area between 1990 tragedies such as the collapse of the garment and 2006; see based also Griffithson Landsat et al. satellite 2010 fordata). examples factory in Savar close to Dhaka on 24 April 2013. Dhaka as a city has now far exceeded its original Dhaka is more than a megacity of poverty, disorder administrative boundaries (North and South and chaos – while this representation may often be Dhaka City Corporation, 145 km²) and the urban the result of a strategic discursive choice. In the fabric now occupies much of the land following we thus aim to add diversity to common administrated by RAJUK – the planning authority ascriptions and images. What does the city for what could be considered as the ‘Dhaka represent, what does it stand for and what does it agglomeration’ – and is commonly referred to as have to offer for urban studies? the area of the Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan (DMDP, 1,528 km²). Spatial expansion into the urban fringes is primarily driven by the housing demand of middle- and high-income households and speculation in land which is a favourite investment strategy, for several years further Urbanization rate Important events Tendencies of of Bangladesh (% of urban population) in Bangladesh urbanization in Dhaka 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 0%5%

36.0% 2.7% 2025

33.1% 2.9% 2020

30.4% 3.0% 2015 2013 Garment factory disaster (Rana Plaza) 2011 Division of Dhaka City Corporation 27.9% 3.4% 2010 2009 Political government re-established (AL-government**)

25.6% 4.1% 2005 2007-08 Caretaker government Shift of urban growth to fringe (speculative urbanism) Urban restructuring (e.g. height limit relaxation, Hatirpool project) 10,710 High space consumption by real estate projects at the urban fringe, in environmentally sensitive ood-ow zones 23.6% 4.2% 2000

21.7% 4.6% 1995 Consolidation of lower growth rates

1991 Restoration of parlia- Rapid growth of settlements the urban poor (incl. various large scale forced evictions) 6,844 19.8% 1990 mentary democracy 7.0% (BNP-government**) Government housing projects (model towns) at urban fringe 17.5% 7.1% 1985 1983

14.9% 3,440 7.7% 1980 1977 Begin of military rule 1975 Assassination of the 9.8% 9.6% 1975 rst prime minister Rapid urbanisation 1,774 1971 Independence of Bangladesh 7.6% 10.3% 1970 1970 Bhola cyclone (claimed 3 - 500,000 lives)

6.2% 9.6% 1965 Planning and development of model towns

557 „Take-o “ growth of Dhaka 5.1% 1960 4.3%

4.7% 3.9% 1955

1952 Bengali Language Movement 336 4.3% 1950 1947 Creation of Pakistan, Planning and development of residential area for elite including the state East 25 20 15 10 5 0 Pakistan Population of Dhaka* (millions)

Dhaka* population (millions) 17,5% Urbanization rate of Bangladesh 17,5% Average population growth of Dhaka for 5-year periods 336 BBS-Statistics for Dhaka (population in thousands)

* The population gures for Dhaka (UN, BBS) are for Dhaka (DMA). This excludes much of the urban fringe that has experienced tremendous urban growth in the past decade. ** AL: Awami League; BNP: Bangladesh National Party Figure 2.2.1-1 Major tendencies of urbanisation in Bangladesh and Dhaka Megacity

Source: authors' data; source of data: UN 2011 Layout and draft: K. Hackenbroch, H. Sterly; design: R. Spohner after Bork-Hüffer 2012: 86 Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration

megacities triggered by the now illegal opportunity to of the high-income area of Dhanmondi has legalise black money via the land market. The dramatically changed. While originally only spatial growth is thus not determined by poor six-storey constructions were allowed and rural-urban migrants coming to the city, although approved, since 2009 buildings with more than this is commonly assumed and poor in-migrants 6 storeys have mushroomed and building height are often too easily ‘blamed’ for pushing the city restrictions have been relaxed. Another example to its limits (Hackenbroch 2013a: 117; Banks et al. of rapid changes is the settlement of Islambag, 2011). Rather, middle and high-income groups opt located close to the old city core ‘Old Dhaka’. It to leave the dense core city where rents and land prices have accelerated tremendously and have Urban Studies in 2005 (CUS et al. 2006). At the hence become unaffordable for many. A large beginninghad been defined of 2007, as Islambag a ‘slum’ byexhibited the Centre mostly for corrugated iron-sheet houses of up to three storeys and was populated by low income and regulationsamount of the is currentlyland designated being acquired as ‘flood and flow built zone’ lower middle income households. Today, most uponor ‘sub-flood by the real flow estate zone’ sector in the (Hackenbroch planning et of these houses have been transformed into al. 2016). Between 2002 and 2009 the real estate multi-storey brick buildings (Standfuß 2012) and sector and construction industry accounted for rent prices have increased, forcing many of the 16% of the total GDP of Bangladesh (Haque poorer households to seek alternative residential 2012: 2). Additionally to the private real estate locations. For many of the urban poor the high sector, RAJUK also continues to implement pressure on land puts them at constant risk of housing projects at the urban fringe (although losing their place in the city. Several real estate considerably smaller in size than the real estate projects as well as statutory infrastructure market projects), which are often said to be programmes have resulted in evictions of implemented in support of housing for the urban settlements of the urban poor, underlining how poor and lower middle-class households but in effect redistribute private agricultural land to the city officials differentiate between welcome socio-economically and politically powerful maps (Hackenbroch 2013a). 43 groups (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). citizens and those rendered invisible on official Rapid urbanisation, however, not only affects and land use changes can also be observed within the existingurban fringe built-up areas. areas. Densification In the seven-year processes course of the research, for example, the skyline

Box 2.2.1 A short history of Dhaka megacity Presumably Dhaka started to develop in the 12th century as a commercial town in proximity to an old Buddhist and Hindu temple. Not much is known about the city of Dhaka until in 1610 Dhaka was established as the new capital of the Bengal Province of the Mughal Empire in South Asia. The city started to expand rapidly until the beginning of the 18th century (see Figure 2.2.2). Then during the time of the British East India Company in Dhaka population growth slowed down and even declined when Kolkata was made the new capital of East India (van Schendel 2009). Until the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 Dhaka remained a relatively small city with approximately 250,000 inhabitants. The mass migration between the two countries that began with the partition marked the beginning of Dhaka’s rapid urban growth. Urban growth even accelerated when Dhaka became the capital of the new nation-state of Bangladesh in 1971 (Ahmed 2009). Annual growth rates between 1970 and 1990 went up to 10%, making Dhaka the fastest growing megacity worldwide (Islam 2005). Today urban growth has slowed down comparatively; however, growth rates of 3% still underline Dhaka’s position as the primate urban centre of Bangladesh.

Tongi

Ashulia

Savar

44

Urban development of Greater Dhaka Extent of contiguous built-up area (for 1600-2003: mapped only within DMA boundary) Keraniganj built-up in 1600 built-up in 2003 built-up in 1910 built-up in 2013 built-up in 1986 Urban fringe developments built-up area in urban fringe (e.g. expanding satellite town, industrial estate) government housing project (under construction) project under construction (e.g. road layout visible)

railway line public university major road water DMA boundary 0 4 km Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration

megacities 2.2.2 Governance Challenges in Dhaka regulations (Hackenbroch/Hossain 2012). Those dependent on public spaces for their livelihoods Dhaka with its 15 million inhabitants and growth need to continuously renegotiate the conditions beyond its administrative boundaries has for a of access with persons of local authority and thus accept the insecurity and temporality of access as 19 ministries and 40 government organisations arrangements (Hackenbroch 2013b). For those arelong involved time been in thea city planning difficult and to govern. development As many of Dhaka, with practically no coordination between having to rely on local water vendors who are them (Islam et al. 2003; Siddiqui et al. 2000). strategicallyoutside of the positioned statutory in‘official’ social waterand political supply, Beyond this formal administrative line of space similarly means accepting rules of the game governance lies a layer of informal governance negotiated outside of formal arrangements processes, often on the micro-level or limited to (Hossain 2013a). Outside the neighbourhoods of the urban govern much of Dhaka’s everyday life, urban poor, the highly visible public spaces of the city planning,a specific clienteleservice provision and theme. and Such economy. arrangements are similarly governed by extra-legal A considerable population group in Dhaka arrangements and negotiation processes with lives in areas deemed ‘informal’ that are of regard to street vending activities. Street vendors negotiate their livelihoods carefully with statutory governance of urban spaces and services in these authorities such as the police, but also with local areas‘invisible’ is part on ofofficial complex maps. governance The regulation arrangements and power brokers in contested arenas (Etzold 2011, that often involve statutory actors as well as Etzold 2013). While police evictions seriously political and local ones. Research on both public threaten the vendors’ livelihoods, after several spaces and water supply in neighbourhoods of the days of absence vendors often return to the same places, by means of social capital and a re- powerful elites, often attached to the ruling entering of the governing relations of pre-eviction politicalurban poor party, has can found largely how dominate influential the and social locally times (Etzold 2014a, 2014b). 45 space within an area and thus define access

Figure 2.2.1-2 Urban Development of Greater Dhaka

Source: urban extent until 2003 based on Ahmed 1991 (for DMA only), additional mapping of urban extent until 2013 and fringe areas Layout and Draft: K. Hackenbroch Governance challenges arise furthermore from generally enjoy high social status in Bangladesh, the rapid urban expansion at the urban fringe. and for most of the students admitted to the seven Here the real estate sector dominates land public universities in Dhaka, accommodation and development activities based on its economic subsidised food is provided. The hundreds of power to commission local land brokers and thousands of domestic labour migrants coming to adopt forceful land acquisition practices, while Dhaka every year are economically highly grossly violating planning regulation connected, both to the globalised industrial (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). Opposition here is development of the city and to the local and limited to a civil society which can only exemplify national trading and service sectors. However, cases but does not have the power for widespread socially and especially in terms of representation, resistance against powerful economic and they are to a high degree disconnected from the political actors. The modes of governing space urban contexts. In the local discourses of policy- production at the fringe are largely interwoven makers, media, academics and in some cases also with practices of informality. Accordingly, some international development professionals, the poor land developers have been able to achieve urban population is frequently equated with legalisation and planning approval for their migrants, and their – assumed or real – translocal projects by eventually succeeding in establishing livelihoods are associated with a lack of urban political authority on top of approved planning civic sense and a lack of commitment and regulation (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). Banks et al. 2011), delegitimising their belonging identification with the city (Siddiqui et al. 2010; 2.2.3 Migration to and Migrants and right to the city. The differential treatment of low-income in Dhaka migrants is evident in the continuity of As has been elaborated above, Dhaka’s repressive actions like evictions of street population growth is slowing in percentage vendors and hawkers or road bans for rickshaws, all major occupations for rural to urban migrants 46 and absolute numbers, as this adds approximately (e.g. Etzold 2016). This happens especially before 450,000(3% in 2014), persons but to still the significant current population in both relative each major events (e.g. Cricket World Championships), as poverty but also rural to urban migration do contribution of migration are not available, but ityear should (United be noted Nations that 2015). growth Exact results figures from for a the portrayed by policymakers and media. This can combination of migration, natural population alsonot fit be into seen the as generalone reason image why of urbana modern poverty city as growth and an increase of the census area of has for a very long time been neglected by Dhaka. It can still be assumed that the largest policymakers (Banks et al. 2011). In relation to share of incoming migrants represent rural-urban this, attempts to restructure the built-up core city migration, whether permanent or temporary1, often start with forced evictions of the of relatively poor households. Nonetheless, neighbourhoods of the urban poor (Hackenbroch middle- and high-income households or et al. 2008; Hossain/Hackenbroch 2012). This individual members of the same also migrate, necessitates continuous preparedness for especially to seek higher education and job mobility within the city in search of new opportunities. The different groups of (domestic) residential locations and securing of livelihoods – migrants also enjoy very different perspectives perpetuating the status of ‘migrants’ ascribed and positions in the urban context, depending on to some population groups by policymakers, as their socio-economic background and status. opposed to accepted citizens. Students especially of public universities 2.2.4 Changing Urban Economies in Dhaka

1 One of the industries where a high number of temporal Dhaka is the economic centre of Bangladesh, in rural-urban migrants find informal employment opportunities terms of export-oriented industries especially is in the brickfields surrounding Dhaka (see below). Here research has indicated that most of the workers only come to manifested in the largest cluster of the ready- Dhaka during the six dry months of production time (October made garments industry. The garment sector adds to April) and go back to their rural home regions mostly north up to 12.5 % of Bangladesh’s annual GDP (BMGEA of Dhaka (especially Mymensingh, Rangpur) for the remainder 2016), the majority of which is produced in of the year – during the summer months and rainy season (April to October) – to work in the agricultural sector Dhaka-based factories. The garment sector in (Aßheuer/Braun 2011). Bangladesh has been well investigated, and thus Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration

megacities the research within this programme has focused Research here has especially focused on on other industries not commonly in the capabilities to adapt to the changing weather headlines. For example, Dhaka is a ‘city of conditions expected from climate change recycling’ where all sorts of materials from paper scenarios. While the industry’s informal to steel and metal are reused. One such recycling industry is plastic recycling. A survey of 2005 easily to changing climate conditions, this mode found that 124 tons of plastic waste are generated ofproduction production system is enabled allows at the the flexibility cost of insecure to adapt in Dhaka per day, of which 83% are eventually labour conditions for the workforce (Aßheuer/ recycled (PCI 2005, referred to in Kulke/Staffeld Braun 2011: 306). 2009: 33). This plastic recycling industry consists Supplying the megacity with food also of a survival industry on the one hand – requires an economy that constantly adapts to changing conditions triggered by economic where plastic material is collected and sold to globalisation, by environmental change affecting smallcharacterised collecting by shops the first – and steps a growth-oriented of the value chain yearly production in and outside of Bangladesh, informal economy on the other hand – by urban population growth including the related characterised by the factories reusing the plastic challenges of an overburdened transport system, and producing with recycled plastic (Kulke/ and by political crisis. The research on urban Staffeld 2009: 40). In this latter economy both street food (Etzold 2013) and on wholesale formal and informal modes of production exist markets (Keck 2016) has indicated that Dhaka’s food economy is surprisingly resilient in terms of adjust to market conditions. The industry only absorbing shocks and ruptures of the servesand serve the tonational make it market, competitive however, and globalflexible to abovementioned nature. The food economy, market price developments have seriously however, is rapidly changing with affected the plastic recycling industry as prices for supermarketisation in Dhaka gaining speed, new plastic pellets on the global market however, as yet this coexists with traditional decreased, ousting recycled pellets. bazaars and is based on local players, with The leather industry is a more globally transnational groups not having so far entered the 47 integrated example of Dhaka’s position as a city of market (Hobelsberger 2013). Nonetheless, a economic production. More than 90% of the fragmentation of the food economy and landscape country’s tanneries are concentrated in the can already be observed: while the traditional tannery estate Hazaribagh in Dhaka, currently bazaars are places accessible to everyone, making up to 168 factories (Strasser 2016). supermarkets have become exclusive locations Religious festivals, particularly the Muslim festival (Keck 2015a). Eid-ul-Azha when millions of cows and goats are 2.2.5 Risk and Vulnerabilities Linked vital importance for the supply side as they are thesacrificed largest all source over Dhakaof raw andmaterials Bangladesh, (Strasser are et of al. to Urbanisation in Dhaka 2013: 3). Accordingly, the leather supply chain Dhaka and Bangladesh have featured prominently considerably changes on Eid-ul-Azha as compared in the discourse on climate change. A study by the to the rest of the year. The research on the leather World Wildlife Fund (WWF International 2009: 4) of the time of the year – as central to the Asia with the highest overall vulnerability to productionindustry has process, identified while middlemen during religious – independent climatehas identified change. Dhaka In the as same the coastal study Dhaka megacity has inalso festivals the number of actors involved generally been ranked as the least adaptable city to climate increases, especially on the side of the religious change based on the variables of existing projects, authorities. The export-oriented leather responsiveness to events and per capita GDP industry’s competitiveness was found to be (WWF International 2009: 5). The most relevant temporarily available resources and trust in sea-level rise (coupled with salt water intrusion), relationsimpacted toby middlemen culture-specific (Strasser constraints, 2016). climate change threats identified for Dhaka are The brick production industry, already changes in precipitation due to climate change has mentioned above, is another large informal indicatedstorm surge the and likelihood flooding. of Researchincreasing on regional employer with 500 production units and app. precipitation, changes in precipitation patterns 100,000 employees and day labourers in the year and annual distribution (Thiele-Eich et al. 2015). triggered by the growing construction industry. analysis over years has indicated a rather complex 2000 – figures have since then increased, However, in terms of flooding in Dhaka the relationship between factors on a regional scale, to further exacerbate weather extremes resulting rather than a mere increase of events and from climate change. durations. For example in 2007 extreme A very common problem of large agglomerations precipitation events in the Brahmaputra and is air pollution, and Dhaka is no exception here. Meghna catchment areas played a pivotal role for The main contributors to air pollution are the

peak of the Ganges which occurred together with used for cooking but also for burning waste and dischargesevere floods, peaks whereas of the Brahmaputrain 2004 it was and a discharge Meghna otherbrick industry,materials traffic in production volume and processes the open (Burkart/ fires (Thiele-Eich et al. 2015). Accordingly, while Endlicher 2009: 97). While, for example, a ban of climate change is likely to change the patterns of two-stroke motors was successfully implemented in 2002 and many three-wheelers now operate on CNG while rickshaws powered by electricity have flooding,Research a prediction on coping as strategies to which effectsin times will of be experienced in Dhaka remains difficult. increasing. It is assumed that an additional impressive overall adaptability to external shocks. 150,000recently enteredcars enter the the market, roads trafficof Dhaka volumes city every are Theflooding brick has production indicated industry that Dhaka as an shows industry an environmental and economic impacts. year, triggering traffic congestion with significant eventslocated and in the higher flood-flow annual zones precipitation can be considered as effects the urban fringe in 2007 revealed considerable ofrather climate well change prepared (Aßheuer to face 2014).an increase This canof flood differencesMeasurements based at fiveon location stations and in Dhaka season city and at mainly be attributed to its conservative, very (Burkart/Endlicher 2009). While the station at traditional, and culturally deeply embedded Islambag (the centre of the plastic recycling approach to production (Aßheuer 2014). Other industry, located close to the old city core of research has underlined how the inhabitants of informal settlements – the urban areas most February, the month with the highest air pollution Dhaka) achieved a peak of 200 μg PM per m3 in 48 sometimes remains inside the houses for 1-2 per m3 at the urban fringe (Burkart/Endlicher monthsseverely – affected also recover by flooding, surprisingly where well the afterwater a 2009:level across 102). allThe stations, seasonal it peaksremained of air at pollution app. 60 μg in February correspond with peaks of acute social capital that can be utilised in case of extremeflood. This events high (Aßheuerresilience etis especiallyal. 2013). Despitebased on differentiate between the effect of the cold season these positive examples, the recent developments andrespiratory air pollution infections, as determining however, it factors is difficult (Burkart/ to at the urban fringe involving the large scale Endlicher 2009: 101). Another challenge and potential risk for water canals can be expected to directly impact on life in the megacity is the continuous supply of thesand-filling city’s adaptability of flood-flow to climate zones and change of major and food – and here investigations of the wholesale

Another effect of climate change in Dhaka is system’s remarkable resilience (Keck 2016). theflooding increasing events temperatures (Baumgart et over al. 2011). the past 100 Thismarkets resilience for rice is and based fish foremost indicate onthe the food informal years and the likelihood of the trend to continue, business networks of wholesalers. Wholesale with a rise by 1.5 to 2.0 °C in the next 50 years traders focus on horizontal power relations and (Ahmad/Warrick 1996 and Nizamuddin 2001, accordingly build up trustworthy relations referred to in Aßheuer et al. 2009). Within the resulting in social capital. They thus exhibit SPP, research has focused on changes in adaptive capacities that not only secure their temperature (especially urban heat islands) and own businesses but also account for the its effects for public health outcomes and robustness of Dhaka’s food system (Keck 2012, heat-related mortality (e.g. Burkart/Endlicher Keck et al. 2012). 2009). While temperatures will not necessarily increase as a consequence of climate change, what is to be expected is a change of climate patterns and an increase in climatic variability, extreme temperatures and extreme events (IPCC 2007, in Burkart 2011: 84). The current urban fabric of Dhaka city, with an ever-densifying city core and extension into the urban fringe without consideration of air circulation, is generally likely Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration

megacities 2.2.6 Public Health in Dhaka poor in Dhaka is affected by individual factors such as gender, socio-economic status (income, education, housing and sanitation conditions, which affect mental health) as well as knowledge thatPublic emerge health inter in Dhaka alia from is influenced air pollution, by a numberhigh on environmental health (Gruebner et al. 2011a). temperatures,of factors, reflecting haphazard the environmental working conditions conditions or extreme urban densities, and the socio-political by the structure of Dhaka’s urban fabric: high conditions related to healthcare services, populationBut it was also density, found areas to be affected significantly by urban influenced regulation of urban development or quality and security of food. green spaces are negatively associated with Air pollution with particulate matter is a mentalflooding wellbeing, and the existence whereas of the (often availability polluted) of serious environmental concern and accounts for satisfactory jobs in the vicinity is positively a high burden of disease in Dhaka. Population associated with it (Gruebner et al. 2011b). In groups are differently exposed to the main addition, mental wellbeing in households of poor emission sources, namely brick-kilns surrounding neighbourhoods is also linked to the wellbeing of neighbouring households, even when the burning of waste (Burkart/Endlicher 2009). socio-ecological conditions vary (Gruebner et al. Furthermore,the city, traffic the and city open is seasonallyfires for cooking affected or by 2012). urban heat islands as well as cold spells in winter. Access to and factual utilisation of healthcare While generally the cold season was found to facilities are crucial determinants of public exhibit increased mortality levels (Burkart et al. health. The healthcare system in Dhaka is 2011a), heat-related excess mortality was most characterised by marked disparities between pronounced for middle and upper class neighbourhoods where cardio-vascular diseases the poor quality of their services, the urban poor are more common (Burkart et al. 2013). relyaffluent on them and poor (Khan areas et al. of 2012a, the city; 2012b). and despite The lack Mental wellbeing in the settlements of the urban of affordable healthcare facilities, together with a 49

UrbanPhoto: trafficFrauke in Kraas Dhaka 2.2.7

lack of regulation, has led to a quick growth in poorly equipped pharmacies in the past decades. Fields and Topics of SPP Research As a consequence, the trust in and acceptance of in Dhaka the healthcare system is not particularly high, The above accounts of Dhaka have shown a city which in turn has consequences for the which currently is facing large and multifaceted utilisation of these services. transformation processes along with diverse The public health of Dhaka’s population challenges. Dhaka has proven to be an enriching remains highly vulnerable to socio-political site for urban studies research, and the SPP conditions and crisis. The global price-hike of food research projects contributedsee to Box an improved2.2.7 increased the vulnerability of Dhaka’s urban poor understanding of the ongoing transformations in terms of food security and health outcomes from multiple perspectives ( ). Based (Zingel et al. 2011). Unregulated working on this detailed picture, Dhaka could be conditions – environmentally and contractually – positioned more prominently in global urban in much of Dhaka’s informalised economies have theory, moving beyond simplistic ascriptions serious impacts on workers’ health outcomes of ‘urbanisation under poverty’ here and (Staffeld/Kulke 2011). The lack of urban planning ‘industrialised urbanisation’ there. Furthermore, and planning control – whether this is a strategic the research projects carried out in Dhaka have choice or due to a lack of steering capacities – also generated findings with practical results in ever-accelerating urban densities, implications for city governance, policymakers producing an urban environment detrimental to and development cooperation agencies – relevant human health (Baumgart et al. 2011). both for Dhaka and beyond the case study.

50

StreetPhoto: marketFrauke Kraasin Dhaka Dhaka: A Rapidly Expanding and Economically Dynamic Agglomeration

megacities

Box 2.2.7 Fields and Topics of SPP Research in Dhaka The research projects of the SPP have focused on the following research themes:

Urban planning and governance ՜ Urban resource access: its importance for urban livelihoods, the negotiations of access to contested urban resources (public space, water supply, land/road access) and the resulting ՜ (informal) governance arrangements and power relations ՜ Strategies and modes of the production of space: the negotiations, politics of power and knowledge, and legitimation discourses of middle- and high-income housing projects at ՜ the urban fringe ՜ Access to urban street food markets: the spatial practices of actors and the negotiations, contestations and legitimations inherent in the governance of space ՜՜ Governance and resilience of urban food markets: the interplay of formal and informal business activities for the functioning of the urban food supply system and the transition ՜ to a supermarket based system

Urbanisation and migration ՜ Rural-urban linkages: resource transfers and remittances; the transformation of translocal linkages between rural-to-urban migrants and their rural household members through ՜ mobile phone communication

Urban economies ՜ Informal production systems: function, linkages and development potentials of Dhaka’s plastic recycling and processing industry ՜՜ Global value chains: conceptualising the Bangladeshi leather industry within a global 51 ՜ asymmetries ՜ Foodvalue economies:chain; analysing the implications the coordination and effects of inter-firm of emerging activities, supermarkets their dynamics in terms and of power polarisation, hybrid cultural dynamics and global homogenisation of consumption, ՜ behavioural and economic patterns

Urbanisation and environmental change ՜ Adaptability and resilience to natural hazards: linking models predicting future climate change and weather extremes to analyses of informal social and economic adaptation ՜ strategies on a micro- level; crucial factors that determine vulnerability and resilience

՜ Climate change communication: communication of climate change scenarios as well as to floods on the household level ՜ Urbanisationweather-related and andpublic flood health forecasts to the people concerned ՜ Weather conditions, air pollution and public health: effects of urban climatic conditions, both on urban and local scales ՜՜ Mapping public health: linkages between different health factors and settlement structure, density and proximity to open spaces ՜՜ Public health effects: linking public health disparities with socioeconomic status, gender, age and access to healthcare systems ՜ 2.3

The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region

Author Tabea Bork-Hüffer Economic transition has furthermore entailed substantial processes of upgrading, changes in The pace and scope of change experienced in the labour regimes, new environmental challenges Greater Pearl River Delta as a result of its and socio-ecological vulnerabilities, which have economic boom and massive urbanisation is been analysed by SPP researchers. SPP research unprecedented worldwide (Seto 2004). It has has also looked at the effects of social, economic, opened up new opportunities and challenges for and ecological changes (cf. for conceptual urban development. As often no previous background on global changes in mega-urban experience with market-driven development areas Kraas 2007, de Mulder/Kraas 2008, Kraas existed it also created a particular need for 2008) on different population groups’ public, research to analyse the effects of ongoing environmental and psychological health, and the transitions, which was the focus of seven years of populations’ access to social and health care SPP research in this region. Among the focal infrastructure and health seeking practices. points are the changes in government regimes and governance that have accompanied the boundaries that were declared and delimited as central government’s decentralisation pathway. partThe of its PRD establishment is defined by as its an administrative open economic zone in 1985. Historically speaking, it is thus not Delta (PRD), which is geographically located a distinct unit – neither culturally nor topo- someThis has distance specifically from theaffected power the centre Pearl in River Beijing graphically nor – before 1985 – administratively. It covers ten prefectures of China’s south-eastern governance regimes due to its proximity to Hong Guangdong Province. The so-called Greater Pearl Kongbut has and also Macao. been Furtherinfluenced emphasis through has multi-level been put River Delta also includes the Special on investigating the role of migration in the Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau urbanisation processes of the PRD and, vice (cf. Figure 2.3.1-1). Due to rapid in-migration and versa, migrants’ livelihoods, their access to urban partly the extension of city boundaries, the infrastructure and their health situation.

Greater PRD is estimated to embrace five megacities megacities1, i.e. cities with a population of more 2.3.1 (Mega-)Urbanisation of the Pearl River Delta Guangzhou and Shenzhen are the largest agglomerations,than five million eachinhabitants being home in the to year 12.3 2015: million Mao’s anti-urbanisation policy was enforced 2.3 people, followed by Dongguan with 7.9 million, from the end of the 1950s and effectively Foshan with 7.6 million, and Hong Kong with 7.4 hindered in-migration to China’s cities, keeping million people (United Nations 2012) (cf. Figure the urbanisation rate at 17.4 per cent until the 2.3.1-2). Given the extension of the built-up area middle of the 1970s (United Nations 2012). in the PRD throughout the past 35 years, it is Following the introduction of the economic more appropriate to classify it as a poly-nodal opening and reform policies in 1978, the country mega-urban region in which in reality the experienced a massive ‘take-off’ in urbanisation built-up area has stretched to connect the cities, and industrialisation. This development has been now only administratively separable. highly regionally disparate due to location

1 Yet, due to a hardly quantifiable number of unregistered migrants, the unclear definition of the urban area (which was changed several times) and inaccurate local statistics on population, it is difficult to accurately determine the population of the cities (besides Hong Kong and Macao) or the total population of the PRD (cf. Bork-Hüffer 2012). Figure 2.3.1-1 Administrative structure of Guangdong Province

Source: Kraas et al. 2008: 14

C HINA

Shaoguan 53 Guangdong

Qingyuan Meizhou Heyuan Chaozhou

Zhaoqing Jleyang Guangzhou Shantou Huizhou Shanwei Foshan Dongguan Yunfu

Zhongshan Shenzhen Jiangmen Hong Kong Yangjiang Maoming Zhuhai Macao Conghua

Zhanjiang Huadu

Zengcheng Guangdong Province Guangzhou Greater Pearl River Delta Economic Zone Guangzhou District District boundary Greater Pearl River Delta Economic Zone Panyu Guangzhou district (county level)

0 10 20 30 40 50 100 150km 0 10 20 30km factors but also driven by a stepwise reform centres were modernised, new city cores and axes process initiated through special economic as well as commercial centres developed, and zones, open cities, and open development economic clusters were upgraded (Wu et al. 2007, regions that were appointed initially in the Schröder et al. 2010, Bork et al. 2011a). The Eastern coastal provinces (Kraas/Mertins 2014). progressive development of PRD cities through Urbanisation eventually took place at a much the redevelopment and restructuring of already higher speed than was intended by the built-up areas and the reuse or changed use of government and this applies particularly to the urban cores has been described with the concept PRD (Bork-Hüffer 2012). ‘maturing megacities’ by Altrock/Schoon (2014a). The Pearl River Delta was declared an open Government-led development initiatives have economic region in 1985. Until today it is one of generally favoured economic interests from the main urban development corridors in China (Kraas 2004), which due to its rapid economic into the city’s municipal treasury, while they growth, especially of the export-oriented havewhich neglected higher revenues the urban could poor, be among expected whom to flow are industries, is also known as the ‘world’s low-income urban residents, the elderly, the workshop’ (Sun et al. 2006: 28). Further triggered unemployed, and the huge group of rural-to- by local government’s growth policies, large-scale urban labour migrants that has moved to the development projects at the urban fringes, and cities since economic opening (cf. Section 2.3.3). the construction of industrial infrastructure for For the urban population the introduction of the export-oriented economies, the PRD cities private economic activities has caused the experienced a massive expansion of their built-up progressive retreat of the state-subsidised areas, which went hand-in-hand with a substantial decrease of agricultural areas in the services, a guaranteed work place, a minimal region (cf. Figure 2.3.1-3). At the same time the incomebenefits and of free access access to affordable to health andhousing social (cf. cities experienced internal restructuring: old city Section 1.1.3).

54

Box 2.3.1 Historical development of the Pearl River Delta The Pearl River Delta has traditionally been among the oldest and most important trade centres of China and capital of the Guangdong province. It has been a centre of maritime trade connections with Arabia, India and Southeast Asia since the second century AD. In 1711, the British East India Company established a trade centre and a small European settlement on the island of Shamian in Guangzhou. Between 1757 and 1842, the only trade post with permission to trade with foreigners was located here until the Treaty of Nanjing resulted in the opening of four further harbours (among them Shanghai, Ningbo and Xiamen). Thus, connections to foreign countries had existed for centuries and then much later formed the basis of the bridge to foreign terrain that developed during China’s process of opening up. As part of Deng Xiaoping‘s economic opening policy, announced in 1978, the Pearl River Delta experienced fast development dynamics,

from multinational companies – among them Chinese companies from abroad. According to the mottoindustrialisation ‘crossing the and river urbanisation, by feeling massivelythe stones’, triggered reforms wereby the released inflow of stepwise foreign directand as investments experiments, which, if successful, were later transferred to other cities and regions in China. Since then this economic development zone has experienced enormous population growth, mostly by in-migration, and is among the most important economic corridors of the world (Wu, 2002, Lin, 2004, Enright/Scott/Chang, 2005, Lu/Wei, 2007, Chubarov/Brooker, 2013). The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region

megacities Major Tendencies of Urbanization in China and Growth of the PRD Megacities

Urbanization rate of China (% of urban population) Important events Tendencies of in China urbanization 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0%

58,5% 2025

55,0% 2020 Continuous urban growth, possibly development 51,1% 2015 of global cities

2009 47,0% 2010 onwards

2008–09 World economic crisis Temp. slowdow

42,5% 2005

2001 PRC joins WTO 35,8% 2000 1999 Macau enters PRC 1997 Hong Kong enters PRC

30,9% 1995 1992 Deng Xiaoping‘s

southern tour Increase in inter-urban competition io n, globalization, urban sprawl, urbanization, in-migrat Catch-up innerurban restructruing 26,4% 1990 Industrialization

22,9% 1985 in urbanization

19,4% 1980

1978 Announcement o « »Take of Open Door Policy

17,4% 1975 1968–78 Cultural Revolution

17,4% 1970

Stagnation (anti-urbanization policy) 18,1% 1965

1958–61 Great Leap Forward 16,2% 1960 1958 Tightening of hukou system

13,9% 1955

Gradual expansion of cities 1954 Introduction of hukou 11,8% 1950 system 1949 Founding of PRC 15 10 5 0 Population (in millions)

Shenzen Guangzhou Foshan Dongguan 11,8% Urbanization rate of China

Figure 2.3.1-2 Growth of the PRD’s four megacities from 1950 till 2025 and general tendencies of urbanisation in China

Source: changed version of Bork-Hüffer 2012: 86; source of data: UN 2010, Layout and Draft: T. Bork-Hüffer; Design: B. Rafflenbeul, R. Spohner BAIYUN

TIANHE

YUEXIU

LIWAN

HUANGPU

HAIZHU

PANYU

Built-up area: 1979 Expressway 56 1990 Major road 2000 Railroad 2005 Metro Guangzhou GUANGDONG Open space Metro Guangzhou (planned) River, lake Guanzhou boundary Urban district boundary Guangzhou

Figure 2.3.1-3 Extension of the urban area of Guangzhou (Bork-Hüffer 2012: 89)

Source: GLCF 2008, NASA Landsat Program 2001 (Landsat MSS, GeoCover, USGS, Sioux Falls, 10/19/1979; Landsat 5 TM, GeoCover, USGS, Sioux Falls, 10/13/1990), NASA Layout and Draft: T. Bork-Hüffer , Cartography: R. Spohner

Privatisation and other reforms have engendered outlined the role of housing prices as an housing segregation following the trend of important sorting mechanism fostering spatial growing socio-economic segregation. New highly differentiation and segregation in Guangzhou. Regulation and control have prevented squatter- been created for the emerging urban middle and like settlements from emerging in spite of the upperdefined classes and exclusionary in the PRD cities,urban entailing enclaves have urban sprawl that the cities in the development increased ‘gating’ and exclusionary practices zones have experienced. However, dilapidated accompanied by a break-up of traditional older city areas as well as so-called ‘villages-in- community structures and cohesion, as has been the-city’ (chengzhongcun, cf. Section 2.3.3) have pointed out in the works of Tomba (2010) and become the destination and shelter for rural-to- Breitung (2011, 2012). In an analysis of the urban migrants as well as for the newly emerging commodity housing market, Breitung et al. (2013) strata of urban poor that have dropped out of the The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region

megacities state-subsidised system. Both types of settlements that of the provincial capital Guangzhou, the are characterised by a high population density, plans of two Special Economic Zones, Shenzhen lack of basic infrastructure – such as a road and Zhuhai, and those of nine municipalities network, electricity, water supply, drainage and and – with regard to the Greater Pearl River sewage systems – and basic urban services (Bork Delta – of two Special Administrative Zones. et al. 2011a, Bork-Hüffer 2012). Urban governance is thus turned into a There is an obvious lack of interest and ‘multidimensional (multisectoral, multiactor, engagement from the city governments as well and multilevel) phenomenon’ (Gustavsson et as the lower administration levels in carrying out al. 2009: 60). serious planning in areas that are not at the focus of economic development. A radical shift is urban governance, the various state actors (i.e. currently being implemented: as part of a actorsDespite or agencies a diversification on district, of city, agents provincial, involved and/ in national initiative to transform villages-in-the- or national level) still maintain their ability to city, which affects a total of 2908 villages in 28 achieve their interests. Schoon (2014a, 2014b) cities in China (chinaurbanvillage.org 2014) and analysed the relevance of a recent initiative to is the largest urban transformation project the redevelop and upgrade urban areas (the ‘Three world has ever seen, several PRD cities (among Olds’) in Guangdong province, whereby she them Guangzhou, Shenzhen and Zhuhai) compared different implementation strategies launched the demolition and ‘renovation’ of and institutional settings in Shenzhen and these settlements. Their demolition and the Guangzhou. Zielke/Waibel (2012) have teased out resettlement of their population abrogates the way in which different state actors at existing economic sub-systems, based in and the local level have substantially increased their surrounding the villages, the social sub-systems are restructured and socio-spatial structures are experimental strategies are used as tools for dissolved through the relocation of villagers, power levels and influence. Informality and while no alternative housing space is created for economic changes (Schröder/Waibel 2012). flexible urban governance adapted to rapid migrants (Bork et al. 2011a). 57 the populations’ levels of access to the city, its Modes of urban government decisively influence 2.3.2 Governance Challenges services, and infrastructure. Breitung (2011) has analysed modes of spatially differentiated urban in the Pearl River Delta governance in Guangzhou and stressed the role of In contrast to other Chinese development zones, the strong physical, social and other boundaries the provincial and state governments have established in the city. The state also intervenes in the private sphere, through implementing in the Pearl River Delta (PRD), allowing local and regulation of private governance in gated regionalretrenched socio-political their influence networks on regional as well planning as communities where private actors exercise social and policing functions that are otherwise enforced urban and regional planning and development by the state (Tomba 2009). However, in order to duringeconomic recent interests decades to extend (Seto 2004, their Xuinfluence and Yeh on 2005). Hence, urbanisation in the Pearl River Delta has been characterised by a combination avoid open conflict, the city government tends to of ‘planned’ and ‘spontaneous’ processes (Shen de-factonegotiate restructuring with selected regimes actors involved emerged to through find et al. 2002), with several major shifts in the solutions that also fit their interests. Different capacities, limitations and freedoms that the actors and were partially integrated into statutory diverse urban actors were conceded by planningthe highly (Altrock/Schoon reflexive interaction 2013, of Altrock/Schoon the multitude of government authorities (Schoon 2011, Altrock 2014b). These developments are to some extent 2012). As Bercht (2013a: 129) has noted, as a also promoted by higher level state authorities, encouraging experimental advancement in resources, local governments’ strategies have the processes of political transformation and turnedresult of from competition ‘urban managerialism for financial and to urban economic urbanisation. Between the multiplicity of actors, entrepreneurialism’. National policies have negotiation and bargaining alternates with hereby fuelled inter-city and interregional top-down decision-making, which altogether has competition (cf. Wu 2007, Wu et al. 2007b). led to the emergence of new and unexpected The resulting multiple jurisdictions have led to modes of urban governance and development the existence of competing development plans strategies of the city’s system. They are further in the PRD: the Guangdong province plan versus complicated by actors at the local urban self- organisation level, which is represented by urban urban migrants. They found that so-called new residents’ committees, economic cooperatives or generation migrants who recently migrated to committees of villages-in-the-city that use niches Guangzhou more often relied on cross-class, non- in the formal system and also negotiate with kin and non-territorial networks when seeking potential economic investors (Bork et al. 2011a, Fokdal/Herrle 2012, Schoon 2012, Altrock/ migrants. As Suda (2012, 2016) has shown in her Schoon 2013). work,social havingsupport an compared urban hukou to first (cf. generation Box) is associated with holding a higher social status 2.3.3 Migration in the Pearl River Delta and thus obtaining an urban hukou is something strongly aspired to by highly educated migrants. The number of migrants who have left their As subsidised public housing and older hometowns to work in the cities is immense in houses that are traded in the secondary housing China: it stood at 221 million people2 according market are only available for people with a local to the 2010 Population Census (National Bureau of Statistics 2011: 59-61). At the same time the shelter in temporary arrangements on number of international migrants in China is constructionhukou registration, sites, in migrants factory dormitoriesespecially find or in comparatively small: approx. 594,000 in 2010 so-called villages-in-the-city. Hartmann (2013) (People’s Daily as of 29 April 2011). As SPP and Hartmann et al. (2012) have pointed out that research has shown, migrants residing in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) are highly diverse actors control that affect migrants’ living arrangements, and in order to understand their role in Chinese theirdormitory free time, spaces and are their subject consumption. to specific Villages- rules of in-the-city are de facto former rural communities diversity of their backgrounds, trajectories, and that have been encircled by the expanding cities capacitiesurbanisation as isit isdiscussed beneficial in tofurther consider detail the in and as marginal settlements offer cheap but Section 3.7 (Bork-Hüffer et al. 2016a). Their precarious housing solutions to the growing rural-to-urban migrant population (cf. Gransow 58 logics and policies, as Schnack/Yuan (2010) and 2007, Bork et al. 2011a, Bork-Hüffer 2012, Gransowinflux has (2012) been influenced have shown by indifferent their review state of Herrle/Fokdal 2013). In Guangzhou, for instance, policy documents related to internal migration, it is estimated that villages-in-the-city host at and Bork-Hüffer/Yuan-Ihle (2014) demonstrated through consideration of recent changes in the migrant workers (Gu et al. 2007: 2). management of foreigners in China. leastInternational 50 per cent ofmigrant the more numbers than five increased million One of the preconditions for economic particularly after China became a member of the development, industrialisation, and urbanisation WTO in 2001. They embrace students, was a liberalisation of China’s strict anti- expatriates working for multinational and migration policy, which was effectively enforced Chinese companies, traders and labour migrants, through the hukou system (cf. Box) in the 1980s. Chinese return migrants, and ethnic Chinese refugees. Their immigration and stay in the migrant labour became the key for China’s country remains closely monitored and economicThe availability rise. Yet,of cheap migrants’ and flexiblepresence domestic in the city has long been treated as a temporary phenomenon, which means that migrants are migrantsmanaged. mostly During from the last developed decade countriesthe inflow who of neglected by policymakers and excluded from areso-called seen as ‘foreign providing talent’, the defined necessary as highlyskills forskilled the provision of adequate infrastructure, services China’s economic development, has been and housing. Furthermore, their integration into the urban social welfare system was long seen as international migrants has been rather unnecessary, which has resulted in a row of restricted.promoted. RestrictiveThe influx ofvisa non- policies or low-skilled that were alternative livelihood strategies (Kilian et al. enacted particularly in the forefront of mega- 2010, Bork-Hüffer 2012, Wissink et al. 2013). events have threatened the livelihoods of, among The impact of social changes accompanying others, African traders in Guangzhou. Social China’s transition process was revealed in Liu et networks and to a much lesser extent migrant al.’s (2012) study of social networks of rural-to- organisations are assets used by migrants to deal with the restrictive urban environment (Bork- Hüffer/Yuan-Ihle 2014, Bork-Hüffer et al. 2 This figure includes those people that crossed at least county borders and stayed for more than six months somewhere other 2016b). than their place of permanent residence. The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region

megacities

Box 2.3.3 The hukou (household registration) system The so-called hukou system, which was initially planned as a measure for population mon- itoring, became an effective tool for the supervision and prevention of domestic migration.

population into those with an urban hukou or rural hukou mainly based on birthplace. The latterEvery distinguishesperson is born those with peoplea hukou holding classification a local hukouand a hukou (permanent), location. which The former is tied todivides the child’s the mother’s legal place of residence at the time of birth, from those people holding a non-local hukou (temporary), based on the place of registration. During the Mao era an urban hukou entitled its holder to local access to a permanent job, housing, education and health care; a rural hukou granted its holder land for farming, a piece of land to build a house on (zhajidi), job opportunities in rural industrial enterprises, and access to local schools and health care. These entitlements count only for the legal place of permanent residence, the place of the local hukou. With the economic reforms after 1978 hukou entitlements diminished in rural areas with the breakdown of the rural community welfare system and declined in urban areas with the successive closure of state-owned enterprises. Nevertheless, the hukou system continues to be of central importance today as it effectively shapes discourses and policies on migration in China’s cities.

In addition, several SPP-researchers have upgrading through technology absorption and analysed how urban social and material spaces in learning, promotion of private and public the PRD are constantly moulded, changed, and education, and boosting of the quality and quantity subjected to negotiation over space by a variety of of R&D, are characteristics of the PRD reform 59 agents in the PRD cities with a special focus on paths (Liefner 2009, Liefner/Wei 2014). Schiller internal and international migrants’ and migrant (2011b, 2013) has shown that it is important to organisations’ roles and their active contributions consider organisational and marketing aspects in to a transformation of urban spaces in the PRD addition to technological factors in economic (Bork-Hüffer et al. 2016a, Flock/Breitung 2016, upgrading. In a comparison of foreign and Gransow/Zhu 2016). former are stronger in following up innovation domestic firms in the PRD, he found that the 2.3.4 Changing Urban Economies endeavours and have more external cooperations, as a result of which the latter are less likely to in the Pearl River Delta catch up with the technological standards of Decisive for the Pearl River Delta’s (PRD) position in the global economy is its long-standing tradition Revilla Diez et al. (2008: 267) conceptualised the of transboundary economic relations and division non-domestic firms (Schiller 2011a). Overall, of labour between Hong Kong and mainland-based organisationspecificity of [which]business refers models to oftena combination enacted in of urbanisation in the PRD has been triggered by the Hong Kong and PRD firms as ‘agile firm firms (Revilla Diez et al. 2008). Due to the fact that which enables forms to adapt to changing industry in other urban regions of China, Sit/Yang (1997: andflexibility market and conditions informality in ain highly business competitive practices and 647)influx describe of foreign it asdirect ‘exo(genous)-urbanisation’. investment (FDI) more than rapidly changing business environment’. Hartmann Economic specialisation in the PRD has been in the export-oriented manufacturing sector. Goods produced are electronics, home appliances, the(2013) work has situation analysed and how the demands socio-demographic for flexibility telecommunications equipment, toys, watches and structureamong firms and in the the action PRD conflictorientation with of the workers reality inof clocks, garments, footwear, plastic products and the electronic industry. ceramics. Some of the industry clusters have Local governments strongly compete for FDI become world leading. High-tech development has (cf. Section 1.1.2), which has resulted in redundant been a recent primary focus of both national and industrial structures as well as their acceptance local governments (Schröder/Waibel 2010). of negative side effects of economic development. Initiatives for economic and technological FDI mainly comes from Hong Kong and also Macao, rendering the notation as ‘foreign’ 2.3.5 Risk and Vulnerabilities investments equivocal. Hong Kong investments Linked to Urbanisation in the are characterised by small and medium-scale, Pearl River Delta labour-intensive, processing-types of manufacturing and trade-creative investment. The Hong Kong and Macao based investors have Rapid industrialisation and urbanisation in the to some extent favoured small cities and counties, Pearl River Delta (PRD) unaccompanied by enhancing their growth and leading to more disperse urbanisation in the PRD. Meyer (2011) ecological and social development have resulted and Liu et al. (2014) have analysed the relations insufficient massive measures environmental to ensure challenges sustainable and created new risks and vulnerabilities for the population customers in the PRD and found that a in and beyond the PRD. SPP research has focused combinationof Hong Kong of firms formal to theirand informal producers means and in on the analysis of the deteriorated air quality recruiting, contracting, and enforcing processes (Wendisch et al. 2008, Jahn et al. 2011, Mey et al. is applied. 2011, Jahn et al. 2013a), immense loss of arable land and biodiversity (Lu et al. 2009), and pressure on and deterioration of water resources (Azzam et al. 2013, Strohschön et al. 2013). The freshwater resources of the PRD, for instance, have shrunk dramatically due to a high increase in the use of fertilisers and chemical pesticides, which has also been driven by the more intense use of the remaining agricultural land, as much agricultural land has had to yield to the expansion of urban areas. Industrial

60

Modernisation in Hong Kong

Photo: Frauke Kraas

Pedestrian road in Guangzhou

Photo: Harald Sterly The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region

megacities discharge and the leakage of sewage water have water utilisation at the micro-level in increased parallel to the growing industry and Guangzhou, showing the importance of population and the majority of wastewater considering the general macro-level transition remains untreated and is being dumped into the of economy and society, as well as the meso-level Pearl River and its tributaries. Baier et al. (2009) restructuration of the urban fabric, when have made clear that an alternative, integrated wanting to understand the interaction of water management concept is necessary in human-environment factors in water mega-urban regions such as the PRD, one that vulnerability. takes account of the dynamics of land use in Among the severe challenges related to the these systems and of alternative decentralised transition of (urban) environments (WBGU technologies of wastewater treatment. The effects of the rapid transformation and et al. (2011, 2013c) examined the population’s environmental deterioration for the population exposure2016) are to new air andpollution amplified through health analysing risks. Jahn in the PRD cities and beyond are multifold, ambient particulate matter (PM) pollution in evoking different responses from affected Guangzhou, Hong Kong, and Shenzhen. They population groups. Bercht (2013b, 2013c) and found that almost all PM data exceeded national Bercht/Wehrhahn (2010), for example, have and international air quality guidelines and illustrated how rapid economic and social through a health impact assessment they transformation in Guangzhou is related to revealed that tens of thousands of premature increasing stress levels and psychosocial deaths could be prevented in Guangzhou if the vulnerability of the population living in the city, PM burden was reduced to these air quality limit and how the population has developed multiple values. Mey at al. (2011) have put forth a new ways to cope with these new challenges. approach to measuring aerosol particulate Wehrhahn et al. (2008, 2013) have looked at how exposure through linking satellite data urban restructuring has affected patterns of observations with human health by aircraft

61

Paving the way for high-rise buildings in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas

Pedestrians in Hong Kong

Photo: Frauke Kraas measures. Gransow (2010:10) has pointed to al. 2013b). A study by Jahn et al. (2013b) that speciic risks faced by rural-to-urban migrants, compares different population groups' access to which are a lack of health knowledge and health care in Guangzhou has revealed that information, occupational illnesses, infectious people's access to health care is hence highly diseases (cf. speciically for sexually transmitted inluenced by personal income levels. Rural-to- diseases the work of Zhang et al. 2013), poor diet urban migrants cannot revert to any insurance and living conditions, reproductive health scheme (Jahn et al. 2010) – with the exception of problems, lack of preventive health measures a few cities, among them Guangzhou, which such as vaccination, and psychosocial strain. recently introduced health insurance speciically Bork et al. (2011a) have analysed the conditions for migrants. However, these migrant insurance contributing to the emergence of environmental schemes have restricted success as they are health threats in villages-in-the-city in voluntary and are not transferrable between Guangzhou with a speciic focus on the different locations, among other reasons (Bork-Hüffer state and other actor groups involved. In a 2012). Bork-Hüffer (2012) delivered an analysis comparison of environmental health indicators and evaluation of rural-to-urban migrants' health across villages-in-the-city in Guangzhou and (care) options and their health (care) seeking with other studies in northern Chinese cities strategies, revealing the inluence of further they conclude that environmental health risks in factors on individual decision-making, among Guangzhou vary according to population density, them social and occupational constraints, health economic structure, the commitment of street beliefs, and regulations in the health care system. ofices to fulil their management tasks and the A comparison of rural-to-urban and African inancial resources of self-organised village migrants' access to health care in Guangzhou collectives that can be invested to compensate revealed commonalities in the barriers to for a lack of service provision, e.g. for the accessing health care, while it identiied the need maintenance of supply and disposal systems, by to establish insurance schemes with portable 62 the state. beneits, providing localised and culturally 2.3.6 adequate health services, and enhancing patient orientation and responsiveness by health Changing Urban Health Care professionals for both internal and international migrant groups (Bork-Hüffer 2015). Systems and Public Health Bork et al. (2011b) have analysed the change in the Pearl River Delta of health governance structures in Guangzhou's SPP research in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) has health care systems through comparing the roles analysed some of the major risks and and power levels of different stakeholder groups. opportunities related to changing urban health The indings show that although hierarchical care systems in PRD cities. Developments in the steering by the municipal administrative units in health sector and of the health status of the Guangzhou is oficially still in place, inluential population in the PRD have been inluenced by hospital managers, state-inluenced social national reforms of the health care system. organisations and NGOs, together with the Among these are privatisation and multiple adaption and circumvention strategies decentralisation as well as price reforms, all of patients and health care providers are aiming at cost covering after the breakdown of signiicantly reshaping the health system. One of the pillars of the pre-reform socialist welfare the adverse effects of marketisation and systems. The effects of the reforms on the privatisation in the health care sector combined economic and health systems have been with a lack of control of health care institutions multifold. Insurance coverage rates declined is an increasing overprovision of costly health tremendously in rural areas until the mid-1980s, services and pharmaceuticals and other proit- but also in urban areas especially in the 1990s. seeking strategies of health practitioners. New national insurance schemes have been introduced since the late 1990s, but they maintain the Mao-era divide between rural and urban areas despite the increasing mobility of the population. They are partial schemes,cf. Sectionand as a3.7, result fee-for-service continues to determine the populations' access to health care ( Bork et al. 2011b, Bork-Hüffer 2012, Jahn et The Pearl River Delta: a Poly-Nodal Mega-Urban Region

megacities

Fields and Topics of SPP Research in the Pearl River Delta The SPP research has covered a multiplicity of topics that are linked to mega-urbanisation, urban planning and governance, environmental, economic and social change, public health and the role of migration during the post-socialist period. More concretely SPP researchers have contributed to the following research themes: Urban planning and governance ՜ multi-level governance in the Greater PRD, borders and governance ՜՜ DevelopmentInformality and of flexibilityurban cells in and urban enclaves, governance, emergence new modes and governance of urban governance of villages-in-the-city, in the PRD, gated communities ՜՜ Peri-urban and urban fringe development

Urbanisation՜ and migration ՜ Development of migration regimes and of China’s migration law and regulations ՜ Relation of migration and urbanisation in the PRD, analysis of domestic and international ՜ ՜՜ Migrants’ role in the making of urban spaces in the PRD, migrants’ contestation for space with migrthe statatione flows ՜՜ Migrants’ well-being, health status, health risks, access to health care, health seeking strategies ՜ Urban economies ՜ technological change ՜ Upgrading of urban economies, innovation systems, agile firm organisation, value chains, ՜ Flexibility of the labour force, labour regimes, migrant workers 63 ՜ Workplace quality, labour turnover ՜ Urbanisation՜ and environmental change ՜ Air and water quality and pollution, socio-ecological vulnerabilities ՜ Land use changes ՜՜ Development of integrated water management concepts ՜՜ Development and application of sampling and measurement techniques for atmospheric ՜ aerosol particles ՜ Urbanisation and public health ՜ Changing health infrastructure, governance challenges in the urban health care system ՜ Inequities in different population groups’ access to health care and health seeking strategies ՜՜ Psychological stress and mental health challenges arising from the rapid transition of the ՜ urban landscape ՜ Research

Brick kiln in Dhaka Photo: Frauke Kraas 3 3 3.1

Governance Processes

3.1.1 Governance of the Megacity: A regional comparison between the Pearl River Challenges for Service Provision of a state’s political stability, its development and Planning orientationDelta (PRD) and and the Dhaka possibilities indicated for the public significance Authors Kirsten Hackenbroch, Uwe Altrock, Harald Sterly participation in the governance of urban space production (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). Variations in the self-conception of the state and the related as one of the key challenges of megacities, independentGovernance challenges of whether have these long are been embedded identified in mono- or polycentric agglomerations. Governance developmentspolitical context in define environments the degree of mega-urbanof stability, thus formed one of the key problem areas for SPP growth.influencing Despite urban the governance role attributed and thus to the spatial political system in urban governance research, the focus planning control and governability and the on western democracies in many of these analyses research, identified specifically as ‘the losssee of disguises key differences in newly industrialising Chapter 1). The results of the SPP research and developing countries regarding their demonstrateinfluence of new the diversityforms of ofgovernance’ governance ( self-conception of the state, the stability of state arrangements found in the production of urban institutions, the informal processes that unfold, spaces – from public spaces for livelihoods and the resource distribution between (Hackenbroch 2013a, 2013b, Etzold 2013) to governance-related actors. urban restructuring (Altrock/Schoon 2014a, Dhaka constitutes an unstable political Schröder/Waibel 2012, Tan/Altrock 2016) to environment characterised by severe competition settlement expansion at the urban fringes (Herrle between two political parties, only selectively able et al. 2014, Hackenbroch et al. 2016). Similarly and willing to deliver urban services and to provide diverse are the governance arrangements found in opportunities for a majority of the inhabitants. In service provision of both social and technical contrast, the PRD represents a relatively stable infrastructures (Bork-Hüffer 2012, Hossain 2013a, political environment in a one-party state that is Rahman 2013a) and in the mega-urban food not generally politically questioned. In both supply system (Etzold 2013, Keck 2016). settings, the modes of governance, and especially research the ways in which informality becomes part of 3.1.2 Governance of Service Provision: governing urban resources, thus differ considerably Agents and Arenas of Health Care (see Figure 3.1.1). In the PRD, informal governance and Infrastructure Provision can be regarded as ‘conceded’ by a state that has Authors Tabea Bork-Hüffer, Kirsten Hackenbroch 3.1 actively acknowledged being in a process of dynamic transition (Altrock/Schoon 2014b). Thus, it has become a way to experiment with new The provision of services to megacity populations responses to mega-urban challenges, at least to a has long been a challenge for city governments, certain extent. In Dhaka, informal governance takes both in terms of quality and of quantity of the form of individualised and collective responses services. In some instances, private, non- to a distinct lack of regulative control and a failure governmental actors and citizens have thus intervened to compensate for the lack of formally spaces of informality and negotiation open up provided services – whether to cover lack of strategicto provide opportunities efficient infrastructure. for selected The groups emerging of accessibility, affordability or availability. This is society to claim, exploit and govern urban and much more the case in Dhaka than in Guangzhou, public resources – often for groups with political or and China in general, where government-provided socio-economic power, leaving other groups in services dominate, although such services usually focus on the employed and urban hukou gaining access to resources (Hackenbroch et al. populations and neglect the large number of 2016).need of finding alternative and less secure ways of rural-to-urban migrants. In both cities, this has

67

Dhaka, Bangladesh PRD, China Dhaka, Bangladesh PRD, China National National appoints NationalGovernment National direct NationalParty Structures keep appoints

appoints direct Government relations Administration direct Party Structures appoints National report keep report

appoints direct relations Administrationdirect appoints report report report influence Interministerial direct Interministerial report Provincial InterministerialbodiesInterministerial influence direct bodiesInterministerial Provincial PPartyrovincial Structures Interministerialbodies direct bodiesbodies direct bodies PAdministrationrovincial report Party Structuresreport

direct direct

report report Administrationreport

Municipality Planning authorities direct

report MunicipalityDCC Planning(RAJUK, DWASA, authorities etc) direct Municipal Municipal direct MunicipalParty Structures DCC (RAJUK, DWASA, etc) report Administration Partydirect Structures Municipal report report direct direct elect Administration considers elect accounts accounts report report

in�luence direct elect elect considers accounts accounts report direct Local Private Powerfulin�luence Citizens Local direct LocalParty Structures PrivateDevelopers PowerfulElites report Citizens LocalAdministration Party Structures Developers Elites Administration report

Relevance in decision making very high high lower low Relevanceprocesses regardingin decision urban making governance: very high high lower low processes regarding urban governance:

Figure 3.1.1 Governance arrangements in Dhaka and the Pearl River Delta

Layout and design: Harald Sterly INFORMAL FORMAL Main insurance schemes

Basic urban medical insurance (urban areas)

New cooperative medical insurance (rural areas)

Migrant insurances (available in selected cities)

Commercial insurances Administration, NATIONAL regulation, planning units MUNICIPAL/PROVINCIAL/

NGOs and GONGOs

Health care providers

Government-owned, non pro t

LOCAL Non-government, non pro t

Private, for pro t

Illegal, for pro t

Social networks

Patients HOUSEHOLD INDIVIDUAL/

Types of interaction (tendencies) Cash Flows and payments Regulation, control

Cash Flows and payments for Reporting selected agents Abbreviations NGOs non-governmental organisations Medical services and actions GONGOs government-organised social of direct medical relevance organisations

Figure 3.1.2 Stakeholders and their relation in the Guangzhou health care system

Source: simplified version of Bork-Hüffer 2012: 245, includes ideas of Liu & Yi (2004: 65); Gong (2006); Li (2006); Sun (2006); Xu & Zhang (2006); Yang & Shi (2006) Layout and Draft: T. Bork-Hüffer, Design: R. Spohner Governance Processes

research fostered the evolving of new agents and new type GONGOS, i.e. government organised NGOs) arenas where service provision is being formally and individually organised NGOs. Together with and informally governed. This has raised concern the multiple adaption and circumvention as to whether such informal governance strategies applied by social services users and arrangements still uphold the central objectives of a social security system, i.e. improving social reshaping the social service provision system (cf. well-being, enhancing responsiveness to the Borktheir providerset al. 2011b). such agents are significantly expectations of the population, and assuring As pointed out by Bork-Hüffer and Kraas (2015), one of the side effects of a lack of public 2000). Several SPP projects have dealt with service provision is the emergence of unregistered differentfairness in facets financial of service contributions provision (Murray/Frenk in the Pearl and informal providers. In the health care sector in River Delta (PRD) and Dhaka, focusing on general Guangzhou, the increase in the number of these health system governance, governance of internal providers is linked to gaps in the formal health migrants' and international migrants' access to care system, especially the lack of access of social services, and the (informal) governance of marginalised population groups to formal health infrastructure provision and adaptation. care, the inadequate responsiveness of formal Since Deng Xiaoping’s opening policy, Mao`s services to patients’ needs (cf. Bork-Hüffer 2012), ‘totalitarian state’, which was characterised by the the poor enforcement of regulation, and corrupt total control of political, economic and social executive personnel. Informal health care spheres, has been replaced stepwise by a ‘new providers take on an ambivalent role in health care rationality of governance’ (Chung 2007: 789), based on both devolution of power and promotion care and provide more affordable services, some of state authority. The drastic changes occurring in haveprovision. not received Although any they kind fill of gaps education in basic or health form of society and economy demand adequate and alternative training and administer services beyond their knowledge and expertise, thereby pursuit of economic growth at all costs’ (Peng endangering the health of their patients. They responsive governance in all fields, however ‘blind 2004: 149) and sustaining one-party-rule despite furthermore neglect preventive health care 69 simultaneous economic opening have been the key (Bork-Hüffer/Kraas 2015). priorities of the Chinese government, particularly In Dhaka, the governance of infrastructure provision is largely built on political power, the The principles of hyper-marketization have informal actions of statutory authorities and the permeatedin the first two the socialdecades services after economic provision opening. sector, activities of socio-economically powerful fuelled by price reforms that foster the inhabitants. Such coalitions secure economic gain overprovision of unregulated services (Bork et al. by providing infrastructure services to 2011a). At the same time, the population lacks trust in the quality of service provision, and in the service providers, and by compensating for erratic accountability and responsiveness of those suppliesneighbourhoods or a lack that of planning are ‘off the control. map’ of official providing services (cf. Section 3.7.5). Water supply in many neighbourhoods of Currently, the main challenges in China's state Dhaka is subject to careful negotiations between governance of the social security sector include statutory authorities, service providers, political the lack of a clear-cut governance framework and players, local community leaders and citizens. DWASA, a semi-autonomous utility provider, is responsible for water supply in Dhaka. A case ofinsufficient the social models, security laws system, and andregulation a lack of in human the study of service provision to a peripheral fields of organisation, management and financing neighbourhood in Dhaka, which has incrementally levels of government. Furthermore, informal developed since the early 2000s, illustrates how and financial capital particularly at the lower informal governance becomes a ‘purposive game’ institutionalising of relationships between (Hossain 2011: 283). In improving the area’s water differentmodes in levelsgoverning, of government, rooted in a enhance deficient corruption supply, DWASA applied strategies and tactics that and undermine effective control of both the public are not in accordance with statutory regulation, and private services provision sectors (Bork et al. but instead are based on ‘subjective 2011a, Bork et al. 2011b, Bork-Hüffer 2012). interpretations based on casual and spontaneous Although hi¬erarchical control by the municipal interactions and personal affective ties among participants’ (Hossain 2011: 283). As a result, the water supply and sewerage network was extended ofadministrative public institutions, units is social officially organisations still in place, (Chinese new incrementally and involved differential treatment: influential agents have emerged, such as managers extension depended on an ability to produce power imbalances and free rides remain an issue political contacts or donate land for infrastructure (Rahman 2013a, 2013b). Furthermore, the logic (Hossain 2011, 2013). behind the initiative may be the cause of its next In another case study, informal water supply failure in the absence of more rigid instruments to a settlement of the urban poor – without formal of control: increased quality of life is hoped to land use recognition – was guaranteed by accelerate land prices once again, which would continuous political, statutory and community then likely trigger another cycle of real-estate negotiations (Hossain 2013a, 2013b ). Water vendors tapped water from DWASA main lines capacity of the – slightly – widened road. Such after negotiating with DWASA technicians, and developmentactivity and thus would densification again put thebeyond functionality the carriage of charged residents of the locality for the service. the city at risk (Rahman 2013: 172). The business realm of each water vendor was The instances of informal governance in grounded on careful negotiations with upper level infrastructure provision in Dhaka have illustrated politicians, competitors, and the local political and both the potentials and limits of substituting social authorities including the sphere of non- rule-based action with modes of informal governmental organisations and housing- governance. While this may be a way of compound owners (Hossain 2013b). Accordingly, compensating a gap left by statutory planning the mode of governing water supply here (Kreibich 2012) and thus describes a resembled an ‘organised encroachment of the ‘supplementary informality’ (Altrock 2012), the powerful’ (Hackenbroch/Hossain 2012) where a handful of local leaders are able to successfully reveal the strategic dimension of informal claim decision-making powers over the governance.examples of waterStatutory supply and provision political actors specifically are here distribution of a resource and the attendant entangled in these modes of governance as much as non-statutory actors, describing a hybrid mode In a middle class neighbourhood of Dhaka, of the governance of service provision (Altrock privateprofitable land business. owners initiated road widening to 2012, Hackenbroch et al. 2016) with adverse 70 upgrade the area’s environment. This had consequences for fairness in service provision. deteriorated due to land owners’ previous illegal building practices and accompanying haphazard 3.1.3 Urban Transformations and 2013). Pre-emptive infrastructure planning had Negotiations of Space: Selective densification since the mid 1980s (Rahman 2011, not been carried out – neither by statutory and Experimental Modes of Urban planners nor by land owners –, and planning and building regulations were not applied to achieve Governance Authors Uwe Altrock, Kirsten Hackenbroch attempt, the House Owner Society (HOS) thus set outa functional to correct urban what neighbourhood. had been caused In by a retrofittingits Cities across Asia are currently sharing a moment members, based on a promise of economic gain of extreme urban transformation. Spaces at the should accessibility be secured again (Rahman urban fringes are developing rapidly, often at the 2014: 170). Land owners convinced each other cost of local communities and the environment but to tear down and set-back walls in what became areas are being restructured, following world-class 2011: 71). Based on the knowledge and resources visionsto the benefit with detrimental of capital accumulation. effects for social Core inclusion. city ofa mutually middle class beneficial landowners collective and action the particular (Rahman In this scenario, statutory urban planning and engagement of a few key persons, the HOS governance are complemented, if not to a degree successfully built-up social capital and continues superimposed, by informal processes and to be active in the governance of infrastructure structures which cannot be explained by a lack of services. steering capacities alone. Dhaka and the Pearl River As in the case of water infrastructure provision Delta (PRD) differ considerably with regard to discussed above, political actors of the ruling political culture, the state’s self-conception and political party played a key role in both pushing urban governance (see Section 3.1.1 and Figure forward negotiations (providing political backing) 3.1.1). As we argue, when considering the two and hindering negotiations (exerting political agglomerations in comparison, the negotiations of space and modes of (informal) urban governance problems of self-organised governance: are closely related to these differences. negotiation-basedpressure). Thus the rather example than confirms rule-based the as it is, Governance Processes

research Developments under the current central regeneration projects. There are ambitious plans administration of the People’s Republic of China for the development of the entire mega-urban (PRC) show that there is no easy one-way street region to accommodate future housing demand towards more inclusive governance, and that and for its transformation to a higher value-added multi-level aspects of governance have to be taken service economy. This involves the development of into account when trying to fully understand the key infrastructures, environmental upgrading and production of space in megacities. In this respect, the redevelopment of derelict industrial sites and consideration of the role of Dhaka as the capital urbanised villages, all major challenges on the way city in which political, economic and socio-cultural towards a modern international megacity (The elites are concentrated may add to understandings National Development and Reform Commission of how powerful stakeholders are able to exploit 2008, Ma 2014, Ng/Xu 2014). In this context, the and govern resources. In contrast, the polycentric so-called ‘Three Olds’ policy can be seen as a major nature of the PRD offers a multifaceted arena of step towards consolidating efforts in shaping inter-city competition in which the stability and complex institutional arrangements to guide urban regeneration processes (Schoon/Altrock 2014, redevelopment cannot be taken for granted. In Schoon 2014). The policy aims to upgrade former bothefficiency agglomerations, of growth coalitions developers, in urban private old town areas, urbanised village areas and companies and others are entering the scene and derelict manufacturing sites in urban cores. Its becoming crucial players in urban development overall goal is to provide new development options for a city region running out of available them. In the PRD, a state-centred system of urban planningdue to the and financial development resources faces they the bring challenge with of improving local infrastructure and redeveloping increasingly diverse governance arrangements. land and to increase land use efficiency by Urban transformations in the PRD are increasingly to overcome urban problems arising from land use characterised by redevelopment and urban existing sites with inefficient layouts. It also aims

conflicts, pollution and overcrowding in informally 71

Renewal of the urban village Xiasha in Shenzhen: phases of residential development (background) and improved infrastructure (ancestral hall and newly constructed stage in background; village square with pocket park in foreground)

Photo: Uwe Altrock developed areas. The policy is intended to governments no longer need to realise plans. formalise land and property rights, integrating Nevertheless, developers’ operations are under landowners and developers with the help of the strict supervision of the government. negotiation and compensation schemes Companies operating on ‘old’ industrial sites (Guangzhou Government No. 56, 2009). It has negotiate self-redevelopment, either accepting been possible to easily institutionalise the compensation and then vacating the land or approaches in the case of former manufacturing proposing redevelopment schemes that conform sites, but localised informal experimentation intended to upgrade urbanised villages and old (Altrock/Schoon 2014a, Schoon 2014). In town areas is still fragile and is only gradually urbanisedwith official villages, urban redevelopmentindividuals are organisedvisions in producing substantial results. joint stock companies (JSC) representing villagers’ The Property Rights Law passed in 2007 gives interests (cf. Schoon 2012). Municipal individuals and village collectives legal protection governments welcome strong JSCs to participate for their property and thus a strong role in urban in and facilitate redevelopments in urbanised regeneration processes (Property Law of the PRC villages, given that villagers unitedly support No. 62, 2007). Different interests have to be redevelopment (Schoon 2012). Recently, a balanced when negotiating urban regeneration. growing sense of identity of affected individuals has been observed, transcending the community with which to articulate their interests. One of the borders of urbanised villages and old town areas. Gradually, more and more actors find the means stakeholders newly positioning their interests are parts of society. The newly involved stakeholders developersmost influential who groupsrepresent of non-governmentalthe (real estate) learnA strong from feeling others’ of experiencesfighting for their and aspirerights tounites gain market. They provide executive knowledge of how expertise in standing up for their rights and to implement large scale (re)development interests. projects so that the capital municipal

72

Guangzhou): Reuse of warehouses for high-end exhibition and eventUrban spaces regeneration on brownfields (project Taigu in Haizhu/

Photo: Uwe Altrock Governance Processes

research Experimentation, pragmatism and solution- intervention power. It often follows the logic of oriented procedures are typical for the governing a learning authoritative state, willing to negotiate logic of ‘Three Olds’ policy-based redevelopment, developments with experts on highly strategic as illustrated especially by the invitation to new levels. non-governmental stakeholders to get involved in At Dhaka’s urban fringe, tremendous housing urban regeneration. Successful regeneration demand both from inhabitants of the core city and depends on cooperation and consensus-building from newly arriving migrants drives a highly between stakeholders. The governing logic dynamic – and also speculative – development. ensures that (re)developments are both market- Land has become the prime target for investment. led and guided by the government, considering Accordingly, ‘model towns’ as statutory housing economic interests, affordability and feasibility. projects and upmarket residential areas provided Although the ‘Three Olds’ policy formulates by the private sector feature prominently in land negotiation and compensation mechanisms, it has consumption (Seraj 2012, Figure 2.2.1-2). In most been accused of unfair compensation, the cases the project locations do not follow a demolition of heritage and a neglect of the role of strategic planning vision for the agglomeration. tenants (Shin 2014, Tan/Altrock 2016). Instead, they are based on diverse practices that make previously agricultural land available and towards more integrated regeneration more often than not violate planning regulations procedures,Nevertheless, mobilising it constitutes the resourcesa significant of newstep (Bari/Efroymson 2009, Hackenbroch et al. 2016). stakeholders who were often previously Other development activities at the fringe include overlooked. Although experimentation is a feature state-led infrastructure projects and the of these policies and informal developments could expansion of industrial and special economic occur, this is a ‘conceded informality’ (Schoon/ zones. In parallel, Dhaka’s core city areas continue Altrock, 2014) since the party-state always restrictions, illegal building activities and to be densified, based on relaxations of height possesses the final decision-making and 73

agricultural land at Dhaka’s urbanSand-filling fringe of low-lying

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Emerging residential areas at Dhaka’s urban fringe

Photo: Frauke Kraas

repeated evictions of the low-income settlements whether the real estate companies concerned (Hackenbroch et al. 2016, Rahman 2013a, 2013b, have access to the networks of the ruling political 74 Hackenbroch et al. 2008). At prime locations, party. Similarly, reciprocal relations between state regeneration projects, such as the Hatirjheel lake authorities and powerful groups of citizens are and road infrastructure project, boost middle visible on a larger scale of public resource class residential developments, again with distribution, for example in the plot distribution detrimental effects for evicted neighbourhoods. system for statutory housing projects. The The analysis of current urban development at the fringe of Dhaka illustrates how diverse actors systematically excludes the majority of citizens are interlinked in complex relationships and (Haqueclassification 2012: of 9-10) beneficiary – as a product groups ofhere largely negotiate the production of new urban space. The authoritative and bureaucratic governing governing relations, both on a strategic scale as relations (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). well as locally, are characterised by negotiations The political objectives of governing urban between political actors and private investors. For fringe developments in Dhaka are largely material example, when the gazetted Detailed Area Plan (DAP) for Dhaka agglomeration in effect rendered making. Engagement with the concept of public many real estate projects illegal on the map, interestand guided does by not rationalities take place of (Hackenbroch individual profit- et al. complaints were raised by the industry. In 2016). This is very similar for both laissez-faire consequence, the government appointed an and strategic moments of core city regeneration. inter-ministerial committee involving only The political objectives here are to reclaim public ministers and bureaucrats at the Ministry of land from ‘unauthorised development’ and the Housing and Public Works. This committee to date ‘cleaning up’ of settlements whose population decides on applications for land development approval on an individual basis, effectively life visions of the city (cf. Banks et al. 2011). replacing the planning regulation of DAP and doesThe not case fit dominant studies underline infrastructure that political and everyday introducing new options for (exclusive and stability, political culture and institutional setup selective) negotiation (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). Along with the selective negotiations goes a role and self-conception of a state is an often governing logic of reciprocity. Locally, success underestimatedcrucially influence factor the productionin urban governance. of space. The While stories of protests by affected local landowners’ associations depend to a large extent on stable and unstable settings, modes of informality relationships to politicians in power and on differinformality considerably. has a considerable Informality influence can either in be both used Governance Processes

research Islambag sample site: Zinzira2 sample site: Consolidating settlement under development since 1975 Fringe settlement under development since 1995/the 2000s % Total building stock in 2010: 100 Total building stock in 2010: 1,441 (-4 % compared to 2006) 3,021 (+33 % compared to 2006) 90 Changes in oor area 2006-2010: Changes in oor area 2006-2010: +55,427 m² oor area +194,431 m² oor area (+20 % compared to 2006) 80 (+78 % compared to 2006)

70

60

partially 50 partially changed changed 1 buildings1 40 buildings

30

20

10

0

Types of changes in “partially changed buildings” Figure 3.1.4-1 Comparison of building stock changes in two new buildings1 horizontal decrease & vertical increase areas of Dhaka, 2006-2010 demolished buildings1 horizontal decrease unchanged buildings1 vertical increase Source: Standfuß 2012 horizontal & vertical increase Layout and Draft: I. Standfuß, 1 since 2006 K. Hackenbroch (based on data 2 The sample site is located across two horizontal increase administrative districts, namely Zinzira collected by I. Standfuß) 75 Union and Subhadya Union. Design: K. Hackenbroch

by the state or be strategically employed by key actors to guide public resource distribution. urban’ and ‘pre-modern’ – either by legal/ defined by city governments as ‘village’, ‘non- production in Dhaka and the PRD – e.g. outside. Two projects within the SPP research set institutions,Multiple and political dynamic cultures, factors influencing actors, spaces, space outadministrative to understand definition the development or by ascription and governing from the policies and politics – underline how the cities of such fragmented mega-urban landscapes, where and their urban spaces have to be thought as ‘villages’ and ‘arrival cities’ (Saunders 2011) have assemblages, emerging from both relational and territorial processes of governance and production of urban spaces. The main argument policymaking (McCann/Ward 2011). pursuedbeen branded is that flagship these ‘villages’ places of play negotiating an important the role in shaping the mega-urban landscape in the PRD and in the Dhaka agglomeration. In order to 3.1.4 From Village to City: Negotiating capture their catalysing role, a multi-level governance analysis and recognition of the the Mega-Urban Landscape increasing diversity of actors involved is needed. Authors In both cases the ‘villages’ absorb rural-to-urban Josefine Fokdal, Kirsten Hackenbroch migrants who arrive in the city with limited access The mega-urban landscapes of both the Pearl to the formal housing market either due to a lack River Delta (PRD) and Dhaka agglomerations are of residency (e.g. in China the limited mobility transforming rapidly, exhibiting multi-nodal caused by the hukou system) or due to a lack of dynamics and diverse forms of ‘urban’ fabric. The capital or resources to access the formal housing transformation ‘from village to city’ is most market. In spite of the often precarious conditions evident at the fringes or in peri-urban areas. caused by high densities and a lack of adequate infrastructure, these ‘villages’ have developed into within the built-up city, where neighbourhoods are vibrant urban neighbourhoods, housing millions of However, this transformation can also be identified newcomers, i.e. ‘arrival communities’, small-scale unplanned settlement that was under production, services etc. In response to the development since 1975 and a fringe settlement prevailing conditions and in recognition of the under unplanned development since 1995 (Standfuß 2012, see Figure 3.1.4-1). are dealt with in various manners within the two In the older settlement, Islambag, located contexts,housing gap with that the is ‘power filled by to theseplan’ and‘villages’, the they within Dhaka South City Corporation, the existing ‘production of urban space’ being negotiated tin shed buildings – remnants of an ‘arrival city’ around resources and legitimacy with multiple past – are being demolished and substituted by actors. new brick buildings of 4-5 storeys. Partial changes In and around Dhaka, the transformation and in existing building stock are primarily related to absorption of existing settlements into the city’s vertical increase and the addition of storeys. This fabric is either subject to incremental consolidation process took off rather late, given restructuring or radical upgrading. For larger scale peri-urban developments, the real estate in the 1980s; in 2006 the settlement was still sector and the public housing sector prefer the characterisedthat the settlement as ‘slum’ had (CUS received et al. flood 2006). protection The agricultural land and wetlands surrounding the prolonged ‘arrival city’ condition of the area is city where there has been no prior settlement use and ‘upgrading’ translates into complete and population census data for 2001 (BBS 2001): radical renewal (see Section 3.1.3). Focusing on aboutreflected 60% in ofthe inhabitants female-male were ratio male, of the which existing neighbourhoods, diverse strategies of indicates an in-migration of men searching for informal restructuring, with stark differences work in the plastic recycling factories – the area’s based on location within the urban fabric, have main industry – while leaving their families in the been revealed by a comparison of building stock villages. changes in two neighbourhoods: a consolidated

76

Floor Space Index in 2010 Changes in FSI in each building block 2006 - 2010 relation to building block surface) (proportion of total �loor space in

0 4 km

Zinzira sample site

0 200 m

empty building block small decrease no change Figure 3.1.4-2 Changes in Floor > 0 - 0.52 (class 1) Space Index at Dhaka’s urban 0.53 - 1.37 (class 2) small increase (of one class) fringe, 2006 and 2010 1.38 - 2.69 (class 3) medium increase (of two classes) Source: Standfuß 2012, Layout 2.70 - 5.09 (class 4) large increase (of three classes) and Draft: I. Standfuß, K. Hackenbroch (based on data collected by I. Standfuß) Governance Processes

research

Urban agriculture in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly

77 In comparison, the more recent urban expansion landscape at the fringe to develop incrementally, site at the fringe, Zinzira, experiences growth according to the ‘power to plan’ exhibited by primarily in the form of new buildings (horizontal individuals. Besides the fringe area development, increase, expansion of covered surface area) and restructuring of inner city areas rendered as ‘pre-modern’ or ‘non-urban’ is subject to space index, as a comparative remote sensing continuous negotiations. This especially applies to analysisis thus characterised revealed (see by Figure a rapid 3.1.4-2 change). In of 2012, floor the settlements of the urban poor that are understood general local practice was to construct up to seven as temporary – as ‘[e]lite perceptions remain storeys. The area’s administrative status focused on rural areas as the rightful home of the categorised it as being outside a municipal city poor’ (Banks et al. 2011: 23) – rather than being corporation, which means that the laws for viewed as integral to the city (Hackenbroch et al. building height regulation were not applicable 2008). Although these settlements are considered and could be individually negotiated. Thus, the by their inhabitants as urban neighbourhoods mega-urban landscape here develops within a from which they participate in the urban realm, system of careful negotiations between private urban planners and politicians tend to land owners, real estate companies, brokers and characterise them as urban outposts of a rural middlemen, statutory and political actors. population, bringing up controversies on the meaning of urban citizenship. The informality of structure of the existing settlements of Zinzira are these ‘arrival communities’ is thereby both an notWhereas in stark densification contrast to processesthe planning within framework the economic asset as well as a risk and an uncertainty for the area – the Dhaka Metropolitan Master Plan concerning the longevity of the access – the preparation of previous agricultural land for arrangements and right to stay. Research into access to water has illustrated the careful than not in violation of the Plan (Hackenbroch et calculation of the regulatory system that ensures al.construction 2016). Nonetheless, projects by although sand filling it takes is more place often on ‘residential land’, the horizontal expansion occurs high levels in government (Hossain 2013a). While thisbenefits also forensures powerful the short-term actors and continuityestablishes of ties the to planning authorities, causing the mega-urban ‘arrival communities’, such continuity is of a without clearance certificates from utilities and temporary nature given the high land values and that they administer has attracted large global the economic as well as socio-political pressure of investors (e.g. Fokdal/Herrle 2010). Thus, the peri-urban villages can be seen as catalysts and and temporality in governance – based more on drivers of growth and have become ‘urban(ising) individual‘modernisation’ action (Ghafur than on 2008). aligned This political high flexibility villages’ within the mega-urban landscape (e.g. objectives – makes Dhaka’s mega-urban landscape Herrle et al. 2014). a complex assemblage permanently in the making Within the urban(ising) villages, individuals, and in negotiation. i.e. villagers, act as drivers of informal growth by Within the PRD the ‘Three Olds’ policy on constructing tall, narrow residential buildings that regeneration and redevelopment, focusing, among generally exceed the building regulations. As a other things, on ‘urban villages’, was launched in collective, the villagers are organised in joint stock 2009 (Schoon 2014). It targets ‘urban villages’ that companies (JCS) and with an administration (i.e. have emerged as ‘arrival communities’ for village committee) responsible for social and rural-urban migrants within the larger urban economic tasks, among other things. Along with nodes of the delta (e.g. Shenzhen and Guangzhou). the village head, this collective unit often acts and Whereas ‘urban villages’ in inner-city locations negotiates as a broker between the local have changed their legal status from rural to urban government (i.e. the town), private investors and under the ‘Three Olds’ policy – and thereby urban the villagers. Their main asset is land allocated to planning law applies – ‘urban villages’ in the the collective. In the past, dedicated agricultural land was informally converted into construction and fall under rural planning law despite their land and leased-out to investors. Many global ratherperi-urban urban areas characteristics. are largely still Here, defined the villages as rural have investors were attracted due to the seemingly developed into smaller local urban nodes with unlimited blue-colour work force – often lacking global characteristics: villagers are organised in collectives with an elected head. Their entrepreneurial approach to the land resources investmentofficial contracts conditions –, the (e.g.low-wages tax reliefs). – often Much inhumane –, and the beneficial land-lease and 78

Recreation areas in the neighbourhood

Photo: Harald Sterly

Vendors outside of the New Market

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Governance Processes

research agricultural land has been lost in this informal In both Dhaka and the PRD in south China, the urbanisation process. In response, the mega-urban landscape is shaped by a network irreversibility of land conversion has led to a of smaller urban nodes functioning as ‘arrival ‘re-centralising’ of decision-making and new communities’ for a diverse group of rural-to- strategies for land monitoring and food security. urban migrants seeking better income, housing However, it has also allowed for potentially and urban lifestyles. These ‘villages’ with urban innovative approaches with ‘urban villages’ acting characteristics often act as catalysts for urban as drivers of growth and urban development, thus growth at the fringe of larger urban as urban(ising) villages shaping the mega-urban agglomerations and also in inner-city locations. landscape (Ipsen 2009, Fokdal/Herrle, Their negotiation power relies on legitimacy forthcoming). achieved by their role as ‘arrival communities’ The network of smaller global urban nodes, i.e. providing informal housing for millions of people, urban(ising) villages the resources available and personal networks on the challenges of capturing and dealing with the an individual and on a collective level. The blurred identities of ,these within places, the PRD both intensifies shaping of the mega-urban landscape and the theoretically and practically in terms of planning transformation from ‘village to city’ is highly and rights. The local politics of informal urbanisation within the PRD is based on a highly making and being renegotiated among multiple stakeholders,flexible, negotiable with theand ‘arrival is constantly communities’ in the as around resources (e.g. land) and legitimacy (e.g. one of the main protagonists. In the two case negotiable and flexible governance mechanism studies, rigid planning and building regulations on an individual and on a collective level, within a have not proven viable instruments for guiding filling the housing gap, avoiding social unrest, etc.) development, thus underlining the need for authoritarian with a top-down approach statutory planning to engage and experiment with (Herrle/Fokdalpolitical regime 2011).that is often defined as the diversity of actors involved in informal development and restructuring processes. 79

The road as public space

Photo: Harald Sterly

Development disparties in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas 3.2

Migration and Migrants in the City

3.2.1 Migrants in the (Mega)City – impact on the city as well as with regard to the Theories and Scales of Migrants’ opportunities and challenges they face in their Everyday Life migrants as ‘many sub-groups and individuals Author Tabea Bork-Hüffer withurban different migration characteristics, destination. They aspirations defined and multiple forms of organisation, [...] a highly As part of seven years of SPP research, several SPP diverse and mobile group impacting on the urban scholars have focused in particular on the role of environment while using various strategies to migration in globalised and informal urbanisation respond to, adapt to and to cope with city life’. in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) and Dhaka. This In a special issue published in Population, research demonstrated that an alternative angle Space and Place, several SPP members have should be adopted to examine the role of migrants shown that it is important to investigate migrants’ in urban areas. Traditionally migration research is active role, based on their individual and collective characterised by a number of binaries, for agency, in shaping and changing cities and urban example the one separating domestic from spaces. This is particularly the case in Asian cities international migrants, short-term from long- such as Dhaka, Guangzhou, Shenzhen and term forms of migration, non- or low-skilled migrants from highly skilled migrants etc. of migrants (see Sections 2.2 and 2.3 on Dhaka and (Skeldon 2006, King/Skeldon 2010). In PRD).Dongguan At the that same have time, experienced it is important a massive to consider inflow opposition, with the development of the concept power relations and contentions at play between migrants in the city, Gransow (2012) has argued migrants, their organisations, the state’s that it is important to look beyond these various governance regimes and logics (which often divides when it comes to the common experience deviate between different hierarchical levels of of migrants being present in the city with a government bodies) and other urban actors. somehow contested urban citizenship. In a further governments in both case study regions have (2016) have argued that it is important to treat displayedDespite a similara very different rapid inflow approach of migrants, to managing the migrantsrefinement in ofterms the concept,of their mutual Bork-Hüffer experience et al. and and dealing with their migrant populations. Ever research since the stepwise relaxation of its strict anti- Urban space that is moulded by the state and its urbanisation and anti-migration policy, China has suborganisations and various other urban actors tried to closely supervise and control domestic can structure or even suppress migrants’ activities. For instance, while the hukou system in 3.2 has played a much weaker role in Bangladesh, China (cf. Section 2.3, section migration for an offeringand international more niches migrant and room flows, for while the informalthe state explanation of the hukou system) has to a large activities of the migrant populations (Bork-Hüffer degree lost its importance in terms of actual 2016). continues to stratify urban society and is used as a access to social welfare benefits, it nevertheless 3.2.2 Migrants’ Space-Making means to construct inclusion and exclusion by both the state and by urban citizens. Strategies: Shaping Urban Space Suda (2012, 2016) has shown that acquiring in Everyday Life Author Tabea Bork-Hüffer educated rural-to-urban migrants striving to successfullycultural capital move is not up thesufficient social forladder highly in urban In the age of migration (cf. Castles/Miller 20033) society. The hukou regime, discrimination against and globalisation, migrants and their groups or ‘outsiders’, and a lack of social and economic capital cause obstacles for them during this process. Still such migrants try to create an urban organisations influence the way their destination home using techniques of perception, Thecities focal develop point (cf. of Brickell/Dattaargument in the 2011, scholarly Çağlar/ remembrance and imagination despite their debateGlick Schiller is whether 2011, this Glick impact Schiller/Çağlar is derived from2011). the precarious material situation. deliberate and active participation of migrants in Bork-Hüffer et al. (2016b) have shown how the the urban social, cultural, economic and political livelihoods of African traders in Guangzhou and environments or whether migrants are rather Foshan are threatened by arbitrary changes in the passive labourers and possibly victims in the immigration procedures particularly for this neo-liberal systems established by the state and group, and how home country unions established 81 economic players. by Africans have tried to mediate between affected With regard to the PRD and Dhaka, merely migrants and the authorities – however, with through their sheer numbers, rural-to-urban limited success. migrant workers in the manufacturing and Taking migrant street peddlers and mobile services sectors are particularly decisive pillars of service providers in Guangzhou as examples, economic development, while they create new Flock and Breitung (2016) have focused on demands for housing, food, and consumption in negotiations about the use of space between the the city. Yet, as pointed out in 3.8.1, SPP research regime of public order and these migrants. They has argued that migrants’ activities in the PRD highlight migrants’ ways of circumventing and Dhaka also have a substantial qualitative restrictions and regulations imposed by the state. effect on reshaping cities. Migrants deliberately While they are prohibited from offering their strive to create spaces of their own or spaces that services in many public spaces, the peddlers have meet their demands and imaginations. As their everyday practices are informed by their personal through adapting to the police’s rhythms of and cultural backgrounds and idiosyncrasies, the controldeveloped by (temporarily)flexible ways to avoiding continue areas operating, of control. e.g. personal and collective aims they pursue by Gransow and Zhu (2016) have analysed migrant coming to the city, and the relations and networks worker NGOs in PRD cities and found that these they have and are establishing, their activities organisations are often run by migrants, not only supporting the enactment of labour rights, but spaces in cities. Hereby their practices are formed similarly seeking to mitigate migrants’ isolation, andhave structured a distinctive by influencethe established on the regulatorydevelopment of marginalisation, and exclusion from urban space. frameworks, yet migrants have also developed Etzold (2016) has illustrated that migrant street

even actively challenging such frameworks of people and serve crucial social and economic (Bork-Hüfferflexible ways ofet al.stretching, 2016a). circumventing and functionsvendors’ services in Dhaka have as they altered provide the everyday food to flows A few concrete examples from SPP millions of other migrants residing temporarily or researchers’ studies on migrants’ roles in shaping permanently in the city. urban spaces and the boundaries for their activities in the PRD and Dhaka are illustrative. 3.2.3 Urban Restructuring: Forced primarily to the megacities and big cities. Despite Inner-City Mobility of Rural Migrants various measures and policies by the Chinese Authors Bettina Gransow, Kirsten Hackenbroch into urban metropolises remains an ongoing and Migrants in the city in both study areas of the SPP increasinggovernment tendency. to control it, the influx of migrants are affected by processes of urban restructuring, Framed as a temporary workforce and not as often forcing them to become mobile within the citizens entitled to enjoy the same rights as city. While in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) this is permanent urban residents, rural migrants in the based on the formal hukou registration system PRD mainly have access to two types of housing: and the evolution of urban villages, in Dhaka it is private rented rooms mostly in urban villages or rather based on societal differentiation that dormitory compounds of factories which provide deems the urban poor as temporary in the city shelter but not homes to a large number of and the urban middle and upper classes as permanent (cf. Roy 2011). from the Ministry of Public Security, demand by Urbanisation in China is driven largely by migrantsrural-to-urban for private migrants. housing As evident has shown in figures a rural-to-urban migration. The strategic approach continuous increase over recent years. to urbanisation in the 12th Five Year Plan (2011–15) and even more so in the 13th Five Year Plan (2016–20) is intended to channel rural migrants away from megacities and big cities and into small and medium-sized cities. Yet in marked contrast to this urbanisation approach by the Chinese government, rural migrants are attracted

82 20

rented room work unit work place urban family 15 guest house other forms

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migrant numbers in millions numbers migrant 0 1998 2003 2008 2012

Figure 3.2.3-1 Types of housing for migrants with residence permits in Guangdong province in 1998, 2003, 2008 and 2012 (migrant numbers in millions)

Source: Gonganbu 1998:82/83; 2004:82/83; 2008:82/83; 2013:82/83 Migration and Migrants in the City

research In the period from 1998 to 2012 the percentage these villages as arrival and transient spaces has of migrants in Guangdong province who lived in to be acknowledged by those who dream of a housing that they rented themselves rose from world-class city. 26% in 1998 to 52% in 2008 and 63% in 2012, meaning that in 2012 nearly two thirds of In Dhaka, urban restructuring most profoundly registered migrants lived in housing that they affects settlements of the urban poor. These settlements are the ‘arrival cities’ (Saunders interpreted as expressing a growing tendency 2011) of socio-economically poor rural-to-urban towardsrented themselves. migration byThese entire figures families. can alsoIn addition, be migrants opting for improved livelihoods in the demand for low-rent urban housing has been Dhaka. By now, however, many of the arrival cities’ reinforced by the following factors: (1) greater inhabitants are well established in the city, having expectations by second-generation migrants of reached the city decades ago and having built-up staying in the cities; (2) a growing number of urban livelihoods and everyday life. Despite this young graduates from colleges and universities ‘settling’ in the city, forced evictions of settlements with a rural family background who wish to stay of the poor in Dhaka continue to be carried out to in big cities even with meagre incomes; and (3) generate land for road construction, to reclaim a growing number of former peasants who have drainage channels, to provide land for housing lost their land (Gransow 2014: 458). projects, to beautify urban areas or with the At the same time as the demand of migrants general aim of removing illegal encroachments in the city for low-rent urban housing is on the (Hackenbroch et al. 2008). This neglect of the rise, urban villages in PRD cities such as urban poor as welcome citizens continues to Guangzhou, Shenzhen and Dongguan are being guide state policies and action programmes which demolished on a large scale. In Guangdong exhibit a rural bias: ‘[e]lite perceptions remain province the ‘Three Olds’ (sanjiu) policy (2009) is focused on rural areas as the rightful home of accelerating the redevelopment of inner-city ‘old’ the poor’ (Banks et al. 2011: 23). urban villages, industrial areas and residential districts. In Guangzhou, for example, the 138 The 2012 attempts to evict Dhaka’s largest 83 urban villages will be redeveloped by 2020, with settlement of the urban poor (Hossain/ 52 villages in the city centre to be demolished Hackenbroch 2012) – a successful ‘arrival city’ – 1 On a national scale a similar policy is being underline how the planning authorities apply a established for the coming years as part of the differentiated notion of citizenship that renders Nationalfirst. New-Type Urbanisation Plan (2014- part of the population welcome urban dwellers, 2020) (Guojia 2014). while the majority of the urban poor are viewed When urban villages are razed, migrants only as temporary urban dwellers whose urban (even if they have been there for many years) are status is reduced to contributing labour to the not entitled to any compensation or subsidy when industrial sector and providing services to middle- they are forced to move to other places. They have and high-income households (cf. Section 2.2 on to assume the losses associated with looking for Dhaka). The land in question has long been in new apartments and maybe even for new jobs on government ownership, and real estate companies their own. Lan Yuyun, who has worked extensively have repeatedly made proposals for its on the historical roots and development of urban redevelopment. While the 2012 eviction was villages in Guangzhou, describes the informal stopped after a day, to date the inhabitants’ ‘right economy of the villages as a whole system of to stay’ continues to be contested in a regular markets and services enabling the migrant series of court hearings and subsequent short- term stay orders for another few months. warns that such a large-scale project might have The discussion surrounding the evictions has unintendedpopulation to consequences finance their on stay the in sources the city, of and been symptomatic of Dhaka’s urban development income and on the livelihoods of migrants who in the past. While the encroachments of the urban are already in a very vulnerable position poor have been contested, the neighbouring (Lan 2011: 80). Without romanticizing the encroachments of high income business owners villages with their dilapidated buildings, unsafe have gone largely unabated. Despite experience with failed resettlement schemes in the past, resettlement outside of the city centre still construction, lack of fire protection, informal power hierarchies etc., the specific function of 1 http://www.gz.gov.cn/publicfiles/business/htmlfiles/ cngzyw/s4171/2011, accessed January 27, 2012. features in the discussion, a condition not relocation from inner-city residential sites causes favoured by the inhabitants themselves severe disruptions. Interviews and focus group (Hackenbroch/Hossain 2012). discussions conducted at two locations in Dhaka Earlier research within the SPP on forced with ‘slum dwellers’ who had previously evictions (Hackenbroch et al. 2008) underlined experienced eviction stressed the importance of how the livelihoods of the urban poor are highly location: many of those who had experienced see also Figure 3.2.3-2) and eviction continued to live with the threat of

location-specific (

Figure 3.2.3-2 Mobility map of Rohima

Source:(reprint reprint from Hackenbroch from Hackenbroch 2013a, 2013a, incl. author’s author’s modifications) modifications, Mobility map of Rohima Draft and layout: K. Hackenbroch The mobility map shows the importance of the immediate surroundings for Rohima’s everyday life – a tightly knit social space. Rohima moved to Dhaka when she was 14 years old in 1992, and ever since she got married three years later she lived in the same “arrival city”. From this location she enjoyed good access to a variety of livelihood opportunities and was able to gradually improve her family’s socio-economic condition: she used to work in nearby garment factories, then sold fruits on an open field and now runs a shop at the local market. Village (visiting her family and her husband's family)

84 Cooperative (taking loans) B a n g l Neighb D a our h d ho a e od k s a h Doctor (if her children Other compounds are severely sick) Doctor at (visiting friends, relatives) another bazar area (buying medicine)

Playing ield (meeting friends) Columbia � Market home (shopping)

Shop at Khalabazar Amlabazar (working in her shop) (meeting friends)

Amlabazar Khalabazar (grocery shopping) (grocery shopping)

Another bazar area Legend (grocery shopping) frequent, regular less frequent, but regular irregular, seldom Migration and Migrants in the City

research eviction. They preferred staying within proximity of their workplaces than moving to distant structures on social mobility and the production locations where they risk losing their current jobs ofThe space, influence as well exerted as the by migrants’ institutional agency politics in this and (Hackenbroch et al. 2008). The processes of urban regard, were taken into account during the restructuring in Dhaka, driven by high land values investigation. and the interests of the real estate sector, thus The analysis of 30 qualitative interviews with continue to exclude the urban poor and newly recent graduates from universities and vocational arriving migrants from the city: either they have colleges leads to the conclusion that an ideal and to accept the insecurity of their residential sustainable upward movement on the social locations or – in case of relocation – the loss of livelihood opportunities. this social group: (1) a higher degree of education thanladder their in China parents could and be therefore defined ownershipas follows for of higher cultural capital; (2) an urban ”white collar” 3.2.4 Up or Stuck on the Social Ladder? work position with a monthly salary higher than Highly Educated Rural-to-Urban 2,500 RMB (that is about the sum migrant Migrants’ Claim to Social Mobility workers can earn in the factories of the PRD and Urban Space including overtime payment); (3) an opportunity Author Kimiko Suda on an unlimited urban household registration withto settle access down to urbanlong-term social in security;a first-tier (4) city based The social mobility of highly educated rural-to- membership in the Chinese urban middle-class urban migrants – especially of the post-1980s and (materially and symbolically). post-1990s generation2 – has become an The research for this study has indicated that important issue in China, after the economic highly educated rural-to-urban migrants face reforms in 1978 led to a government-supported multiple barriers when seeking access to urban boom in higher education (Lin, Sun 2010: 221). space and related resources. One of these barriers This development considerably contributed to is the household registration system (huji): if the 85 study and work. Since the world economic crisis graduation, they usually cannot get a long-term inmigration 2008/2009, flows the into discrepancy the cities for between the purposes the of urbanmigrants household cannot find registration, a regular however, work position for many after number of graduates and the available labour positions, an urban hukou is the precondition. Second, migrants experience discrimination as has become clearly visible (Zhang, Liu 2012). In ‘outsiders’. While children of Guangdong 2011,market 7.58 positions million for graduates highly qualified from universities employees and vocational colleges entered China’s urban families receive preferential treatment in labour market and the numbers are increasing employment,government officials those who and originate local influential from rural and rich annually. Between 2003 and 2010 the number of areas face a lack of local social capital. This unemployed graduates increased from 560,000 to complicates both their position on the labour 1.75 million in China (Chan 2011: 1). market and their access to economic capital for Against this background, this research focused starting their own businesses. Furthermore, on the social mobility of highly educated rural-to- highly educated rural-to-urban migrants often live urban migrants – coined the ‘ant tribe’ (yizu) by in company dormitories and urban villages Lian (2009)3 – in Guangzhou. Of key concern was (chengzhongcun, see Section 2.3) in Guangzhou, the migrants’ perseverance in staying in the city, e.g. in the districts of Tianhe and Haizhu, since accepting a complex and transient situation with they cannot afford to rent a regular urban regard to space and social position. Which apartment. structural and individual aspects created the Social mobility and full integration in urban transient situation of this social group in society matching their level of education and Guangzhou? And how is this situation manifested target social-class position is the main challenge in the space production of everyday urban life? for this group of migrants. They are situated on the fringe of the emerging Chinese middle-class 2 This generation, born in the 1980s or 1990s, lived all their (bianxiang zhong chan jieceng) and, despite their adult life in cities and often did not experience agricultural work. material conditions produced by the 3 Lian describes this group of migrants as highly educated, while living in crowded conditions and being weak and small as abovementioned barriers, symbolically claim individuals (Lian 2010: VII). access to the space belonging to this class in China’s cities with techniques of memorizing (the emerged with industrialisation and international investment in the Pearl River Delta (PRD), which entering the city) and imagination (future resulted in public attention to the physical, social anterioritydream they of had a better of social life). mobility They share when many first of and institutional framework conditions of factory the structural obstacles with less educated work in coastal China. In this context, it is migrants4, but they can resort to higher cultural important to note the extreme dynamics of and social capital to create an urban – even if only growth that followed the foundation of Special transitory – home as individuals but not as Economic Zones (Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shantou) acknowledged members of the spaces of the in the PRD. Within a decade, the region was urban middle class. The central preliminary results of the research coming from Hong Kong), located mainly in show that (1) there is a strong discrepancy formerlyflooded with rural foreign communities direct investment (see Figure (largely 3.2.5-1). between the symbolical claim to an ‘urban Migrant workers formed the ‘marginalised middle-class life’ based on level of education and majority’ in many towns of the PRD (Kilian et al. the material conditions of the everyday life of 2010). Tangxia, a town in Dongguan, a case study highly educated rural-to-urban migrants; (2) they area of the research program, illustrates this: a total population of 390,000 comprises only 4,000 ‘migrant status’ is mostly created structurally and registered locals (Hartmann 2013). ascribeddefine themselves to them from as urban the outside; citizens (3) and their their daily struggle is individualised and often isolated; (4) The authors’ case studies included a survey of 585 workers and 35 interviews (Hartmann 2013) as different strategies for social upward mobility; (5) well as secondary data analysis, and focused on itgraduates usually remains from different uncertain fields for of many studies years have high-risk occupations, accounting for the majority whether their upward mobility in urban space is of the workforce in manufacturing. Migrant possible and sustainable long term (Suda 2014). workers are nearly all employed on a temporary, In order to be able to integrate as a social group cf. Section 86 with full urban citizen rights and develop their full agility), many without social security, excluded potential to contribute to social, cultural and fromflexible the basis urban ( healthcare 3.3.5 system on flexibility (cf. Section and economic developments in the megacities of the 3.6.5 on health status of migrants in the city), PRD, highly educated rural-to-urban migrants accommodated in dormitories on the factory need structural support by local government premises (see Figure 3.2.5-2), and are thus agencies to overcome the abovementioned available around the clock for shift work barriers, such as easier access to the urban hukou (Hartmann 2013). This pattern has been labelled system. With regard to the social mobility of as a dormitory labour regime (Pun/Smith 2007, internal migrants, the sociologist Lu Xueyi stated Kilian et al. 2010). The migrant workers are at that only if they are given equal chances for particular risk of occupational illness and injury upward mobility in urban space can a broader and including excessively long working hours, lack of stable urban middle class develop in China (Lu on-the-job skills training, working with dangerous 2004: 16-19). chemicals, high mental stress at work and a past history of work injuries (Gransow et al. 2014: 1).

3.2.5 Migrants as Labour force: many workers seek overtime work and leave a Working Conditions and the Role of factoryAt the same when time, it offers the researchonly regular findings eight-hour show that Non-Governmental Organisations shifts (Hartmann et al. 2012). This tendency Authors Bettina Gransow, Pamela Kilian predominates especially in the sample group of workers who need spare income for dependent Within the Priority Program Megacity- family members (mainly parents and siblings). Megachallenge, the authors examined migrant workers in manufacturing (Kilian) against the high degrees of determination, pressure-to-earn background of South China’s young, transitional, andThese self-exploitation. key findings are interpreted as extremely export-oriented private sector economy, and the timid development of non-governmental organisations (NGO, Gransow). These NGOs

4 See Pun/Lu 2010 for the debate about less educated migrants’ claims to urban citizen rights and resources. Migration and Migrants in the City

ZHANGMUTOU research QINGXI ZHANGMUTOU QINGXI

Lincun

Lincun Lianhu

Lianhu

Hengtang TANGXIA HUANGJIANG Hengtang TANGXIA HUANGJIANG TANGXIA TANGXIA Shitanpu Sicun Zhufoling Shitanpu Sicun Tianxin Zhufoling Puxinhu Zhengxingwei Tianxin Puxinhu Keyuancheng JiaoyitangZhengxingwei

Keyuancheng Jiaoyitang Daping

Daping Fenghuanggang

Shahu Pingshan Shigu Fenghuanggang Shigu Shahu Pingshan Qiaolong

Qiaolong

Shima SHENZHEN Shima SHENZHEN FENGGANG FENGGANG

Tangxia HUIZHOU Built-up area Tangxia HUIZHOU built-up1979 area forest town centre DONGGUAN 1990 agricultural land new town centre 1979 forest town centre DONGGUAN water village 19902000 agricultural land new town centre river prefecture boundary 2008 2005 2007 20002005/2007/2008* water village GUANG-

highway town boundary 2008 2005 2007 2005/2007/2008*2010 river prefecture boundary ZHOU SHENZHEN GUANG- highwaymain road town boundary 2010 ZHOU SHENZHEN railroad * Note: see index map for coverage main road of Google Maps image mosaic for railroad *the Note: time see increments index map 2005/2007/2008 for coverage 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000m of Google Maps image mosaic for the time increments 2005/2007/2008 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000m

Figure 3.2.5-1 Tangxia, Dongguan, from a rural community to an industrialised town (draft based on Kilian et al. 2010)

Sources: Atlas of Dongguan, 2007 Global Land Cover Facility (GLCF) Google Maps 11-2009, Google Earth 10-2011 Layout: P. Kilian, S. Beisswenger; Image Interpretation, Cartography: R. Spohner (1979-2008), B. Stork (2010) Workers' camps at the river

Figure 3.2.5-2 Photo: Frauke Kraas Workers' dormitory on factory premises in Tangxia, Dongguan

Photo: Pamela Kilian

88

Looking into the institutional framework But exclusionary mechanisms against migrant conditions of the migrant labour force, research worker NGOs are denying them from gaining the revealed that the labour legislation amended in 2008 and the new regulations on work safety and Ministry of Civil Affairs. As a result, most of the work injury insurance have contributed organisationsstatus of a non-profit have registered organisation as businesses granted by with the considerably to improving the legal situation of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce. Without workers, including that of migrant workers, but registration with the Ministry of Civil Affairs it is implementation and enforcement are still very nearly impossible to tap into resources from Chinese sponsors. Therefore migrant worker Migrant worker NGOs step in here to provide NGOs in the PRD normally receive their funding consultingdifficult (Gransow and legal et aid. al. 2014). Migrant NGOs have from international foundations located outside arisen in the PRD since the mid-1990s, offering a China in the United States and some European place to go, information, psychological countries, or in Hong Kong. With links to counselling, legal counselling and legal support. international governmental and non- Numerous founders and directors of these governmental organisations, NGO leaders are organisations themselves come from a migrant expanding their organisational networks and worker context and some of them have establishing transnational relations with global themselves suffered injuries, as have the majority civil society (Gransow/Zhu 2016). Thus, the of their volunteer staff who pay regular visits to injured workers in hospitals and provide them by the Chinese government are contributing to with informational materials. The work of these triggeringorganisational a process and financial of globalisation constraints from imposed below grassroots organisations is especially helpful in with international donor institutions providing meeting the concerns of injured or ill migrant the necessary funding and imposing their views workers, although the organisations need more and preferences onto the migrant worker NGOs, at least to a certain degree. services and to organise themselves more professionally.official support in order to provide better interpreted as phenomena of geo-economic and The research findings presented above can be Migration and Migrants in the City

research

Workers' mobility in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly

89 geo-social change; global change understood as 3.2.6 Regulating Migration in China’s feedback mechanisms and interrelatedness of Megacities: Current Frameworks for regional and global processes. The authors conclude that physical, social and institutional Internal and International Migration conditions in the PRD’s manufacturing sector Authors Marie Peters, Birte Rafflenbeul, Bettina Gransow connected to economic globalisation China’s prospering coastal cities offer appealing (deregulation,have all been influenced technological by the innovation, processes decrease destinations for internal and international of transportation costs). At the same time, the migrants due to their economic growth and gradual regional socio-economic transition and entrepreneurial development strategies. They dynamics of China’s coastal urban economies have attract different migrant groups from high-skilled reached a magnitude which impacts consumption professionals to low- or unskilled work-seekers. and labour markets across the globe. This, in turn, The following section analyses governmental has triggered the growing attention and activity of strategies to attract international and national international civil society actors, i.e. NGOs in the highly skilled labourers and to regulate and private sector of the People’s Republic of China. Considering the continuous discrimination of China’s megacities. Using the examples of migrant workers within the restrictive differentrestrict other economically migration prospering flows heading cities towards in the institutional environment of the People’s Pearl River Delta (PRD) the section outlines Republic, it remains to be seen whether the recent policy changes and spatial developments in activity of (international) NGOs can contribute to the area. equal rights and opportunities for migrant workers at their place of work in the future. as internal migrants living outside their hometownIn 2010, for 221 more million than Chinese six months were (Population classified

Province, one-third of the total population Census Office 2011: 59-61). In Guangdong consists of migrants (37.7 million), whereof 23/24, Li 2013, Zhang 2013: 6). Lower- or 53.6 % settled during the twelve months before unskilled labourers in contrast experience less census (China Labour Bulletin 2011). The high civil rights and welfare protection or, in case proportion of migrants emphasises the strong of low-skilled international migrants, experience dynamics of internal migration. In contrast, the harsher obstacles to entering the country and in general shorter visas for legal stays (Boehler with 1.02 million migrants5 is much smaller but 2013, cf. Ong 2006: 75). spatiallyofficially similarlyregistered distributed foreign migrant as the populationmajority is China’s endeavour to become a global player living in Guangdong Province (NBS 2011). has enforced rivalry not only internationally or Furthermore, it is assumed that the estimated among the provinces but also increasingly among number of unreported foreign migrants is higher (mega-)cities, especially those within multi-nodal, and grew considerably over recent years: between mega-urban agglomerations (Kraas 2004: 59; 1995 and 2011 the number of investigated Yeh 2005: 303). Research in governmental irregular migrants doubled to 20,000 statistics, publications and documents as well as (Opitz/Diao 2014: 7). expert interviews from 2011-13 in different cities During the 1990s, the Chinese government within the PRD, including Guangzhou, Dongguan, started to issue laws and regulations to control Shenzhen, and Foshan, revealed that these cities rural-to-urban migration, and with the turn of the are part of an ongoing competition for high- millennium the government eagerly tried to years. Provincial and city policies follow the goal controlling movement, residence and employment ofqualified Guangdong’s labour, Twelfth especially Five strikingly Year Plan in to recent ‘improve further regulate international migration flows by the PRD’s innovation ability and promote the migrant groups (Pieke 2012: 58). In the course of industrial upgrading and transformation as well increasingaccording to local the and expected international benefits competition of different for as economic growth mode’ (Guangdong News, w.y.). high-skilled labour, Chinese governments at Accordingly, the city governments launched various levels allow for political restructuring, different programmes to attract Chinese high- 90 apply new regulating mechanisms, and promote skilled labour and foreign expatriates and return the creation of new urban spaces, including science parks with diverse urban functions and are entrepreneurs with business ideas in the high-end living areas (cf. below and Section 3.4.7), high-techChinese by sector. offering diverse benefits. Most desired aiming to govern the national and international Two case studies of (high-tech) zones – population (Ong 2006: 75). Dongguan Songshan Lake Science and Technology What Ong (2006: 78-9) describes as Industry Park (SSL) and the Guangzhou ‘graduated citizenship’ in the Chinese case creates Development District (GDD) – show that the production of new urban spaces within formerly Chinese professionals and the international mainly industrially oriented zones became a high-skilleda system of superior workforce. rights On national,and benefits provincial for prevailing governmental strategy to attract and municipal levels governments design new investment and Chinese and international policies and regulations to attract high-skilled professionals as labour. The zone’s governmental international migrants, including the Chinese administrations are eager to enhance urban diaspora, to enter, work and reside in China. functions and services, particularly provided to Thereby China wants to strengthen its economic competitiveness and to strengthen its position on the global stage (Ong 2007: 83). The Chinese administrationhigh-tech entrepreneurs include preferential chosen to profit access from to the government, for instance, recently released a new housing,zone’s beneficial education programmes. facilities for Offers their children,by the immigration law and revised visa regulations shopping and leisure facilities, health care (Bork-Hüffer/Yuan-Ihle 2014: 571f.). In Guangdong Province the local government carried comprise monetary subsidies, such as temporary out a reform of the household registration system services or recreation areas. Other benefits (hukou), introducing a point-based scheme in transportation, and residence subsidies or which Chinese rural-to-urban migrants can relief from rents for office space or apartments, qualify, e.g. by their educational attainment, for a projects or a local hukou. However, such local registration which provides them access to segregatedsubsidies for residential buying property areas for or high-income scientific public services and welfare (Gransow 2012: people are not only found in the region’s industrial zones but have also proliferated in 5 Including migrants from Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. other parts of the PRD, partly in suburban areas. Migration and Migrants in the City

research Migration Legislation Policies Administration Incentives Language Health Systems Border and Control Regimes Education Nutrition Culture Body Religion

International / Transnational Spaces

Internal / Translocal Spaces Housing Family Land Migration Regime Kin Rural/Urban Formal / Informal Social Networks Setting Self-organization Environment Internal / Translocal Spaces

International / Transnational Spaces

Labor Regime Information Business Communication 91 Income Gap Social Security Transport-systems Remittances System

Insurances

Welfare Regime

Figure 3.2.6 The Migration Regime Model (MRM)

© B. Gransow

For example, popular housing estates sprout in institutions and factors framing the everyday life the inner areas of Guangzhou like Tianhe District and work situation of internal migrants are (CITIC Tower) and in suburban areas like Baiyun principally comparable to those that are shaping (Castle Hill) or Panyu (Country Garden). These the situation of international migrants in Chinese often-gated communities appear to be attractive megacities, and can be translated into a more living places, especially for foreign expatriates. general ‘migration regime model’ (Gransow 2012: While urban governments in the PRD are 19). The ‘migration regime model’ (MRM) that has been generated from micro studies on migrants in white-collar migrants by offering high-end social Chinese megacities highlights the variety of services,competing other for investors groups of and internal highly and qualified institutional settings that shape the formal and international migrants are targeted by constraints informal living conditions of migrants in the city and regulations excluding them from social and that are interdependent with each other. The services attached to urban citizenship. If the latter settings of migration-related institutions and want to stay in the big cities they often have to factors include: (i) migration legislation, policies organise their work and livelihood on an informal and administration (incentives, border and (or sometimes even illegal) basis. control regimes); (ii) language, education systems, While there is an obvious gap in dealing with culture and religion; (iii) family, kin, social resource-rich and resource-poor migrants, the networks and forms of self-organisation; (iv) information-, communication- and transport 3.2.7 systems; (v) social security system, insurances International (High-Skilled) and welfare regime; (vi) labour regime, business, income gap and remittances; (vii) housing, land, Migration Influencing in China: Internal Implications and rural/urban setting; environment; (viii) health for (Mega-)Urban Spaces systems, nutrition, and body (see Figure 3.2.6). Authors

Marie Peters, Birte Rafflenbeul Inspired by – but different from – other China’s prospering coastal cities offer appealing (migration) regime concepts – e.g. migration destinations for internal and international regime by Pries (2010: 22/23) or labour regime migrants due to their economic growth and by Hebel and Schucher (2006: 22) – the MRM can entrepreneurial development strategies. In the be used as an analytical tool to analyse a following, the governmental strategies to attract particular set of institutional arrangements that international and national highly skilled labourers are analysed. Using the examples of different certain stages of migration processes. Regimes are economically prospering cities in the Pearl River frame and influence the migrants’ situation at Delta (PRD), the section outlines recent policy changes and spatial developments in the area. less firmly established orders than systems, less Since the turn of the millennium the Chinese developmentfixed, rigid and and formalised. social change They shaping are more the fluid, newer government has been eager to regulate migration developmentsflexible and dynamic, of migration. thus fitting Changes the inrapid migration policies, adaptations to challenges of globalisation, and the extent of inclusion or differentby controlling migrant inflow, groups residence (Pieke and2012: working 58). In the exclusion of migrants are dependent on history, contextsituation of according increasing to international the expected competition benefits of former responses to migration and the interplay for highly skilled labour, the Chinese national of institutions. In other words, migration regimes government promotes its political restructuring, follow a unique trajectory supported by a applies new regulating mechanisms, and supports 92 particular set of institutions. the creation of new urban spaces, including science parks with diverse urban functions and high-end living areas, to govern the national and international population (Ong 2006: 75). What Ong (2006: 78-9) describes as ‘graduated citizenship’ creates, in the Chinese case, a system

professionals and the international high-skilled workforce.of superior Onrights national, and benefits provincial for Chineseand city level, governments design new policies and regulations to attract high-skilled international migrants, including the Chinese diaspora, to enter, work and reside in China. Thereby China wants to strengthen its economic competitiveness and its position on the global stage (Ong 2007: 83). In order to do so, the Chinese government recently released a new immigration law and revised visa regulations for international migrants in favour

2014: 571f., 173ff.).of the highly These qualified new regulations (Bork-Hüffer/Yuan-Ihle emphasise China’s Rafflenbeul/Hartmann/Kraas 2014: Organising the move in Guangzhou China’s further economic development. A new visa categoryeffort to attract ‘R’ was high-qualified specially designed migrants to attract to assist Photo: Frauke Kraas introduced (China Daily 2013). For the Chinese migrants,high-qualified the Guangdong foreign talent local and government has been recently carried out a reform of the household registration system (hukou system), introducing a point-based scheme in which these migrants can Migration and Migrants in the City

Figure 3.2.7-1

Attraction process in high-tech industrial zones in Guangzhou and Dongguan for high-skilled Chinese labour and ChineseSource: Pahl return 2016 migrants

International 1 Example Guangzhou Develop- ment District: Planning China objective for overseas talents National preferential until ~ 2013-15 policies Guangdong 20 overseas leading talents Provincial preferential who accord with the policies “One Thousand Talents Plan” 1 2 - conditions Zone’s preferential High-tech industrial zone F t ac

en il policies 100 overseas Application i m ta it t leading talents u io r t n c en (Dis-) Approval e Signing of contract Targeted professionals‘ pool R m 3,000 overseas se P ti r r e Actual professionals‘ pool on In-m f “normal” talents e isi ig e v ec ra r d d t e io n A n ng n io i t t k i

a a n a r m l

g

i p

o o

M i 2

l

i Example Guangzhou Develop-

s c

i i e

O Fluctuation c s Leading ment District: Planning e u g Circle d professionals t n objective for leading and - n i m k io “normal” talents until ~ 2015 ig t a r ra m E at Mig n ion t i I l 100 Chinese c nd ve n “Normal” professionals e G ividual le o m ov el ti leading talents e er ev n n nmental l e t et R 1,000 Chinese high-technology talents 10,000 Chinese high-skilled talents

qualify for local registration which provides them (Ong 2006: 102) that provides high-class with access to public services and welfare infrastructure and services to entrepreneurs and (Gransow 2012: 23/24, Li 2013, Zhang 2013: 6). employees in the zones, as shown in the example China’s endeavours to become a global player of the cities Guangzhou and Dongguan and their have enforced rivalry not only internationally or zones Guangzhou Development District (GDD) among the provinces but also increasingly and Dongguan Songshan Lake Science and among (mega-)cities, especially those within Technology Industry Park (SSL). With reference to multi-nodal, mega-urban agglomerations (Kraas national, provincial and municipal policy schemes,see 2004: 59, Yeh 2005: 303). Research of theFigure zone’s 3.2.7-1 administrations follow comprehensive6 governmental statistics, publications and mechanisms to attract (leading) talents ( documents, and expert interviews from 2011-13 ). Recruitment takes place on all in different PRD cities, have revealed that the levels – internationally, nationally, and region’s cities have joined the competition for provincially – by various means of advertisement, high-qualiied labour, especially in recent years. such as by holding job fairs, establishing Thus, the municipal governments have launched associations, and organising community events. various programmes to attract Chinese high- After a process of approval, the zones’ skilled labour, foreign expatriates and overseas administration facilitates the selected (leading) Chinese by offering diverse beneits within talents’ settlement and tries to retain them comprehensive policy schemes (preferential permanently through beneits in the preferential policies).see Most Figure desirable 3.2.7-1 are entrepreneurs with policies schemes. In addition, the production of business ideas in the high-tech sector (leading 6 The term ‘talents’ (rencai) refers to those who hold a talents, ). university degree from China. ‘Leading talents’ (lingjun rencai), In their upgrading strategy, municipal also referred to as ‘high level talents’ (gaocengci rencai), include governments foster the creation of high-tech those who either have the status of a PhD graduate or hold a industrial zones as a ‘new space of exception’ university degree from overseas. new urban spaces within the formerly mainly smaller estates in Zhujiang Newtown like Central industrially oriented zones has become a Park View, Twin City International Service prevailing governmental strategy to attract Apartments or Clifford Mansion (Liu et al. 2011) investment and a Chinese and international where expatriates from Asia (Japan, South workforce. The zones’ governmental Korea) but also from Europe or North America administrations are eager to enhance urban live. Suburban areas such as Castle Hill in Baiyun or Country Garden in Panyu are famous for selected (leading) talents include privileged destinations for international residents. accessfunctions to housingand services. or education In this regard, facilities benefits for their As presented above, much effort is expended children. Additionally, the administrations are by the local, regional and national governments eager to increase the general quality of life by to stimulate economic development by attracting developing shopping and leisure facilities, health highly skilled migrants. As the regulations are care services or recreation areas. quite recent, it is hard to say how well they are The strategy of providing attractive living being implemented. So far, however, these living spaces, however, is not limited to the cities’ spaces specially designed/established for high-tech industrial zones; other (suburban) ‘high-calibre’ migrants remain segregated: either parts of the cities have seen a proliferation of spatially or socially. The former is true of remote spatially segregated residential areas intended locations in the outskirts of the cities (science mainly for high income people and supposed to parks or residential areas outside the new CBD) be attractive to foreign expatriates. New high- with their poor integration in the public class housing estates have sprouted in the transportation system. Both local residents and inner-city areas and are multiplying over time: popular residential areas are CITIC-Tower in facilities and services in these areas as poor, Tianhe-District, which is successful amongst makinggovernment it questionable officials perceive whether the these state zones of urban are already liveable urban spaces on a permanent

Japanese high-qualified nationals, but also 94

Migrant workers in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas Villages-in-the-city as place for workers in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas Migration and Migrants in the City

research basis. Social segregation can be observed in several inner city residential areas, which due to high numbers of foreign migrants tend to segregate themselves from local citizens (Liu 2011). As international migration is a recent and growing phenomenon, further development is hard to predict. But as these insights reveal, better spatial and social integration is needed to promote a further influx of high-skilled migrants.

95

Figure 3.2.7-2: High class residential area in Baiyun district

Photo: Birte Rafflenbeul

Construction site in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas 3.3

Rising Economies

3.3.1 Mega-Urban Economies in relief could be expected. The ready-made textiles Dhaka – Current Dynamics, industry, concentrated in and around Dhaka, developed from the 1980s and made Bangladesh a Discourses and Challenges leading textiles exporter. Dhaka also became the Author Wolfgang-Peter Zingel springboard for manpower export; millions of migrant workers today send as much money Dhaka is more than the built-up area. Its economy home as is earned by exports. Textiles and labour reaches deep into seemingly rural areas. Factories have made Dhaka a city of global importance. can be seen all around; people commute from far More than one tenth of the nation’s population away. The whole country is the capital’s live in Dhaka Metropolitan Area, part of an urban corridor that stretches from the planned new production (vegetables, fruit, rice) and typically harbour at Cox’s Bazar and Chittagong to the ruralhinterland. social Onsetups the otherwithin hand, the city. we find agricultural northwest (Rajshahi and Dinajpur), and to the Dhaka, once the centre of world famous northeast (Sylhet). Once the plan for a second bridge across the Jamuna materialises, Dhaka will some importance after 1947 with the export of also expand across the river in the direction of jutemuslin products; (fine cotton the world cloth) biggest production jute mill regained was set Khulna. up in nearby Narayanganj. Dhaka itself was a What makes Dhaka’s mega-urban economy so services town, with hardly any industry and special is that the 4.5 million working in the dominated by administration and education. It textile mills are mostly female migrants. Contrary was the centre of inland water transport in the to our expectation that the factories would have Ganges-Brahmaputra delta, connected to the recruited their workforce from the city’s own railway system only by a branch line. People came army of male jobless and underemployed, most of to the area in three waves, mostly as refugees: the workforce in the textile mills are young from India after Partition, from the countryside women from rural areas, while the female after Independence, and again from rural areas participation rate in the city remains low during the Famine of 1974, because Dhaka was (Siddiqui et al. 2010). Bangladesh’s rural society the only place in Eastern Bengal where some is known to be rather conservative and protective. research The fact that rural parents send their daughters to suffer, as demand for cheap labour continued. The town to work is proof of enormous socio- sudden rise of food prices on the world markets economic dynamics. As most of Dhaka’s was certainly felt, however increasing food production in the past saved the country from 3.3 remit money to assist their families in the villages large scale imports during times of peak prices. inpopulation order to helpare first-generation them to pay for urbanites,subsistence, they Dhaka’s economy is to a large extent informal. education and health. As a result, Bangladesh has Factories with up to several thousand workers are overtaken India and Pakistan in a number of often characterised by a lack of safety measures, social indicators (Drèze/Sen 2013). as can be seen from hundreds of victims when Manpower export, textiles, agriculture (often overlooked), education and health are drivers of hand, the so called informal economy is not economic development, centred in the capital city. withoutbuildings its collapse own ‘forms’, or go i.e.up rulesin flames. and regulations,On the other However, the lack of any meaningful urban as closer analysis of retail (street hawkers) and infrastructure (mass transport, water, power, housing, education, health) and violent political see Section 3.3.5). wholesaleThree sectors(rice, fish) appear trade to has be especiallyshown (for details often. connected to the world economy: food, textiles conflictsBangladesh’s bring the tightly economy regulated to a grinding capital haltmarket too and labour. Bangladesh is a net food importer, shielded the country against the Asian crisis of most of the food imports go into the city. 1997. The textiles industry continued to expand Theoretically, the country’s population could be after trade preferences under WTO ran out and fed from its own production, albeit only at the low China joined the organisation. Concentrating on low price garments saved the country from the independence. As productivity in food production world economic crisis as consumers abroad increases,levels prevailing even a duringgrowing the population first years could after be fed turned to cheaper products. Remittances did not by domestic production. However, the foreign

97

Plastic production in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch exchange earned by the export of textiles and and playgrounds in particular, shows the absence manpower allows more food imports. Dhaka of effective town planning. Without the necessary

the world market that brought employment, is unable to enforce public safety in factories and income,benefited foreign like few exchange others from earnings the liberalisation and optimism, of inqualified residential staff areas.and powers, The government the city administration must be the effects spreading throughout the economy. A captive international market for labour allows ruinous for an economy that relies on the export millions of Bangladeshi gainful employment ofaware a single of the consumer fact that good, such deficienciesi.e. ready-made can be abroad. Remittances have reached 18 times net garments, because consumers abroad irritated by foreign assistance (Zingel 2015: 72). Nevertheless, labour conditions in Bangladesh can easily be lost Bangladesh still relies heavily on technical assistance, which is very much needed to and social compliance, the city needs better overcome the crisis of urban development. The governanceand will be difficult to attract to other regain. industries. Beyond ecological

and food supply, later of democracy and governance.country has beenLikewise a test Dhaka case, hasfirst become of development a test case of mega-urban development (Zingel 2012). 3.3.2 Mega-Urban Economies in the Pearl River Delta – Current Dynamics, Recommendations Discourses and Challenges Academic: Dhaka’s economy needs more research Authors Javier Revilla Diez, Ingo Liefner, Daniel Schiller, Xun Li into, e.g., why the megacity has been growing so quickly, despite large-scale underemployment, The opening of China during the last 40 years has miserable living conditions, unreliable water and resulted in tremendous cross-border economic activities of Hong Kong (HK) manufacturers in the And why did the post-colonial services town of Pearl River Delta (PRD). Economic activities in the Dhakapower notsupplies, recruit and its trafficindustrial moving labour at snail’s from the pace. Greater Pearl River Delta (GPRD) are embedded in 98 city’s male jobless and underemployed, instead of bringing in young females from the countryside? Little is known about the exchange of transfer betweenglobal value Hong chains Kong and and shaped the Chinese by the mainland specific payments in cash and in kind (e.g. food) between (Schiller‘front office-back et al. 2015). factory’ This divisionbusiness of model labour has the city and its hinterland. What is needed is a facilitated the rapid industrialisation of the PRD and the transformation of the HK economy begins and ends, as its economy extends beyond towards sophisticated manufacturing-related thenew limits definition of Dhaka of the City city, Corporations. i.e. where the We city also business services. More recently, the competitiveness of the business model has been represents it, as it is more ruled than governed. It put under strain by severe challenges that have isneed also a importantdefinition ofto whatprovide the differentiation city is and who of the changed the business environment in the PRD: term ‘informality’ and to study the interplay of rising production costs, upgrading pressures, new formal informality and informal formality or the regulations for export processing businesses, symbiosis of the ‘formal’ world of posh living labour shortages, a more employee-friendly quarters and the ‘informal’ world of nearby slums, labour law, and environmental issues (Revilla Diez where those who work in the ‘good’ et al. 2013). neighbourhoods live. Compared with most other regions and Policy: Dhaka must not be expected to absorb industries in China, the electronics industry in the the growing agricultural labour force. Keeping the PRD was hit hard by the crisis of 2008 and 2009. growing population in their home regions would Numerous companies ceased operations and involve encouraging industry to move out of the thousands of workers were laid off. The city to places where labour should be cheaper, and orientation of the electronics industry towards allowing the workers to mix agricultural and exporting low-cost products proved a point of non-agricultural incomes. This requires better weakness as the crisis mainly affected infrastructure. internationally oriented companies in the PRD The city is under-governed. The many (Ohm/Liefner 2011). Many (pre-crisis) studies, shortcomings are well known, from the lack of any however, suggest that large foreign-invested and meaningful urban mass transport to issues with water, power, housing, education and health. The such as integration in global production networks lack of public space in general, and of roads, parks (GPN)state-owned or the firmssupportive benefited character from successof strong factors Rising Economies

research government backing. For privately owned small Shenzhen and Dongguan are compared to each and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) it seems that a number of success factors usually assumed economic zones in the 1980s in China, where to stimulate upgrading in China have no particular strongother. Shenzhen dirigiste-like was globalised one of the productionfirst special system elements were initially evident. Since then, the area government contacts and other inter-personal bordering Hong Kong has gradually evolved into a linkages.influence. The These upgrading include ofGPN SMEs integration, can instead be more interactive regional innovation system (RIS) best explained through a focus on the growing than the globalised production system in domestic market, overcoming typical resource Dongguan, where innovation is still passively constraints and a reliance on internal capabilities managed by global players. Shenzhen is (Peighambari et al. 2014). Moreover, this is also valid for larger companies during periods of economic downturn in China, suggesting that the strengthened by the institutional first-mover economic mechanisms are not particularly interactiveadvantage, learningincubating mechanism competitive in RIS.and Althoughdiversified different from those in other more developed Dongguanfirms in the is business lagging behind sector whichShenzhen, facilitate economic the economies. growth performance in Dongguan is also Within the PRD, a strong trend towards the impressive in the overall Chinese context. This is an localisation of business activities can be observed interesting result from a policy perspective, (Schiller 2013). The existence of the localisation because it shows that successful development trend may be understood as an advanced front paths can be promoted by different governance shop-back factory model with complementary but modalities, even in close spatial proximity. Internal intertwined assets. The institutional interpretation differentiation in the PRD is, therefore, greater than of spatial processes in particular has proven its usually perceived. This result also demonstrates potential to further develop contextually sensitive the power of local governments in promoting concepts for the economic geography of China economic growth in China (Fu et al. 2012). (Meyer et al. 2012). 99 interactive learning which is usually facilitated by informalLocalisation Guanxi enablesnetworks firms in the to Chineseundertake context. Results from company surveys in the electronics intensity of interactive learning with the widest scopeindustry of businessshow that partners firms undertaking tend to achieve the highest better innovation outcomes, i.e. the more heterogeneous the individual business environment, the better the

(Fu et al. 2013). Fu et al. (2013) also provide evidenceindividual suggesting business performance that interactive of a learning Chinese plays firm a more important role in incremental product innovation than in discontinuous innovation, as intensiveelectronics interactive firms operate learning in highly tend modularisedto apply informalvalue chains. Guanxi Furthermore, networks with the firms long-term engaged business in institutions. partnersThe improvement as a complement of the to effectiveness deficient formal of institutions is mandatory for further progress and regional upgrading, as existing institutions have also been shown to yield highly ambiguous results (Liefner et al. 2016). In this respect, governance constitutes an elementary supportive infrastructure for regional innovation systems. Different innovation system paths can be derived from our research programme, for example when the development of PRD core cities such as 3.3.3 Flexibility and informality: thus on RHS. Animals that are ‘free from blemish (Masri 1989: 123) and larger in size ensure higher quality standards than in the off season. These Bangladesh’s leather industry religious requirements allow unskilled and inter-firmAuthors Joseph Strasser, coordination Elmar Kulke in unknown business partners to engage in market relationships, though there is no formal Bangladesh’s economy has experienced striking economic growth in recent years. Despite a relational governance scheme in the off season notable effect on local employment, the leather transformscodification to (e.g. one contract). involving In more short, arm’s-length a rather industry accounts for only 2% of the country’s relationships in the peak season. Socio-cultural institutions matter for chain governance, and developed backward linkages cause chronic shortagesexport earnings of raw (ITC hides 2014). and skins Insufficiently (RHS), or make relations. leather processors reliant on imports of trust,Our an results informal also institution, show that redefines contrary powerto the machinery and inputs such as chemicals (Strasser Global Value Chain (GVC) conceptualisation, et al. 2013). Drawing on qualitative interviews with resource-based but often negotiated in social selected stakeholders along the leather value interaction.power in firm-to-firm Wholesalers, relationships for instance, is notcontrol always chain from 2010-2014, we analyse the smaller leather processors by selling RHS at higher prices on credit or demanding spot business dynamics and power asymmetries at the payment. By contrast, large tanneries align their correspondingcoordination of nodes inter-firm in the activities, chain. Low their payment to the terms and conditions of their capabilities in the supply base (animal husbandry, foreign customers and pass on power asymmetry slaughtering, preservation of RHS, tanning, upstream to local traders of RHS. With the marketing etc.) and a trader-dominated supply increasing complexity of international trade chain impinge on the tanneries’ price transactions (e.g. increasing processing of 100 competitiveness. Figure 3.3.3-1 highlights exportable leather; complex international different intermediaries who organise the internal payment methods such as letters of credit), procurement of raw material and mediate leather payment on the local level has been protracted, exports. Traders of RHS play an important role for too. There, personal relations, more effective than the tanneries’ sourcing strategies but increase weak formal documents (e.g. bills), ensure the costs without adding value. Buying houses money eventually comes in. compensate for the tanneries’ lack of ability to Coordination between tanners to handle complex (payment) transactions, and foreign buyers therebyproduce keeping to the buyers’ them highlydetailed dependent. specifications and Over 90% of the country’s tanneries are concentrated in the tannery estate in Hazaribagh, Coordination between tanners a subdistrict in the southwest of Dhaka (see Figure and traders of RHS 3.3.3-2). Their low capabilities have been a The organisation of the trade in raw materials persistent constraint to direct market access. varies seasonally as temporary intermediaries Although almost two-thirds of Hazaribagh’s join the supply chain in the peak season. Trust is tanneries cater mainly or exclusively for the the dominant mechanism that trade in RHS relies export market (Figure 3.3.3-2), they rarely maintain direct business relations to foreign customers. Buying houses broker to international sourcingon. Personal strategies trust-based in the and off season.long-term In responsefirm-to- customers, compensating for the tanneries’ lack of firm relationships constitute the tanneries’ competence to codify complex transactions. of RHS and tanners refer to tacit knowledge to to a lack of codified specifications, regular traders scenario changes. Temporary middlemen join in thedefine unregulated price and supplyquality. chain In the during peak season the Festival the

the large availability of RHS (see Strasser et al. 2013).of Sacrifice They (Eid-ul-Azha) are able to rely in onorder systemic to benefit trust from

thanks to the codified information the Qu’ran imposes on the quality of sacrificial animals and Rising Economies

research

farmer

livestock dealer

butcher

collector

supplier Bangladesh

wholesaler

chemicals tannery & commercial exporter wet blue buying house

manufacturer

wholesale importer & retail buying house buying house & trader

chemical tannery supplier foreign buyers

trader tannery manufacturer

global

Actors

Commodity �lowslivestock producers raw hides & skins intermediaries

crust & �inished leather leather goods & footwear only �inished leather

Figure 3.3.3-1 import �lows leather value chain Actors and product flows in the Bangladeshi Source: Strasser 2016 Figure 3.3.3-2 Export orientation of tanneries in Hazaribagh, 2011

Sher-E-Bangla Road Road Source: Strasser 2016

Tulagastola

Tinmajar Road

30 Feet Road

Glass Factory Road

Bangla Tannery Road

Emban

102 kbment Road

Hazaribag Bazar Road

Sher-E-Bangla Road

Hazaribag Bazar Foker Road

Amin Bazar

DHAKA

Export orientation of tanneries (n=114)

only domestic market

mainly domestic market Posta Hazaribagh equally domestic and export market

mainly export market

only export market

1:150.000 wholsale markets for raw hides & skins 1:5000 Source: Hackenbroch 2013 Source: OpenStreetMap Rising Economies

Indirect export relations exclude tanners from A Memorandum of Understandingresearch (MoU) signed learning from buyers. Only large tanneries are by the leather associations and the Government of capable of cooperating closely with their Bangladesh in 2003 offset the existing customers, thereby achieving better quality. environmental regulation. This was to enable the Smaller tanneries depend critically on the tanneries to shift their production plants to the knowledge of chemical suppliers, which new tanning estate in the outskirts of Dhaka minimises learning effects. (Hemayetpur/Savar) within three years. A decade Moreover, low technological capabilities later the relocation process remains stuck in 1. An existing formal conditions prevent Hazaribagh’s tanneries from regulation has been formally informalised to formingreinforced long-term by insufficient business infrastructural relationships with protectfinancial the negotiations industry’s interests at the expense of international buyers. The prevalence of one-off the environment and public health. business deals hinders the establishment of trust Other (smaller) producers use informality rather proactively to bypass powerful buying extension of lead and payment times). Despite houses and achieve leather exports, for instance, and the flexible use of informal arrangements (e.g. by organising production jointly. These informal credit), risk is neither removed nor is power subcontracts are an important and legitimate asymmetryformal codifications suspended. in payment (e.g. letter of strategy for tanneries with low capabilities to cater for the foreign market, but need to be better Informal arrangements in chain coordinated to minimise the risk of supplier coordination failure. Informality exists even in the most formal spheres and serves a vital purpose in trust-building essential for the tanneries’ price competitiveness processes, innovation and industrial governance. in theThe international informal institutions market. They identified temporarily are The notion of informality goes beyond mutually exclusive classes. Combining Etzold et al.’s (2009) asymmetric power relations in market entry, but approach of informality as an agency and North’s impedeincrease sustained the individual competitiveness. benefit and overcome (1990) institutional perspective, this study An institutional overhaul seems essential to 103 conceives informality as a process-related, address dysfunctions systemically. Aside from a relational and strategic resource that also operates reformulation of export and import policies, what within hierarchical power relations. Within the is needed is an individual but holistic approach logic of an informal-formal continuum, informal that takes into account the role of informal arrangements spanning informal ties, networks, institutions for the industry’s competitiveness. trust, self-organisation and illicit practices may enable entry into highly competitive GVCs. 3.3.4 Flexibility and Agility: Modes of three relevant sectors: chemical imports, Firm Organisation and Upgrading in environmentalInformal arrangements regulation, and have leather been identifiedexports. in the Pearl River Delta’s Electronics Dysfunctional formal institutions (e.g. policies, Industry regulations) along with power asymmetries on Authors Pamela Kilian, Marie Peters both local and global levels have caused several actors (e.g. smaller tanneries, commercial leather Based on the authors’ own empirical research, exporters, buying agents) to resort to informal and even illicit adaptation strategies to remain competitive. Riverthis chapter Delta (PRD), presents and findings highlights on the wayregion’s For instance, to adapt to large tanneries endeavourmanufacturing to move firms up organise the value in chain.China’s In Pearl China’s misusing their bonded license for local sales of electronics industry, the competitive market chemicals, importing companies bring in chemicals under invoice to minimise taxes. Such and agilely and draw on informal arrangements illicit practices, only feasible in cooperation with withstructure migrant compels workers local to firms be successful to organise and flexibly global players (e.g. chemical companies in competitive. Additionally, in the course of a rising Europe), have become institutionalised in labour shortage, increasing wages and high labour Hazaribagh. turnover, the Chinese government urges the PRD’s The state-tolerated non-compliance with industries to upgrade towards higher value-added existing environmental regulation corresponds to the organising logic expounded upon by Etzold et 1 There are certainly more stakes involved (e.g. real estate), al. (2009) adopted from AlSayyad and Roy (2004). which cannot be addressed in this chapter. Flexibility and agility as a mode presents the status quo structures based on of firm organisation surveyproduction. data Thecollected first partfrom of companies the discussion of the In the last two decades, the PRD has become one electronics industry located in the PRD and of the world’s production hubs for electronic among production workers in 2008 and 2009 goods, electrical products, and electrical and (Hartmann et al. 2012). The second part stresses electronic components (Enright 2005). Over time, the Chinese municipal government’s prospects of production of electronic goods has developed upgrading PRD’s industries towards higher from a classical ‘brand name manufacturing’ value-added production using empirical data from production model to a modular system of expert interviews with government ‘electronics manufacturing services’ (EMS). The representatives and from a survey among case study found that formalised control by the high-skilled employees in Dongguan from 2011-12. lead firm has been replaced by fierce market MARKET Tr re orm Fle a regime produ tion pro STATE ansition and f xibilis tion of of the labour c cesses

104 MANAGEMENT

Implementing �lexibility Flexibility effects CORE WORKFORCE – A n rodu tion pro - Medium level management, t – Adjustment of p c - Wider r xibility – A cessesn r

echnicians Functional Fle COMPANY - Lo t t nowdjustmeowt of tasks ange of tasks djustme t of necessaAgilityy w fac or mobili y k -h

Implementing �lexibility Flexibility effects PERIPHERAL WORKFORCE – A n a nt - Produ tion wor xibility anddjustme pro t of p yme - Narrow r Financial Fle – PRange of worcompanypla e bene�its qualit c kers - H t t visions ange of tasks – Ahysical n k worc ing timey igh fac or mobili y – A n tenure xibility djustmert-termt ofontra k Numerical Fle djustme t of Informality – Sho c cts

Figure 3.3.4-1 Delta’s electronics industry Mode of firm organisation in the Pearl River Source: Hartmann 2013 Rising Economies

research competition among several manufacturing Strategies to upgrade the regional suppliers and few buyers (Hartmann 2013). economy The electronics industry in the PRD mostly Expert interviews among representatives in two performs manufacturing steps associated with high-tech industrial zones, namely Songshan Lake high factor mobility, such as assembly, employing Science and Industry Park in Dongguan and the Guangzhou Development District, show that urban governments aim to improve conditions for modea management of organisation principle at the coined company as ‘flexible level was upgrading by providing incentives for the foundneo-taylorism’ which involves (Hürtgen a hierarchy et al. 2009). of a A small specific and allocation of investment and professionals in the agile core workforce and a large peripheral PRD. Thereby, professionals refer to people with a informal workforce (Figure 3.3.4-1). The latter is university educational attainment or special fed by a population of more than 21 million (Hartmann 2013: 103) highly mobile and experience from a foreign country. Local governmentsqualification, preferablyin the PRD apromote PhD or studythe proliferation or work (cf. Section 3.2.5). of science and industry parks, targeting high-tech personallyMore than flexible ever, migrant market workersdynamics in force the region companies and entrepreneurs with innovative business ideas. The strategy follows the idea that to succeed and maintain competitiveness. Agility, high-skilled people with their creative skills and companies to organise flexibly and agilely in order ideas are essential in the process of economic upgrading (Lucas 1988: 38). Thus, governmental informalas a mode arrangements of firm organisation, (Revilla isDiez found et al. to 2008)be asflexibility they involve achieved non-written by – or at or least legally entailing unprotected – region’s attractiveness for such individuals. To agreements. Agility implies knowledge and the sustainofficials a are regional under basispressure of creative to enhance and innovativethe ability to adjust actions and resources according human capital, city governments have established to market needs, and is consequently found within diverse programmes offering incentives to the core workforce of a company (Figure 3.3.4-1). professionals, such as the facilitation of overseas Informality characterises the employer-worker trips, tax relief, subsidies for housing purchases, 105 relationship with respect to financial and apartments for free or for cheaper rents, numerical flexibility. The data revealed that schooling for children, support in seeking financial flexibility was most prevalent in terms of employment for their spouses, and even long- adjustment of payment, range of company term residency permits (hukou). One of the results of the government’s strategy Numerical flexibility in turn was characterised by is a mixed-use structure in the cities’ high-tech adjustmentbenefits and of physical daily or workplace weekly working quality. times and industrial zones combining commercial/industrial with residential use, recreation and leisure From the case study, we can conclude that China’s facilities, and service facilities for residents, such institutionalduration of fixed setting term tolerates contracts. informal as shops, entertainment, or restaurants, and basic arrangements within the expanding export- utilities, such as hospitals, universities, and oriented private sector (Hartmann 2013) and the schools. By constructing new living spaces in these zones, the government shows interest in the creation of urban qualities, trying to meet the disadvantagesflexibility is mainly companies. intended. As However,job opportunities in some in supposed demands of Chinese professionals. They, othercases foundlocations in the emerge, survey, often workers’ with aflexibility more for instance, focus on providing an unpolluted and relaxing living environment with proximity to both workplace and family by building housing andfavourable labour rangeshortage of benefits surges. Additionally,or higher entrance as estates in the zones, and support the manufacturingsalaries, local firms in the suffer PRD highfaces labour increasing turnover establishment of educational and recreational production costs (Hartmann et al. 2012), regional facilities (Figures 3.3.4-2, 3.3.4-3), or provide decision makers in the PRD intend to upgrade in access to local schools, health care facilities, and terms of higher value-added production (from hukou. un-/skilled labour, attraction of high-skilled the other urban benefits which come with a local labour)low- to high-tech),and spatial human structures capital (creation (qualification of of development zones). Figures 3.3.4-2 and 3.3.4-3 Park with children’s playground and housing estates at Shilongkeng Reservoir in Songshan Lake Park (left); Central square in Guangzhou Development District for events and recreation activities (right)

Photos: Marie Peters

106 A survey among Chinese professionals with 440 A recently implemented new labour contract law, participants in 2012 in Dongguan and in-depth increasing labour protests and a stepwise reform interviews in the two high-tech industrial zones of the hukou system may be interpreted as signals have revealed differing opinions among of future formalisation processes. professionals regarding the attractiveness of the zones for living and working. Whereas many 3.3.5 The Food System of Dhaka appreciated the calm and healthy living environment in the zones, they also complained Between Global Trends and Local about the lack of urban facilities, such as shops, Dynamics schools, or restaurants, or the remote location of Authors Benjamin Etzold, Christine Hobelsberger, Markus Keck the zones. Thus, making the zones integrated parts of the cities of Guangzhou and Dongguan Food is a basic human need, but megacities and the PRD as a whole, rather than satellite research has hardly touched upon it, as a towns, remains the major challenge in the functioning food system is largely taken for endeavour to permanently attract professionals granted. The projects ‘The mega-urban food and foster economic upgrading. system of Dhaka’ and ‘Multiple modernities in the megacity: Economic and spatial restructuring of substantially promote the Chinese economy to food markets’ recognised that economic becomeWhether a research- the PRD and can innovation-driven fulfil expectations and globalisation, environmental change, rural-urban migration, and political ruptures are the main Five-Year Plan is yet to be seen. The region and its drivers that shape the contemporary structures of high-techhigh-value industrial added economy zones, however,as defined remain in the an12th Dhaka’s food system. This chapter focuses on the important stage for economic experiments role of wholesale traders and street vendors in the intended to promote economic advancements. urban food system, on the food security of the Moreover, it seems likely that the aim of urban poor, and on the transformation of food upgrading the economy will involve further steps shopping practices through emerging of formalisation, although this remains to be seen. supermarkets. Rising Economies

research Dhaka’s food bazaars play a crucial role for the even if they could make a more lucrative deal with mega-urban food system. 4,400 food wholesale others. This moral economy, one can summarise, traders run their businesses in 87 food wholesale is the key to the stability of Dhaka’s contemporary markets (in 2010) in Dhaka City (DCC). They food provision system (Keck et al. 2012, Keck supply more than 9,000 tons of food daily – an 2012, Keck/Etzold 2013, Keck 2016). achievement that is regularly put at risk. Food is not only sold in markets, but also on Producers are hindered in delivering goods due to Dhaka’s streets, on footpaths, at transport nodes harvest losses, freight is damaged during and on every other corner. Almost 100,000 vendors sell rice dishes, light snacks, fruits, jams and accidents. Food traders need to be beverages or other prepared food items. Because it preparedtransportation, for such or instances.delivery is Theirdelayed business due to traffic is cheap, readily available and nutritious, every networks were found to be of special importance second person buys some street food every day. in this context. Fish traders, for instance, are The urban poor particularly rely on it. Street food typically engaged in a relationship of mutual dependency with their suppliers. Each season, the system and contributes crucially to urban food suppliers obtain loans from Dhaka’s wholesalers. security.vending isIn thus the eyesa significant of the law element enforcing of the agencies, food In turn, the suppliers provide the wholesalers however, the vendors’ encroachment of public with deliveries which are only paid for after the space is illegal. The authorities and urban elites goods are sold. This constellation leads to the see it as obsolete, unhygienic, disorderly, and ‘in emergence of strong personal relationships that the way’. The vendors are therefore regularly imply mutual moral commitments between the evicted from the vending sites. Nonetheless, at businessmen in times of crisis. The suppliers most places in the megacity, street vendors are provide fresh food to ‘their’ wholesalers on as tolerated. This situation poses a dilemma that lies many days as possible, while the wholesale at the heart of the ‘everyday politics’ of street food. On the one hand, hawkers appropriate public traders in Dhaka take fish from ‘their’ suppliers 107

Fruit market in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas space illegally, which calls for state action and their whether it refuses to do so (Bohle et al. 2009, eviction. On the other hand, street vending is Zingel et al. 2011, Keck/Etzold 2013). tolerated because the hawkers are protected by In recent years, Bangladesh entered the local ‘patrons’ and the informal rules that govern the street. Manoeuvring through delicate local outlet opened in Dhaka in 2000. Since then, there governance regimes, street vendors actively take hassupermarket been remarkable era, when growth the first in this‘modern’ sector. retail their ‘right to the city’ in order to feed the city and Nevertheless, a comparably small customer base, to sustain their livelihoods (Etzold et al. 2009, the lack of skilled workforce on the management Etzold 2013, 2014a, 2014b, Keck/Etzold 2013). level and inappropriate structural policies (e.g. on The megacity of Dhaka is well supplied with food, as the availability of the two staples of rice challenges for further expansion. The Bangladesh Supermarketthe import of Owners’food and Associationmachinery) (BSOA) pose significant tries to security, however, is far from being guaranteed for overcome these obstacles by lobbying government vulnerableand fish is clearly population above groups. the national More thanaverage. a quarter Food and authorities and by involving the media to of Dhaka’s population still lives in a situation of create a positive image of supermarkets. At severe poverty and undernourishment. The poor present, the impact of supermarkets on Dhaka’s struggle for livelihoods and food security on a food system is still marginal. So far, their estimated daily basis. During times of crisis, such as the global food price hike in 2008/09, the urban share too small to encourage ‘kitchen market’ poor’s coping and adaptive capacities are vendorsmarket share to adapt in food to or retail even is to under resist five the percentnew food – a stretched to the very limits. Given the players. Competition occurs only with regard to malfunctioning of public food security schemes, in high-income customers and some staples, where particular in urban areas, it is questionable supermarkets have an advantage due to economies whether the government gives them adequate of scale in procurement. Consequently, kitchen support in order to enhance their resilience, or markets and supermarkets co-exist. The further

108

Landing of vegetables in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly Rising Economies

research expansion of supermarkets and their impact on and proper handling are not the only things that ‘traditional’ food system actors will depend on the matter in terms of keeping food fresh and clean. Of owners’ success in overcoming current obstacles. similar importance from the perspective of the As in many developing countries, women interviewed is to keep the masses of workers and street people, the uneducated and the as soon as more powerful transnational poor away. By shopping in supermarkets, the supermarket‘supermarketisation’ chains enter might the speed market up significantly urban middle class thus demarcates a clear-cut (Hobelsberger 2013). boundary between themselves and lower income Supermarkets have started to transform food groups. While bazaars are classically places of shopping practices in Dhaka, in particular those of variety and encounter, Dhaka’s supermarkets are middle-class women. Qualitative interviews becoming exclusive locations that further boost showed that the major motive of women during Dhaka’s fragmentation (Keck 2015a, Keck 2015b). food shopping was their concern to reduce the risk Bangladesh’s food system is the second biggest of ill-health of their family members, and to promote their good health by purchasing safe and garments industry. Approximately 1.9 million nutritious food. Supermarket owners seek to peoplefield of workemployment in the production, after the ready-made processing, trade, exploit this rationale and advocate a public transport and preparation of food in Dhaka and its discourse that divides Dhaka’s food retail into a immediate peri-urban space (in 2010). While dual system of ‘traditional’ bazaars and ‘modern’ supermarkets have been a major focal point in superstores. While bazaars are portrayed as research and policy in recent years, traditional chaotic, insecure, dirty and pathogenic sites, domestic supply chains widely lack this attention. supermarkets are presented as the remedy to a Given the fact that 95 per cent of Dhaka’s food system that is considered to be in severe consumers get their food through traditional crisis. This narrative has its consequences. channels, this imbalance in the literature clearly Interviewees stated that a hygienic environment calls for readjustment (Etzold 2013, Keck 2016).

109 New facades in Hong Kong

Photo: Harald Sterly 110

Street vendors in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly Textile workers in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly

High rise buildings in Hong Kong

Photo: Frauke Kraas Rising Economies

research

Landing of vegetables in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly

111

New promenade in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas 3.4

Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities

3.4.1 Megacities as Risk Areas – What are the structural factors behind these Theories and Scales of Vulnerability risks, and what drivers shape the manifold courses of respective risk governance strategies? and Resilience How do different socio-economic groups and Author Markus Keck actors perceive these risks? How do they handle them? And what factors hinder them from Megacities are seen as one of the major successful adaptation in the long run? challenges of contemporary global urbanisation So far, the global challenge of megacities has (Kraas 2010). Due to their concentrations of often been discussed from a macro-perspective. In daunting numbers of people, their these cases the discussion has been reduced to unprecedented growth rates, their complexities questions of cities’ population size and growth and dynamism, and not least due to their harsh rates, or to their exposure to natural hazards and socio-economic fragmentation, there are available funds for adaptive measures. Questions concerns about an expected loss of urban of access, distribution and participation have been governability, the uncontrolled spread of left widely disregarded. In contrast to such informality, and the inexorable increase of social ‘de-politicised’ standpoints, SPP scholars followed marginalisation, deprivation and vulnerability a micro-perspective on the subject matter and (Kraas 2008). One focus of the SPP was to shed developed alternative approaches that place light on the manifold risks and the diverse special emphasis on the social construction of vulnerabilities that are emerging for different risks (Etzold 2013; Hackenbroch 2013a; Hossain people in today’s megacities. With a focus on 2013b) and on people’s resilience (Bercht 2013a; Dhaka in Bangladesh and on Guangzhou, Aßheuer 2014; Keck 2016). While the notion of Shenzhen, and Dongguan in China, the vulnerability serves to identify potential threats to overarching questions considered by these people’s livelihoods and their wellbeing, the studies were: concept of resilience aims to understand the What risks have emerged in contemporary capacities and social mechanisms that help people mega-cities in Bangladesh and China, and for to handle these threats, to preserve their whom are they relevant? belongings and (at best) to acquire knowledge and research resources that help them to deal with future the example of informal groundwater use (done to threats more competently. In seven years of simply circumvent the fees being legally charged research, two facets turned out to be most vital in by the Chinese government for water extraction this regard: people’s adaptive resilience, i.e. their and use, cf. BfAI 2006), the interlinkages between 3.4 ability to learn from past experiences and adjust settlement and water (infra-)structures, water themselves to future challenges to their everyday quality as well as health and the related lives; and their transformative resilience, i.e. their hydrological and social vulnerabilities become ability to craft sets of institutions that foster obvious. Following inter alia the frameworks of individual welfare and sustainable societal Bossel (2001) and Turner et al. (2003), it was robustness towards future crises (Keck/ possible to identify informal land use structures Sakdapolrak 2013). While adaptive resilience and socio-hydrological vulnerabilities inherent in addresses the ways in which people adjust recent urban planning projects (i.e. the North- themselves to their respective environments, South Development Axis and its follow-ups) as transformative resilience transcends this idea by well as in land use and water management efforts highlighting measures of how people adjust their on the macroscale (Wiethoff et al. 2011; Azzam et environments according to their needs (Keck al. 2013; Strohschön et al. 2013). By analysing 2015a). Against this background, SPP studies show several small-scale case study areas in different that the challenge of megacities and the search for stages of development, the (in)formal use of ways to build sustainable future cities – especially in (non)-improved water sources and sanitation support of the poor and marginalised – are not only facilities, informal waste and wastewater disposal (Strohschön 2018) and the informal use of fallow

technical, but first and foremost political issues. exemplary structures and processes of socio- hydrologicalsites (Wiethoff vulnerability 2018) could and be relatedidentified coping as 3.4.2 Water as an Urban Risk strategies on the microscale (see Figure 3.4.2-2). Factor: Urban (Infra-)Structures In order to establish a basis for assessing and Informal Groundwater Uses hydrological vulnerability, the intrinsic 113 Authors Ramona Strohschön, Katharina Wiethoff, Klaus Baier, groundwater vulnerability of Guangzhou was

sensitivity against anthropogenic contaminants Rafig Azzam andmodelled. takes intoThe accountmodel defines the hydrogeological the water’s One of the essential aspects of growing cities is characteristics, but is independent of the pollutants’ properties (Kralik 2001). Considering water quantity and quality. This is especially true the approach of Hölting et al. (1995), the intrinsic forthe megacitiesmutual influence like Guangzhou, of urban development located above on groundwater vulnerability of Guangzhou is mostly shallow or low protected aquifers and with a very high in the entire area under investigation broad range of usages of land and space. Due to its position in the subtropical Pearl River Delta, properties of the deposits, and is only moderate to Guangzhou has abundant water resources. lowdue into areasthin soils of topographical and the low or elevation permeable (Baier filter et Unfortunately, large-scale land use changes due to al. 2011, 2014; Baier/Strohschön 2012). Due to migration, industrialisation and urban expansion these physical conditions the groundwater is very sensitive to anthropogenic pollutants, but is also treatment facilities have caused the urban water easy to access through open or tube wells. qualityalong with to deteriorate insufficient (Wehrhahn sewage structures et al. 2008; and Although Guangzhou’s water infrastructure is at Strohschön et al. 2009, 2011). an advanced stage (especially in the core But, what are the main driving forces for development areas), not everyone is connected to hydrological vulnerabilities in the context of rapid mega-urban development? And, how are people constraints. However, alternative sources (public taps,the supply private network, or public for wells) instance guarantee due to accessfinancial to everyday lives? It is apparent that there are close water at an acceptable distance. While the urban interrelationsinformally handling between formal settlement deficiencies development, in their poor are often dependent on informal practices to human activities and hydrological conditions. get access to water (see Hossain 2013a, 2013b for Figure 3.4.2-1 shows different use-related forms of informal set-ups in Dhaka), others mistrust or contamination, which – depending on the dislike the tap water and prefer the ‘better and pollutant, soil type and soil thickness – lead to sweeter tasting’ groundwater for personal varying rates of degradation and hazards. Using hygiene, washing laundry, small-scale irrigation, ence tock

Geogenic occurAgriculture, livesSettlements Industry Contaminant Main source

Coloifom bacteria Human and animal excreta (domestic sewage, liquid manure); natural occurences

Ammonium Human and animal excreta (domestic sewage, liquid manure); fertiliser; unsealed land ills

Lead Corrosion of supply line�s; industrial sewage; discharge from batteries; street runoff; elution of natural occurrences

Cadmium Agricultural used sewage sludge; metal production; colours; industrial sewage & emissions; discharge from batteries; elution of natural occurrences

Chromium Steel- & pulp industry; tannery; colorants industry; elution of natural occurrences

Copper Corrosion of roofs, gutters, gas & water supply pipes; pecticides; street runoff; elution of natural occurrences

Nitrate Natural and arti icial fertiliser; livestock breeding; septic tanks; sewage; unsealed land ills; elution of natural occurrences � Zinc Corrosion of water supply� pipes, gutters, roofs; industrial sewage (e.g. electo plating)

Figure 3.4.2-1 114 Selected contaminants and their sources (filled Layout:circle = mainWiethoff source, et al. non-filled 2011, modified circle = minor source)

feeding the livestock and drinking (Strohschön et as drinking water, any presence of coliform al. 2013). However, while all interviewees boil bacteria is not allowed (WHO 2006; MOH/SAC their tap water before they drink it because of its 2006). None of the samples from wells reported odour, turbid look and potential contamination, to be used for drinking water purposes revealed groundwater is often consumed untreated. In concentrations of the other tested substances several cases, subjective positive sensory above the limits set in the Chinese quality perceptions are linked to the interviewees’ own standards for ground and drinking water. The geographical and hydrological ideas, stories and vulnerability of households dependent on advice from friends or relatives, and historical, non-improved water sources and sanitation facilities correlates with a general lack of groundwater quality is assessed as ‘bad’ and it is adequate infrastructure, leading to informal water thereforeanecdotal notreports. drunk This without then justifiesbeing boiled, (or, if negates) the uses, local open defecation and widespread the view that the groundwater is potable – domestic wastewater being piped into

because of a lack of alternatives (Strohschön the city’s water household (Strohschön et al. 2018).possibly Measurements also for reasons however of self-justification show that access 2013,Guangzhou’s Strohschön watercourses, 2018). circularly influencing to water cannot necessarily be equated with the Urbanisation not only negatively affects required safety of water. Most striking of all the groundwater quality through various sources of parameters analysed (see Fig. 3.4.2-1) were the urban groundwater recharge such as untreated concentrations of total coliform bacteria. They sewage disposal and leaking sewer lines, but also were detected in all 33 groundwater samples by the input of pollutants from point sources such taken from 2007-2010 at concentrations of 20 - 1 300 000 MPN/ 100 ml with a median of 13 000 MPN/100 ml. If groundwater is assessed development,as industrial areas, the overlapping (in) formal oflandfills transformation and the temporary use of brownfields. The rapid pace of Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities

research

Development stage Shibi Yuangangcun Xincun Yunguicun

Development direction Interdependence Closed border character Open border character Built area

Rural context Urban context

Structural pattern Traditional village Shibi Yuangangcun Xincun Yunguicun

Water structure

Figure 3.4.2-2 Research areas in different development stages during the process of urbanisation and selected water (infra) structures

Source: Wiethoff 2012, modified, Photos: Strohschön phases in the analysed areas, and the massive 3.4.3 Social Capital and Vulnerability: transformation pressure on yet undeveloped areas, Coping Strategies and Adaptive has led to the emergence of many small-scale fallow sites that are re-used for a short period, Capacities of Dhaka’s Poor primarily by the urban poor, who adapt such sites Authors Tibor Aßheuer, Benjamin Etzold to their needs (Wiethoff et al. 2011; Wiethoff 2013, 2018). These interim uses (mainly food gardening, Good social relations are vital for the urban poor micro-farming, open or storage space, small who live and work under highly precarious businesses) cause different degrees of potential conditions in the megacities of the Global South. punctual pollution for urban water resources. High Several research projects in the SPP have focused degrees of pollution were measured in areas close in particular on the role that networks or ‘social to large-scale development projects where high capital’ play for urban livelihoods and in the development pressure, high density of buildings poor’s capacities to cope with and adapt to crises. and various potential sources of pollution The manifestations and structural conditions culminate (Wiethoff et al. 2011). The results show of vulnerability can be analysed from a social a high degree of socio-hydrological vulnerability in vulnerability perspective. The focus then lies on Guangzhou, especially in areas where development communities, households, or individuals’ pressure is high due to larger scale political and everyday practices and interests, on their relative planning-related decisions. Here, social positions in society, and on how they deal with vulnerability becomes obvious, resulting from a crises. People’s sensitivity to shocks to their dramatically overcrowded urban structure on the livelihoods and their adaptive capacities depend one hand and the social marginalisation of the on their assets and entitlements, and whether urban poor who live mostly in these less expensive they can mobilise them in times of need (Bohle but risky urban areas on the other hand. Their 2007; Etzold 2013). In Dhaka, the poor frequently essential needs in terms of space, access to water have to deal with livelihood shocks. Severe crises do not necessarily create new problems, but 116 successfully. They have to cope with the dynamic rather exacerbate existing ones (Aßheuer 2014). situationand other of facilities their surroundings of daily life cannot (e.g. by be different satisfied Every day, a family member that contributes to a household’s income might fall ill or lose her job. A necessarily in a rising hydrological vulnerability, as study of street vendors demonstrated that police shownkinds of by interim the water uses analyses. of brownfields) resulting raids of vending sites jeopardise hawkers’ As urbanisation in Guangzhou continues, the livelihoods as their investments are destroyed. value of peoples’ access to improved water and Even more importantly, access to ‘their’ vending sanitation facilities and water bodies of good site is temporarily restricted. They thus cannot earn an income for several days or weeks (Etzold the quality of life and health. On a political level, quality cannot be overestimated as this influences megacity, the main trouble also arises from the modernisation of old or leaking supply and suspension2013, 2014). of Similarly, incomes. if With a major streets, flood factories hits the and sewageregular controlslines as well of effluents, as a further supervision development and of the infrastructures are important. To help address cannot continue to work. Having no or less health risks and raise environmental awareness, incomeconstruction at hand sites causes flooded, huge most problems poor people for families information should be accessible and easy to with little savings (Braun/Aßheuer 2011). The understand for everyone. While the political food price hike of 2007/2008, in turn, caused an infrastructural solutions can only be reached in entitlement crisis for the middle-class and the the medium- and long-term, the health risks could poor as the prices of food skyrocketed – the cost for example be reduced short-term by covering of a sack of rice doubled within two years – while open wastewater ditches or installing warning their income did not increase. Many people thus signs next to wells used for drinking water faced hunger as they simply could not afford to purposes. With regard to water contamination buy the amount of food their family required and resulting health risks the socio-hydrological (Zingel et al. 2011; Keck/Etzold 2013). problems should, however, be addressed at their To cope with such crises Dhaka’s poor turn to sources. All these steps require investment in three major practices in particular. They borrow research, urban planning and development, as money from relatives, friends and money lenders. well as in education and capacity building. They obtain food or other goods from shops on credit. And they organise mutual support among those who are affected (Aßheuer et al. 2013). The Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities

research practices of the poor are based on their vast and long-term oriented strategies of adaptation. experience in dealing with crisis (Salingre/Braun Nonetheless, most poor families in Dhaka are 2013). The essential structures for these practices unlikely to ‘get ahead’ – to move out of poverty are personal networks and relations of trust or, in into a better-off life. Why is this so? other words, ‘social capital’. In general, people’s The reasons lie within the socio-political structures in which the urban poor are embedded sensitivities to crises and their adaptive capacities and which they cannot change. First, although position in social networks influences their access to credit might help poor households to not – expands or narrows the scope of choices overcome crises, the need to borrow money leads availablesignificantly. to vulnerable Having the people ‘right’ (Bohlesocial capital 2005). – Poor or to enhanced dependencies and indebtedness in households in Dhaka are embedded in manifold the longer run. With the support of their family, networks (see Figure 3.4.3): They have ‘horizontal’ close friends and neighbours, Dhaka’s street ties to family and close friends (bonding social vendors can sustain their lives despite one or two capital); ‘horizontal’ ties to neighbours and evictions. But if they frequently lose equipment working colleagues (bridging social capital); and and money in a succession of police raids, they ‘vertical’ ties to landlords, employers, the well-off, become increasingly indebted and impoverished and politically powerful people (linking social (Etzold 2013). Second, mutual support helps capital). People get access to networks through people in an immediate crisis. Yet, close relations ‘personal introduction’, which is a prerequisite for and social control also imply that once households receiving credit, for instance. Social capital helps have started to ‘get ahead’, they have to return the poor to overcome crises. Credits and mutual whatever they have in excess to the community support allow them to bridge times of low income. (Aßheuer 2014). Third, informality tends to Each family may be poor, but taken all together entrap poor households as well. Our research in households have substantial resources (Aßheuer Dhaka showed that unequal power relations, et al. 2013). Together, people can deal with risks informality, a lack of tenure security and precarious employment conditions dominate the established norms like trust and solidarity are life of the poor (Etzold et al. 2009; Aßheuer et al. 117 poorand shocks people’s more foundation. flexibly. Networks In the interviews, and many 2013; Etzold 2013; Hackenbroch 2013a; Hossain underlined the deep rooted solidarity and strong 2013b). Poor households rely on social capital, sense of unity among poor people. A housewife living in Goda Tek (slum cluster on the western capital, land, education and information. In a outskirts of Dhaka), for instance, stated that ‘We viciousbecause circle, they lack they adequate hardly build access up toany financial of these poor people always feel for each other’. In turn, a livelihood assets and thus keep relying on hawker who sells snacks on the campus of Dhaka informal structures – social capital remains one of University emphasised that ‘We have to build a their crucial resources. Fourth, poor people know strong community with other vendors so that what they should change and have the ability to everybody can do his business and we can help self-organise to be better prepared for future crises. However, often they do not have the means of networks reinforces trust among peers and to implement what they have learned. Moreover, solidarityeach other within in difficult a community. times’. The Social frequent capital usage can the displacement of slums into temporary housing thus grow – even during crises (Etzold 2013; not only destroys established communities, but Aßheuer 2014). also social capital. Non-governmental Overall, poor Bangladeshi households show a organisations should thus use the high prevalence remarkable capacity to survive crises. Seventy per of social capital and the ability to self-organise in cent of the interviewed households in slums were order to support the urban poor (Aßheuer et al. able to return to their daily routine within two 2013; Salingre/Braun 2013; Aßheuer 2014). Fifth, the Bangladeshi state and Dhaka’s City Aßheuer 2011). Similarly, most street vendors Corporation do not seem to be able or willing to whomonths have after been a severedisplaced flood during event police (Braun/ evictions actively support the urban poor. Vulnerable actors manage to come back to their vending site and continue their business after a short break during through vertical networks, nor can they organise which they draw on savings and other people’s resistancein the city canagainst neither an ignorant mobilise state sufficient and lobby support support (Etzold 2013, 2014). The urban poor are effectively for their own interests. The very fact thus able to ‘get by’ and are likely to do so in the that people can only help themselves sheds a future as their coping strategies are not only dark light on governmental security schemes, reactive and short-term, but often also pro-active which largely fail in Dhaka in times of crises, for instance during the 2007/08 food crisis or the scarce, and the economy is largely run informally,

to the lack of the urban poor’s ‘transformative water, fuel or timber to the city seems to be capacities’floods that (Keck/Sakdapolrakhit the megacity in 2007.2013), This their points beyondproviding the infrastructure capacities of localfor the administrations. efficient supply of marginal position of power and to a lack of To run a business in such a volatile environment is awareness of the plights of the urban poor in a continuous challenge. In this chapter, we analyse public debates on poverty alleviation, the economic resilience of brick producers and development and distributional justice. Too often, the resilience of the urban poor is rejected by the adapt to their environments (adaptive resilience state (Zingel et al. 2011; Aßheuer et al. 2013; orfish ‘getting traders. by’) We and show discuss how informaltheir potentiality economies Etzold 2013; Keck/Etzold 2013). to reshape their environment towards a more sustainable urban future (transformative resilience or ‘getting ahead’). 3.4.4 Getting By, but not Getting Production of bricks Ahead: Analysing Resilience in The brick sector turns out to be old-fashioned but Dhaka’s Informal Sector Authors Tibor Aßheuer, Markus Keck thehighly easy flexible transport and ofresilient coal, sand in the and face soil. of climate Megacities are said to be especially prone to social change. Brick fields are located next to rivers for and ecological crises, particularly in times of an 1998 and 2007, did not threaten brick production. increasing probability of natural hazards induced Interestingly,Nevertheless, theeven old-fashioned severe flood technologiesevents, like in allow by climate change. In a context where governance brick owners to be well adapted to natural hazards. Since the mid-nineteenth century

structures are weak, financial resources are 118 Based on norms like trust Network contacts Provide and solidarity

Mutual support Friends, Bonding social capital (e.g. small amount of Relatives money, clothes, food)

Neighbours, Money To households Bridging social capital Working Colleagues (i.e. loan) in crisis

Shop owners, Food, clothes, Linking social capital Landlords construction material

Figure 3.4.3 Types of networks and support relied on by slum-households in Dhaka during crises.

Source: Tibor Aßheuer et al. 2013 Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities

research workers have produced bricks in a similar way. law-enforcement by the government have led to They form clay, dry it in the sun and burn it with homogeneous production patterns in the entire coal and wood in a ring-oven (see Fig. 3.4.4-1). In sector. Owners are organised in the Brick Field Dhaka bricks are predominately produced to be Association. They trust each other on price alike. Brick owners copy each other instead of agreements. Laws on quality standards, striving for competition or technological environmental issues, or workers’ rights are not improvement. A neo-institutional perspective shows that mimetic processes and a lack of technological improvement or competition among enforced. As a result there is no benefit in

119

Figure 3.4.4-1

production period Brick field during the Photo: Tibor Aßheuer

Figure 3.4.4-2

monsoon season Brick field during the Photo: Tibor Aßheuer the owners as better quality bricks will not gain food availability in Dhaka is above the national higher prices and higher priced bricks will not Taking the situation of Dhaka City, the gross The brick sector is able to survive natural urban average, most prominently in terms of fish. hazardsfind buyers because (Aßheuer/Braun no substantial 2011). values are at risk national urban average (Keck et al. 2012, Keck/ of being destroyed (see Fig. 3.4.4-2). Trust-based Etzoldavailability 2013). of fish amounts to 1.7 times that of the business relations enable brick companies to for ‘getting by’, their options to ‘get ahead’ are fashioned economic sector is even able to cope limited.Despite They the have fish no traders’ scope impressivefor improving capacities the withproduce shifts flexibly. of the Itmonsoon seems likely period that or this with old- hygienic conditions of their market stands, excessive rainfall resulting from climate change. installing new technologies like hoisting cranes, The brick sector ‘gets by’ during natural hazards. pressure washers or digital scales, or investing in However, it does not ‘get ahead’ in terms of up-to-date transportation vehicles. One of the reducing environmental pollution, improving labour conditions or adapting to other than limited access to affordable credits. In the course natural stresses. The opposite is rather the case. reasons for this situation is the fish traders’ Brick production emits pollutants and contributes wholesalers take out at least one loan for business purposes.of their individual Only 52% business of the loans histories, taken 46% are of fish systems in use, and it jeopardises workers’ provided by private or governmental banks, while livelihoodsto greenhouse through gas emissions low payment with and no filter the absence a remarkable 48% are secured from informal of insurance. Additionally, the system does not sources such as family members, friends, business appear to be adapted to possible societal partners or (local) money lenders. transformations. A decline in demand for Notwithstanding their economic weight – the low-quality bricks (due to a higher demand for steel) or enforcement of existing laws would accounts for 49 million Bangladesh Taka (or probably cause small-scale owners to cease average annual turnover of fish wholesalers 120 production. Necessary expensive investments are disadvantaged due to their limited access to the feasible only for large-scale investors, who base city’s485,000 formal EUR) banking – fish traders system. are This clearly inaccessibility their production in gas-driven factories all year is mainly rooted in a lack of public appreciation of round (Aßheuer/Braun 2011). not only perceived as uncertain, smelly and Marketing of fish the fish wholesale business as a whole, which is backward. Local moneylenders capitalise on this Sidr (November 2007) destroyed much of situationunclean, but by demandingalso as unorganised, high interest inefficient rates, which and Both the floods of the 2007 monsoon and cyclone can be as much as 10% per month (Keck/Etzold 2013, Keck 2015a). Dhaka’sBangladesh’s food supplies.paddy crop, Yet causedthere was countless always fish An even more weighty problem is the fact that enoughponds to food overflow, in the andmegacity repeatedly thanks disconnected to wholesale the traders’ have to deal with highly politicised markets and pronounced tenure insecurities. Of supply networks. In order to buffer the effects of Dhaka’s 87 food wholesale markets, 36 markets shortfalls,traders’ flexible Dhaka’s contracting food traders and maintain their diverse relations (41%) are located on public land, belonging in to multiple suppliers from a variety of places (see most cases to the city corporation. Yet the fact that Figure 3.4.4-3). The traders continually share a market is on governmental land does not information on the current situation of their provide any basis for tenure security. In fact, businesses, on production and transportation public markets are heavily contested. According to

leased out to the businessmen. However, this business,costs, and many on profit of them margins have with only all limited of their business a public officer, the market pitches and stalls are connections.suppliers. When It takes Dhaka’s years fish for traders them to enter expand the their networks. In this way alternative supply wholesalersstatement does (1%) not and accurately not a single reflect rice the wholesaler actual options arise which eventually guarantee the possessedsituation. Our a leasing data show contract that for only a public two fish market traders in Dhaka to run their business every day pitch. Instead, interviews highlighted that Dhaka’s throughout the year. By means of their business public markets are in the hands of middlemen, networks Dhaka’s wholesalers ensure the who sublet the pitches in order to skim off money reliability of the food supply of the whole from higher rent charges. In order to get a pitch in megacity. These networks are so effective that

the first place, traders need to pay large advances. Megaurban Megaurban Risks Risks and Vulnerabilities

NEPAL

BANGLADESH

Jamuna Rangpur INDIA Dinajpur

Jamalpur Mymensingh Sylhet Padma Bogra

Rajshahi

Tangail Pabna INDIA Meghna INDIA

Kushtia Dhaka

Faridpur Comilla Khagrachari Jessore

Noakhali Khulna Barisal Chittagong Patuakhali Bandarban

MYANMAR

(People / km2) in 1000 (t) Population Density 2001 Fish Supply 2001 Supply(in % of totalRegions urban turnover) Loading Points Cities 0 – <300 Total Catch Population 2001 of Dhaka <1City for Marine Fish 300 – <600 200 Seaport 10.000.000 1 – <5 1.000.000 - 4.000.000 600 – <900 5 – 12 150 Demand 200.000 - 700.000 900 – 1200 17 Landing Stage <200.000 Surplus >1200 100 27 500 Deficit

Draft: 0255075 100 km -50 Cartography: Markus Keck Figure 3.4.4-3 Department of Geography, University of Bonn, Department of Geography, University of Göttingen Source: BBS(2007a), Supply BBS regions (2007b), of Dhaka BBS (2007c), DoF (2002), Own Survey 2009-2010 What is meant to be a deposit that would be poor to public space in Dhaka (cf. Hackenbroch repaid later often turns out to be a bribe to 2013b), urban fragmentation due to commodity brokers, who guaranteed the traders entry to the housing in the Pearl River Delta (cf. Breitung et al. market in return. This practice of paying bribes to 2013) and the transformation of urban villages by internal or international migrants in Guangzhou Bangladesh’s political parties for whom the land (cf. Wehrhahn et al. 2008, 2014) cause multiple brokersland brokers mostly first work and (Eisenberger/Keck foremost serves 2015, effects. The (dialectic) interactions and feedbacks Keck 2016). of these processes are far-reaching and characterised by multi-scale temporal and spatial Conclusion variability. One key project with major effects for The two case studies show that redundant future city development and local living business networks and the institution of mutual conditions has been the construction of the South trust are basic elements that allow entrepreneurs Railway Station in Shibi Village, 17 km south of of Dhaka’s informal economy to successfully Guangzhou’s central business district, which organise their businesses’ adaptive resilience, i.e. started in 2004. It is the largest and most modern to ‘get by’ in the face of crisis. At the same time, passenger railway station in Asia; consisting of 28 however, our discussion has made clear that most informal economies command only restricted was opened in 2010. Against this backdrop of access to important resources and are bound to rapidrailway urban tracks. expansion The first and part the of conversionthe railway ofstation pursue harmful production practices and farmland into infrastructural uses, the inhabitants exploitative employment schemes to keep their of Shibi Village (about 20,000 in 2011) have had costs low. In consequence, they have only limited to face profound impacts on their local person- potential for building transformative resilience in environment relationships such as land order to ‘get ahead’. This lack of transformative expropriation, uncertainty about resettlement resilience has negative consequences for society and compensation fees, in-migration, and change of employment and income structures. 122 sector contributes greatly to the environmental In this regard, it is highly relevant to ask why pollutionas a whole. in (1) the With country. no filters (2) Being in use excluded the brick from some people show adaptive functioning in the face of adversity while others do not. In particular, rely on informal credits under onerous terms. In addition,the formal they banking are forced system, to payDhaka’s bribes fish to traders land are able to ‘deal with’ (uncontrollable or brokers in order to enter markets. Both practices ambiguous)the identification exposure of individuals to adversity and without groups who end up negatively impacting the poor as these changing the ‘reality’ of their stressful person- additional costs are passed on to the consumers. environment relationship raises important issues (3) Low payment and the absence of insurances regarding environmental and person-related and social safety nets make the workers who factors and processes that lead to and strengthen carry the bricks and food for the entire city on resilience. People think and act and thereby their shoulders most vulnerable to food insecurity change their person-environment relationship by and ill-health. Against this background it is either acting on the environment (e.g. building important to understand that working for the houses to rent out to migrants) and/or themselves resilience of Dhaka’s informal economies in the (e.g. developing new skills, reconstructing goal end serves the common welfare of the entire hierarchies). In addition to macro-level analysis, urban population. there is a vital need to engage directly with local inhabitants and groups since they are often best 3.4.5 Urban Transformations and placed to inform and provide knowledge about the (differently appraised) impacts of urban Differentiated Resilience: Internal transformations on their livelihoods and coping Assets and Modes of Coping options. Taking the subjective process of Authors Anna-Lena Bercht, Rainer Wehrhahn appraising into account, Lazarus (1999) argues that a person is under stress only if events negate Under comparable conditions, individuals and or endanger important personal goals and social groups differ in their sensitivity and commitments. In consequence, vulnerability is vulnerability to certain types of events, as well as thought of as potential threat that is transformed in their perceptions, interpretations, emotional into active threat when that which is considered responses and reactions. Urban transformation of importance is jeopardised. processes such as changing access for the urban In line with this conceptual position, the exposure Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities

research to risk or adversity constitutes a necessary (but feel happier and much better’ (interview with a local resident in 2008 who worries deeply about Individuals or groups must have been exposed to risknot sufficient)or stress that component increases in the resilience likelihood research. of a represents an offensive cognitive coping mode. negative consequence to instigate the study of Sheresettlement addresses and the financial problem insecurity) and consciously – resilience. Additionally, one cannot talk about reminds herself of what she considers most resilience in the absence of positive adaptation important in her life which is, above all, the (Rutter 2006). In this sense, resilience is regarded prevailing cohesion and health of her family. Her as a two-dimensional construct subsuming two coping behaviour is emotion-focused because she changes the relational meaning but not the reality and positive adaptation – and thus is never directly of her troubled person-environment relationship. measured,distinct dimensions but is indirectly – significant inferred risk/adversity based on the She reappraises her situation and constructs a direct evaluation of the two subsumed dimensions goal hierarchy that provides her with a new basis (Luthar 2006). A risk factor is considered in terms of an indicator for (potential) maladjustment and positive adaptation related to resistance, sustained commitmentsfor evaluating personalthat enables harm internal and benefit. functioning. The It effective coping, and recovery. Individual resilience protective mechanism lies in the flexibility of which stands for the individual’s intrinsic capacity interplay of a) positive adaptation, b) different tothus change reflects ways the of domain thinking of andcognitive the focus resilience of copingthereby modes refers andto the c) dynamicexternal and internaldomain-specific risk attention (Bercht 2013b; Cooper et al. 2010). In factors (e.g. institutional ambiguity, hopelessness) contrast, emotional resilience refers to the ability as well as external and internal protective factors not to let negative emotions dominate or control (e.g. institutional reliability, optimism) that person-environment relationships. For instance mediate, exacerbate, mitigate or stop stress hopelessness is likely to demotivate positive experiences (see also Bercht/Wehrhahn 2010, adaptive action and displays an internal risk 2011; Strohschön et al. 2013). factor. In particular, the consideration of emotional Additionally, modes of beliefs are closely 123 and cognitive coping modes in dealing with linked to individual resilience. Beliefs refer to how ambiguous person-environment relationships, people conceive themselves and their place in the such as resettlement in Shibi Village, broadens the environment and form expectations about what is analytical perspective on resilience. The majority likely to happen in a concrete situation (Lazarus see Fig. 3.4.5) 1999). People with an internal locus of control was sold by Shibi’s village committees to the governmentof farmland includingin 2008 due fish to farming the construction ( of their behaviour. They are more likely to appraise a the South Railway Station in Shibi. Villagers thus demandingbelieve that andcertain ambiguous events can encounter be influenced as by lost their basic source of income from farming. controllable and as less stressful than people with The village committees have not provided any an external locus of control. The latter regard information to the local inhabitants on the extent events as contingent not upon their actions, but to which the residential area might be affected by upon luck, fate or destiny. A 34-year-old the railway construction site (status as of 2011). interviewee, for example, was unemployed However, the demolishment of houses, located because her farmland had been sold to the directly beside the station and further government (interview, 2009). However, she did constructions of motorway access roads and not make any serious effort to look for a new job. shopping areas suggest that more of the As an extensive narrative interview revealed, she residential area will be converted to urbanised was characterised by an external locus of control land use patterns in the near future. Shibi’s which, in terms of an internal risk mechanism, inhabitants fear resettlement, are unable to prevents her from changing this stressful anticipate concrete future events and have person-environment relationship and developing

new job was outside her personal control and thedifficulty committees. in readjusting to the changes, features of resilience. In her opinion, finding a particularly due to a lack of financial pay-offs from In comparison, a 36-year-old interviewee had a Against this background of agonising future predominantlypersonal qualifications internal butlocus was of relatedcontrol tothat destiny. uncertainty, the reconstruction of goal hierarchies, evoked protective mechanisms. He actively tried for example, – ‘Whenever I make myself aware to change his life situation by seeking work as a that we are still doing well in spite of everything I day labourer at different building construction sites in Shibi Village and pinning his mobile institutions, even when problem-focused coping number on various informal job notice-boards. options are limited. This implies a time- These examples illustrate that the analysis of consuming but crucial need for in-depth and person-related dispositions and internal assets far-reaching dialogues between different such as beliefs, commitments and goals stakeholders such as the local population, urban contributes to an overall understanding of why planners, and political as well as economic urban inhabitants differ in resisting, effectively decision-makers. coping with or recovering from stress experiences (cf. Bercht 2013a,b; Bercht/Wehrhahn 2011 for 3.4.6 Female Sex Workers with more details). In relation to resilience building, it is important to identify people with an external Migration Backgrounds and locus of control and to show them possible ways Vulnerability and Risks Regarding the Spread of STD and HIV/AIDS environment relationship, for example by (jointly) Author Yuan Yuan-Ihle surveyingof taking influence labour market on their options concrete and person- disclosing access modalities. In particular, the appraisal of In present-day China, there is a large and increasing profound uncertainty about the city’s future number of female sex workers (FSWs). According development, lack of transparent policies and controllability, knowledge gaps and restricted female sex workers increased 160-fold between access to reliable information (e.g. in regard to 1985to the and Chinese 2000 Public (Trucker/Henderson Security Office, theet al. number 2005). of anticipated resettlement) have strong implications for stress experience and adaptation FSWs varies from less than half a million to as many processes (cf. Bercht 2013a,b for more details). asDepending six million on (Zhou the definition 2006). Sexual used, transmissionthe number of has Resilience building is especially enhanced when become a crucial pattern of HIV infection and the people face different options for action, reliable sex industry has produced a pattern of high HIV information policies, and non-arbitrary infection rates and high incidences of sexually 124

Photo 3.4.5 Fish breeding stations in Shibi Village make way for the Guangzhou South Railway Station

Photo: Anna-Lena Bercht Megaurban Risks and Vulnerabilities

research transmitted diseases (STD) among sex workers and their clients (Yang/Xia 2006; Jeffrey/Huang 2009). humiliated, FSWs are reluctant to approach health Against this background and as follow-up research educationrisk of being and arrested, health services fined, detained provided and by public to the project ‘Informal migrant communities and health institutions and NGOs. Interviews also health strategies in urban villages of Pearl River reveal the extremely weak social network of Delta’ (2007/2008) which dealt with the health FSWs, which can be linked with the illegality of issues of migrants living in urban villages in prostitution and social discrimination against Guangzhou City1, we conducted interviews with prostitutes. The social life of FSWs is limited to the FSW in Shenzhen’s sex industry with a migration sex industry. FSWs usually receive health background. The interviews focused on their sexual information passed down orally between FSWs and health-related strategies, seeking to understand and female procuresses and if in need of health how their behaviour and strategies relate to risks care services they are inclined to consult private, and vulnerabilities concerning STD and HIV/AIDS often unlicensed medical practitioners infection for both these FSWs and their male clients. recommended by peers. Furthermore, we aimed to investigate the potential linkages of risks and vulnerabilities in light of their migrant status and mobility. as aAs bridge first-party population participants regarding in sexualthe spread of Altogether thirty semi-structured interviews STDtransactions, and HIV/AIDS. FSWs andTheir their bridge clients role are is identified with FSWs in two red-light areas in Shenzhen, strengthened by their high mobility. The mobility working in brothels and entertainment sites, were between different working sites of FSWs enhances conducted between September and October 2009. the spreading of STD and HIV/AIDS among populations within the sex industry, including participants in sex transactions FSWs and their clients and FSWs’ sexual partners other than clientsThese interviews are highly at-riskrevealed to thatSTD asand first-party HIV/AIDS clients, such as pimps, their male employers and infection and that due to their high mobility they are considered a bridge population regarding the interviewed FSWs are from Hong Kong. The boyfriends. A significant number of the clients of spread of STD and HIV/AIDS. mobility of these clients between Hong Kong, 125 With regard to FSWs’ and their clients’ risk of mainland China and Macao – all of which are STD and HIV/AIDS infection, the interviews locations where they regularly enter into sexual revealed a high rate of unprotected sexual transactions – increases the trans-regional behaviour. Despite a common awareness among spreading of STD and HIV/AIDS among the interviewed FSWs that condom use is an populations involved in but also outside the sex effective way to protect them from infection they industry (e.g. spouses). Last but not least, the frequently fail to persuade their clients to use mobility between cities and the rural hometowns condoms, especially when the clients have a low of FSWs with migration backgrounds and of some of their clients who are rural-to-urban migrant and insistently request an unprotected sex workers enhances the spreading of STD and HIV/ service.awareness This of disadvantaged STD, HIV/AIDS-risks, position fluky of FSWs minds can AIDS between urban and rural populations. The be explained by the patriarchy tradition and spouses of male migrant workers left behind in gender inequality embedded in China’s society, their hometowns and the spouses of FSWs in rural which emphasises the male’s superiority over the areas – who may be less likely to know about STD female, and by discrimination against FSWs (Pan/ Huang et al. 2008). Unprotected sexual behaviour of sex with their partners – become at risk of with boyfriends – often pimps who provide infection.and HIV/AIDS or to question the fidelity or safety physical and emotional support to FSWs and are reported to be drug addicts, including intravenous drug users – is more frequent than in commercial sex, which also increases FSWs’ risk of STD and HIV infection. FSWs’ vulnerable situation regarding health risks has been aggravated by the illegal status of prostitution associated with harsh police-led crack down campaigns. Considering the

1 The main results of the project are presented in the special volume of Chinese History and Society (Berliner China-Hefte), vol. 38: Migrants and Health in Urban China, Gransow /Zhou 2010. 3.5

Public Health and Urban Environments

3.5.1 A Framework for well as location and the immediate Health-Related Research neighbourhood quality of a settlement, have Authors Oliver Gruebner, Kirsten Hackenbroch urban populations (Gruebner et al. 2015, 2011a; The socio-ecological factors of mega-urban Khanconsiderable et al. 2013a; influence Khan on et theal. 2009).well-being of environments and their associations with Unregulated urban layouts may limit population health have been investigated by accessibility in cases of emergency, while several SPP projects on multiple scales. A conceptual framework based on Galea et al. production within residential areas furthermore (2005) and Gruebner et al. (2011b) fosterconflicting health-related land uses suchvulnerabilities as hazardous (Baumgart differentiates between a bio-geo-physical et al. 2011). The built environment, however, is system and a human-social system, while closely interrelated with the human-social acknowledging interrelations and system, and is shaped by the political system, interdependencies between the two. Both the structures and power relations within mental and physical well-being are understood society and everyday practices of a diversity of as mutually constitutive for urban population urban actors (Hackenbroch 2013a; Hossain health. 2013b; Etzold 2014a). The bio-geo-physical system takes into The human-social system refers broadly to societal, political and economic environments. vulnerability to macro-scale processes such as globalaccount environmental a city’s location, change. which Furthermore, defines a city’s it population health and are relevant on all spatial includes weather and climatic conditions, such scales,The system i.e. at components the micro-level influence of housing urban clusters, as seasonal variations of temperatures or their immediate environments and the anthropogenic air pollution that could have corresponding lowest level of (informal) considerable impacts on the health of urban governance, but similarly so on broader spatial populations (Burkart/Endlicher 2009; Jahn et al. scales, where political decisions, global 2011, 2013a). The built environment such as environmental change and societal relations can urban morphologies and housing conditions, as

considerably influence locally realised health research outcomes. As part of the socio-political of mental well-being, and third, we provided environment, SPP research has especially evidence that mental health was associated with explored access to health care services and the spatial patterns of socio-ecological factors. conceptualised this in terms of structural 3.5 disparities that are closely linked to the Socio-ecological Factors and continuously negotiated social spaces of a Mental Well-being megacity and that, in the context of urban Looking at demographic factors, we found that mental well-being was unequally distributed in and actors’ agency (Bork-Hüffer 2012; Khan et the population with younger, male, and more al.informality, 2012a). Furthermore, influence health-seeking social capital strategies has been (Gruebner et al. 2012). Furthermore, situations that endanger individual health, e.g. environmentalaffluent dwellers health enjoying knowledge better mentalwas positively health naturalidentified disasters as central or foodfor coping insecurities strategies (Aßheuer in associated with mental well-being, which may et al. 2013; Zingel et al. 2011). Individual socio-demographic and socio-economic factors threats. According to our understanding, such such as age, gender, education or income are knowledgereflect a person’s may trigger awareness protective of environmental measures and important determinants of well-being (Gruebner eventual adaptation strategies by the local et al. 2015, Khan et al. 2014) and refer to a residents, but one could also argue that people person’s vulnerability, as these factors directly with more robust mental health are more likely to have better health knowledge. We further mechanisms (Staffeld/Kulke 2011). observed a negative relationship between influence the choice of available coping personal health knowledge and mental well-

3.5.2 Socio-Ecological Neighbourhood the effects of personal sedentary lifestyles and Factors and Mental Well-Being otherbeing, activities which may that reflect can cause a person’s poor awarenesshealth, such of as Authors Oliver Gruebner, M. Mobarak H. Khan, Patrick Hostert smoking or little physical exercise. One explanation for this relationship could be that a 127 Although several studies have documented higher awareness of health issues might cause a mental health problems in the rapidly urbanising megacities of low-income countries, little is living conditions. known about the relation between the socio- tendencyWe further to be assesseddissatisfied several with socio-ecologicalthe overall poor ecological environments of urban slums and factors at the household level, relating in mental health among residents of these informal particular to the built environment (Gruebner et settlements. Using a spatial-epidemiological al. 2011a). Good sanitation (i.e., garbage disposal approach, we aimed (i) to identify factors that and adequate toilet facilities) can decrease the contribute to mental well-being in the slums of risk of infectious diseases and other ailments, Dhaka, (ii) to assess the geographic patterning of such as gastrointestinal diseases or respiratory mental well-being in these slums, and (iii) to diseases. In accordance with these relationships, assess whether spatial patterns in socio- good sanitation was positively associated with ecological factors shape the spatial patterns of mental well-being in the slums of Dhaka. mental health outcomes. The data originate from a cross-sectional study conducted in nine slums durability of housing were found to be positively of Dhaka in 2009. Data were collected from 1,938 associatedFurthermore, with the mental quality, well-being. sufficiency, Each and of these predictors, which represent the built extension of these and all other slums of Dhaka environment, could also capture the socio- hasadults been (mostly mapped ≥ 15 and years the old).data Theis detailed geographic and economic status (SES) of an individual or accessible elsewhere (Gruebner et al. 2014). The household, which is well known to be associated WHO-5 Well-being Index was used to assess with mental health. mental well-being. We applied generalised linear The rapid urban expansion of Dhaka has regression models and spatial autocorrelation facilitated a huge loss of prime agricultural areas analysis within various studies, for which details can be found in Gruebner 2011. There were generally known to provide important regulating Ecosystemand wetlands Goods (Griffiths and Services et al. 2010), (ESS). which These are areas

associatedthree main withfindings mental from well-being our studies. in the First, slums the monsoon season. As slum dwellers in Dhaka several socio-ecological factors were significantly were particularly important for flood regulation in

of Dhaka. Second, we identified spatial patterns are highly vulnerable to flood events (Braun/ Aßheuer 2011; Aßheuer et al. 2013), it is among sampled neighbours at a small scale. It is consequently quite understandable that not being very likely that neighbours know each other and interact by exchanging ideas and opinions. associated with mental well-being in our study. Havingaffected large by flooding areas of was vegetation found to in be the positively nearby patterns point to mental health inequalities that neighbourhood often increases the health-related varyLooking largely at a withinlarger scaleand across however, the theslums. identified quality of life, for example, by reducing heat stress induced through a local urban heat island effect Spatial Patterns of Socio-ecological Factors (Burkart/Endlicher 2011). In Dhaka’s slums, and Mental Well-being vegetation cover is scarce, and we therefore When looking at the associations between assumed a strongly positive association between geographic patterns of exposure factors and their nearby green areas and mental well-being. association with mental health, we showed that However, many of the areas that we had expected socio-ecological factors were predictive of the to improve living conditions and thus improve geography of mental health (Gruebner et al. mental health turned out to be low-lying and 2011a, Gruebner et al. 2012). The example of Bishil/Sarag showed that the spatial distribution sanitation, open wastewater drainage and poor of e.g. higher values of (we presume polluted) garbageregularly disposal, flooded areas.such vegetation Combined patches with poor increase, for example, the risk of diarrhoea and poor housing quality and poor sanitation were negatively associated with mental health. interactedgreen spaces with and the flood neighbours’ affectedness, poor asmental well as Our studies further revealed a positive well-being and vice versa (see Figure 3.5.2). Thus, association of income generation and job we not only provided evidence that certain satisfaction with mental well-being, describing the socio-ecological factors in the same households ability to generate income as well as satisfaction were associated with the mental well-being of and safety at work. More than 80% of Dhaka’s slum residents within a certain household, but adult slum dwellers are engaged in the informal that spill-over effects existed between 128 economy, which provides a means of survival for a neighbouring households. Thus the mental health substantial section of the workforce (Staffeld/ at one location was dependent on the socio- Kulke 2011; Kulke/Staffeld 2009). The informal ecological characteristics of neighbouring economy is often associated with unfavourable locations, which provided crucial information on environments with regard to working and living psychological vulnerability and resilience factors conditions, pollutants, discrimination, exploitation, and their geographic variation within and across income, occupational safety, and legal and social slum neighbourhoods. security (Gruebner et al. 2011b). Against this background, it becomes clear why good income Conclusion generation and job satisfaction proved to be Knowledge of the spatial distribution and important predictors for good mental well-being structure of individuals’ mental health status may among Dhaka’s slum dwellers. Population density help us to understand a community’s social fabric was also an important factor for mental well-being and its related mental health-determining factors, in our study. We assume that in the slums of Dhaka crowding puts enormous stress on residents with and effective spatial allocation of scarce resources consequent implications for mental health, tobut, target most the importantly, alleviation it of allows poverty a more and theefficient possibly due to a lack of privacy. improvement of mental health in slums. Because our methodology provides evidence of spatial Spatial Patterns of Mental dependencies in epidemiological data, it might Well-being give rise to more sophisticated spatial- When assessing the geographic patterning of epidemiological models that create a deeper understanding of functional relationships clusters of similar mental health outcomes were between the socio-ecological environment and mostmental pronounced health, we infound two thatslums: significant Bishil/Sarag spatial and mental health. Spatial-epidemiological models Beguntila. Mental well-being was clustered among could thus lead to improved rationales for public males in Bishil/Sarag, but patterns could also be health interventions and might strengthen policy

the same slum and in Beguntila (Gruebner et al. 2011a).verified amongOverall, other it can population be stated that groups these within spatial significance. clusters provide evidence of local spill-over effects Public Health and Urban Environments

research

A: Clusters of spatially correlated mental well-being C: Clusters of spatially correlated mental well-being among male respondents among male respondents and neighbouring households‘ sanitation

B: Clusters of spatially correlated households‘ sanitation Spatial Cluster Type

High values next to high values (HH)

Low values next to low values (LL) 129

Not signi�icant (p>0.05)

The maps indicate significant (p>0.05) spatial clusters of high (HH) or low (LL) values of (A) mental well being (WHO-5 scores), (B) sanitation (a regression factor based on better toilet facilities and garbage disposal), and (C) mental well-being and the sanitation status of respondents‘ neighbours, respectively. The spatial clusters thereby indicate significant spatial correlation between respondents‘ mental health status (or households‘ sanitation) and the mental health or sanitation status of the households‘ neighbours. The three nearest neighbours of a household were used in the statistics. For details see Gruebner 2011.

The map does not show geographic for reasons of anonymity.

Figure 3.5.2 Spatial clusters of mental well-being and sanitation among households of male respondents (N=122) in the slum settlement Bishil/Sarag in Dhaka. Each dot on the map indicates a slum household (GPS point). 3.5.3 Air Pollution World Health Organization’s air quality guidelines Authors Katrin Burkart, Heiko Jahn (AQGs; 20 µg/m³ PM10; 10 µg/m³ PM2.5).

A health impact assessment for PM10 pollution The megacity of Dhaka, Bangladesh is burdened based on the collected secondary data revealed a with various ecological challenges like air, water, decrease in mortality if the PM pollution level and soil pollution (Burkart et al. 2008). High could be reduced. Depending on the statistical levels of air pollution can be attributed to the sensitivity analyses applied1, between 5,460 immense number of brick-kilns surrounding the city (see Section 3.4). Other major contributors to premature(95%-confidence PM-related interval: deaths 2,730–7,930) could be prevented and annually32,110 (95%-confidence in Guangzhou (Jahn interval: et al. 25,870–42,120)2011). byair apollution large proportion are the high of the volume urban of poor traffic living and in the Complementary to the secondary data numerous open fires used for cooking and heating disadvantaged conditions and lacking basic analysis, a comprehensive PM2.5 measurement infrastructure (Begum et al. 2006; Burkart et al. campaign was carried out in 2011 and 2012 to 2008; Burkart & Endlicher 2009). A one-year measure both ambient2 and personal3 PM particulate matter (PM) measurement campaign exposure from day to day on the district level. The

at six different sites across the city demonstrated winter mean ambient and personal PM2.5 pollution high levels of PM air pollution, particularly was 77.7 µg/m3 and 71.9 µg/m3, respectively. during the dry season from November to During the summer measurements, the mean PM February. With the onset of monsoon rainfalls, levels decreased slightly (ambient: 66.7 µg/m3; PM levels diminished, but absolute levels personal: 65.1 µg/m3). The inner-city Yuexiu District was most burdened by PM pollution with an aerodynamic diameter from 3 to 6 µm) a mean ambient concentration in winter of reachedremained up high. to 100 Weekly µg/m³. means These of valuesfine PM by (with far 106.6 µg/m3 (see Figure 3.5.3) and in summer of exceed the annual mean air quality guidelines 82.2 µg/m3 suggested by the World Health Organization were lower than the systematic review study (20 µg/m³ annual mean for PM ). In addition to results from. AlthoughGuangzhou the reported PM values above, identified most of 130 10 temporal differences, we investigated the spatial the time the ambient and personal PM2.5 levels distribution of PM and found particularly high clearly exceeded the World Health Organization’s 3 24-hour PM2.5 air quality guideline (25 µg/m ). two different sites located inside or within the The comparisons between personal and ambient proximitylevels at an of inner-urban marginal settlements traffic site, (slums). as well as at PM pollution on district level over time revealed Similar to Dhaka, large cities in China strongly only three moderate to strong and statistically suffer from urban PM air pollution. It has been estimated that about 300,000 premature deaths over the entire sampling period over all districts, in China can be attributed to urban PM pollution, however,significant showed correlations. a strong The and overall statistically correlation which is considered to be the most serious pollutant in urban China (Committee on Energy al. 2013a). The relatively few strong correlations Futures et al. 2007; WHO 2009). Particularly the betweensignificant ambient correlation and personal(rs = 0.7, measurementp = 0.01) (Jahn et large cities in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) are results on district levels show that stationary burdened by urban PM pollution. The strong ambient and real personal exposure are not economic and population growth and the related necessarily similar. This questions the validity of industrial and agricultural activities have led to

increased environmental pollution (Tang et al. 1 Taking into account different dose-response functions, 2006). A systematic literature review revealed applying in some scenarios a PM level truncation at 100 µg/m³ high levels of urban PM air pollution in the and different PM level reduction scenarios [e.g. reduction to 40 or 20 µg/m³]; basic assumption in every scenario: all about 13 megacities of the PRD (Jahn et al. 2011). million inhabitants in Guangzhou were equally exposed to PM10 Particularly high levels of PM2.5 and PM10 (PM with pollution. an aerodynamic diameter of 2.5 and 10 µm, respectively, or less) air pollution were found in 2 Ambient exposure refers to exposure at a specific locality, i.e. the megacity of Guangzhou (measurements were a stationary 24-hour time-integrated outdoor PM measurement. undertaken from 2000 to 2004). With a mean of

169.5 µg/m³ PM10 (pooled data from seven

studies) and 87.8 µg/m³ PM2.5 (pooled data from 3 Personal exposure refers to the exposure of an individual four studies), these values by far exceeded the during his/her activities, i.e. a non-stationary 24-hour annual mean concentrations suggested by the time-integrated subject-related PM measurement. Public Health and Urban Environments

research stationary sampling in estimating personal urban inhabitants. This not only applies to the exposure and related health effects. The personal abovementioned cities but also to most other exposure depends also on individual behaviour cities worldwide in developing and transitional countries. The analysis of similarities and indoor pollution. Such results call for further differences of urban PM pollution between Dhaka studiesand is often in the influenced region in byorder small-scale to better outdoor estimate and and cities in China, considering factors such as its personal exposure and related health outcomes in chemical composition and spatio-temporal different environments, with documented distribution, is desirable in order to draw a fuller behaviour patterns and with high spatio-temporal picture of the PM burden in, e.g., different kinds of resolutions. urban settlements. The results from research on Dhaka and the urban air pollution and related health effects for cities in the PRD underline the significance of

g/m³

120μ

110 Personal Ambient

100 a) U.S. EPA national ambient air quality standard for 24-hour PM 90 2.5 131 b) World Health Organization 80 air quality guideline for 24-hour PM2.5 70

60

50

40 b) 30 a) 20

10

0 Panyu Haizhu Yuexiu Tianhe Conghua Baiyun Luogang

Figure 3.5.3 Ambient and a) U.S. EPA national ambient air quality personal PM2.5 mean mass standard for 24-hour PM2.5 concentrations (µg/m3) on district level (For compari- b) World Health Organization air quality guideline for 24-hour PM sons, only daily matched pairs 2.5 of ambient and personal PM2.5 data were considered)

Source: Jahn et al. 2013a: 408 3.5.4 Urban Heat Islands: Associations with Public Health In total, four main findings emanate from the Author Katrin Burkart of heat stress. During the hot and rainy season fromresearch. April The to October, first finding equivalent refers to temperatures the occurrence The human organism is profoundly affected by surpass measured temperatures by several Kelvin, weather and climatic conditions. Several studies demonstrating the enormous heat stress the have established a relationship between population faces during this period (see Figure meteorological parameters and health, 3.5.4-1). To assess thermal stress, we took a demonstrating short- as well as more long-term modelling approach working with so-called effects on human mortality and morbidity. thermo-physiological models. These models try to However, the majority of such studies have been conducted in the setting of industrialised energy gain (determined by atmospheric countries and little is known about weather parameters),reflect the complex physiological interactions reactions between of the external human effects on human health in tropical developing organism, and body-environment energy countries. In-depth research into this matter has exchange (Höppe 1999; Fiala et al. 2001; Parsons been conducted, taking various approaches to 2003). The output variables of thermo- shed light on the atmosphere-health relationship physiological models are equivalent temperatures. in Bangladesh with a particular focus on non- temperature in a reference environment (e.g. characteristics or socio-economic status standardisedThese equivalent humidity, temperatures radiation, reflect wind the speed) (Burkart/Endlicheratmospheric modifiers, 2009; such Burkart/Endlicher as gender, location that would lead to the same energy gain or loss as 2011; Burkart et al. 2011a; Burkart et al. 2011b; under real-world conditions. Hence, the Burkart et al. 2013; Khan et al. 2013b). equivalent temperature is the temperature as it is

132 (Equivalent) Temperature, °C Precipitation, mm

Precipitation 400 40

300 30

200 20

10 100 Temperature UTCI PET HI 0 0 JFMAMJJASOND

Figure 3.5.4-1 Seasonal variation of monthly mean values of temperature, Universal Thermal Climate Index (UTCI), Physiological Equivalent Temperature (PET), Heat Index (HI) and monthly sum of precipitation Public Health and Urban Environments

research perceived by the human organism. For our corrugated metal – with rather low heat capacities analysis we determined the Heat Index and Wind – might lead to the accelerated warming of urban Chill index (HIWCI), the Physiological Equivalent Temperature (PET) and the Universal Thermal Climate Index (UTCI), which are based on three particularlyareas. In addition, in rural the areas, amplified might role dampen of daytime more or less complex thermo-physiological warmingatmospheric (Burkart/Endlicher water and latent 2011).energy fluxes, models. mortality. We found distinctive seasonal of urban excess temperatures (urban heat island). variationsThe third with finding the degree refers and to the shape seasonality of of FindingsAs a second demonstrated finding, thatwe highlight urban excess the existence seasonality changing with the cause of death as temperatures were most pronounced during the well as with location, gender, socio-economic dry season but still occurred during the rainy situation and age (Burkart et al. 2011a). Although season (see Figure 3.5.4-2). For the heat island temperatures are rather high in Bangladesh and assessment, we determined (equivalent) can be described as somewhat moderate during temperature differences between Dhaka and two the winter season, we found increased mortality rural sites in the proximity of the megacity levels associated with the cold season. To some (Mymensingh). In contrast to mid-latitude areas, extent, a rudimentary secondary summer where the urban heat island has usually been maximum could be observed (see Figure 3.5.4-3). described as a night-time phenomenon, we found Urban areas in Bangladesh were seen to face an daytime as well as night-time excess temperatures increased summer mortality peak, particularly in in Dhaka. Daytime excess temperatures are likely terms of cardiovascular mortality. Generally, children and the elderly faced stronger seasonal environment. For instance, the use of brick or effects than youths and young adults. While to be explained through a modified built

133 Hour of the day Temperature

00 ∆ 1.5

03

06

09 1.5

12 1

1 15 2 1 1.5 0.5 18

1 1.5 0.5

21

24 J FMAMJJASOND

Figure 3.5.4-2 Urban-rural differences in temperature displayed as isopleths tropical regions have been, and still are, with adverse effects of heat being particularly associated with a marked excess of mortality in pronounced for the elderly above 65 years. In summer, only a weakly pronounced secondary contrast to studies conducted in industrialised summer peak could be observed for Bangladesh countries, we reported strong heat-related excess (Burkart et al. 2011a). Probably, the reduced mortality in males. This might be a consequence burden of diarrhoea- and infectious-disease- of the increased exposure of men to heat related fatalities is crucial for the decline in combined with heavy labour occupations. Agreeing with what we observed in the suggest that Bangladesh is undergoing an seasonality assessment we found a more epidemiologicalsummer excess mortality. transition In from general, summer the findingsto winter pronounced association between high excess mortality, as a consequence of changes in temperature and mortality in urban areas than in socio-economic conditions and health policies rural areas (see Figure 3.5.4-4). Higher prevailing (Burkart et al. 2011a). temperatures in urban areas and the higher Finally, we found mortality to increase with susceptibility of the urban population (possibly decreasing (equivalent) temperatures over a wide due to an increase in cardiovascular and other range of values, demonstrating the importance of non-communicable diseases) might explain this. The role of changing disease patterns and the existence of partly strong heat effects at the upper increase in non-communicable diseases as a endcold. of Nonetheless, the temperature the findings distribution showed (see the Figure consequence of a socio-economic upturn is 3.5.4-4) (Burkart et al. 2011b; Burkart et al. furthermore highlighted when heat effects are 2013). The strength of these heat effects varied examined in terms of socio-economic status. Here considerably over the investigated subgroups

we observed significantly higher heat-related

134 RuralRural UrbanUrban

Deviation from Deviation from average [%] average [%]

40 40

30 30

20 20

10 10

0 0

−10 −10

−20 −20 JFMAMJJASOND JFMAMJJASOND −30 −30

Figure 3.5.4-3 Seasonal mortality variations of all-cause

intervals are displayed by the green areas) mortality in rural and urban areas (The 95%-confidence Public Health and Urban Environments

research mortality in areas with high socio-economic status due to the more common occurrence of cardio-vascular diseases (Burkart et al. 2013). The increase in, and acceleration of, urbanisation in Bangladesh, as well as the rapid aging of the population and the increase in non-communicable diseases as a consequence of improved socio-economic conditions and of heat-related mortality might be on the increase. Risingmodified global lifestyles, temperatures suggest thatmight the also relevance further aggravate the adverse effects of heat.

RuralRural UrbanUrban 135

Mortality Mortality

0.8 0.8

0.6 0.6

0.4 0.4

0.2 0.2

0.0 0.0

−0.2 −0.2

15 20 25 30 35 15 20 25 30 35 −0.4 −0.4 Equivalent Temperature, °C Equivalent Temperature, °C

Figure 3.5.4-4 Association between the daily number of deaths and the average equivalent temperature (Universal Thermal Climate Index) over a lag period of 2 days for the elderly above the age of 65 years in rural vs. urban areas 3.5.5 Access to Health Care In China, this is due to the introduction of the Authors Tabea Bork-Hüffer, Heiko Jahn, M. Mobarak H. Khan market economy and privatisation since the beginning of the opening reforms in the late A wide range of factors play a role in a 1970s. Here, particularly in the urban centres, population’s access to health care. This includes former and new state-owned health institutions the availability of health care services, their are being supplemented by an increasing accessibility and affordability, their acceptance by number of private providers and also by hybrid users, and the accommodation of patients’ needs public-private partnership units (particularly (cf. Butsch et al. 2010). The diverse dimensions specialised and general clinics and hospitals). affecting different population groups’ access to Yet, public facilities and particularly public health services, including the emergence of these hospitals remain the dominant source of care factors in the context of (mega-) urbanisation and and patients prefer hospitals, whatever the globalisation processes in the Pearl River Delta severity of the health problems they face (Figure (PRD) and in Dhaka, have been analysed and the 3.5.5.-1). In Bangladesh, particularly the primary Both mega-urban regions have experienced a main results are briefly sketched in the following. 1978 Alma-Ata declaration that announced the throughout recent decades. protectionhealth care and services promotion were intensified of the health after of allthe diversification of available health care services

136 100% 1.8 4.4 Other

12.0 Private Clinics 26.1 Public Primary Health Care Units 80% Public and Private Hospitals and Outpatient Departments 30.7 18.5 60% 12.3 Percent of cases

Figure 3.5.5-1 Utilisation of health services: comparison of 40% the total population in China and rural-to-urban migrants in Guangzhou (Source: adapted version of 51.9 53.7 Bork-Hüffer 2012: 159)

20% Source: China total population: China Health Services Survey 2008 (MoH 2009); Guangzhou migrant sample survey conducted by T. Bork in 2008 (n=227 0% interviewees, who visited health facilities six months 2008 2008 prior to survey) Layout and Draft: T. Total population Migrant sample Bork-Hüffer, Design: B. China Guangzhou Rafflenbeul Public Health and Urban Environments

research people by the year 2000. There are now various health care services and pharmaceuticals and sources of health care services, which may be membership is voluntary. Consequentially, differentiated according to their characteristics, out-of-pocket payment prevails and such as formal vs. informal services, public sector vs. private sector services, conventional care for those in need. This is particularly true (Western academic) medicine vs. alternative or forsubstantially the socio-economically restricts financial disadvantaged access to health like traditional therapy. Weaknesses of the public rural-to-urban migrant workers, the elderly, and sector facilitate the – at times unregulated unemployed, underlining the importance of – growth throughout the country of private affordable health care services (Bork et al. 2009; health care facilities, ranging from private Bork et al. 2010; Bork et al. 2011b; Bork-Hüffer hospitals to NGO activities. In particular, poorly 2012; Jahn et al. 2013b). This was also equipped pharmacies are mushrooming and dominate the entire health care system. Recent et al. in 2008/2009 investigating the studies indicate that pharmacies and demographicconfirmed by anda health socio-economic survey conducted factors by Jahn government hospitals are the two leading sources of primary health care in both rural areas and rapidly growing urban slums (e.g. intoinfluencing account, health the ‘urban care utilisation middle class’ in Guangzhou. showed a Khan et al. 2012a). 5.5-foldTaking the higher actual chance personal of using financial the highest situation and The health care provision in both countries most expensive level of health care providers is characterised by somewhat different (‘national/state/province/city comprehensive challenges: Marketisation and decreasing state hospitals’ versus ‘outpatient and self- funding in China have resulted in a focus of treatment’) in case of future minor diseases as investment on higher levels and specialised compared to the lowest social class. This difference almost disappeared when the At the same time this has resulted in the slow participants were asked not to consider their developmenthealth care services of primary that healthgenerate care higher which profits. is unable to keep pace with the growing overwhelming preference for high level health 137 population in urban centres, and in the carefinancial providers constraints (Jahn andet al. indicated 2013b). an emergence of unregistered practitioners. Similarly, in Bangladesh, health care Although the health care sector has achieved inequities between urban and rural populations remarkable progress in Bangladesh, the entire as well as socio-economically rich and poor health care system is still below the required groups are still particularly obvious (Khan et al. 2011; Khan et al. 2013c). Intra-urban health the ever-growing demand of the increasing disparities are prevalent in rapidly urbanising populationstandards and in both faces rural multiple and urbanchallenges areas. to fulfil cities like Dhaka (Khan et al. 2009). The poor population living in rural and urban slums face health-related regulation, illegal charging for more health care barriers than the wealthy and services,Insufficient and monitoring lack of job andaccountability enforcement are of non-slum dwellers. Health care providers (e.g. challenges in both countries. The consequences medical doctors, private clinics/hospitals) are are inadequate and irresponsive health care services and a lack of acceptance and massive mistrust of health care provision by the Althoughmostly utilised the quality by the of affluent pharmacies because and these public population – in China especially with regard to hospitalservices servicesare quite is difficult poor and for people the poor often to afford. private and lower-level facilities (Bork et al. express their dissatisfaction, they prefer to use 2010; Bork et al. 2011c; Khan et al. 2012b, them because 2012a; Bork-Hüffer & Kraas 2015). of their low cost (Khan et al. 2012a, 2012b). Regarding accessibility and affordability of health care in China, the Mao era social security accessibility have resulted in adverse health system more or less broke down as a result of effectsInsufficient and a range health of alternative care provision health-seeking and lack of the economic reforms. This has caused a strategies by individuals in both Bangladesh and the PRD. Bork-Hüffer (2012) has analysed this in a study on rural-to-urban migrants in stepwisemassive gap by newin the types population's of health financialinsurance access Guangzhou. Most of the migrants are excluded schemesto health establishedcare, which inis onlythe new being millennium. filled from the urban health insurance system and rural health insurance is no longer of use to

These schemes only cover limited fields of 4 1 18 18 Spouse/ partner 94 25 (n=160)

4 4 0 4 17 19 Parents (n=48)

6 1 0 3 1 14 Children (n=25)

7 7 3 4 Other relatives 27 39 (n=87)

8 7 4 5 31 16 Colleagues (n=71)

7 8 1 8 Hometown fellows 19 21 (n=64)

4 3 0 0 1 12 Employer (n=20) 138 9 3 1 0 2 1 Neighbours (n=16)

6 6 3 3 4 2 Other (friends, classmates, acquaintances) (n=24) (n=52) (n=221) (n=147) res (n=21) res ical suppo rt Other (n=27) Direct care at Direct care Taking patient Taking k cho inancial suppo rt F home/work-place the patient (n=47) the patient wor Psycholog going to a drugstore for a drugstore going to Taking over houselhold/ over Taking to a health care provider/ a health care to

Figure 3.5.5-2 Support received by rural-to-urban migrants in Guangzhou from members of their social network in case of an illness

Source: changed version of Bork-Hüffer 2012: 202, survey conducted by T. Bork in 2008 (n=232: interviewees who had received support, multiple answers: 515 answers) Layout and Draft: T. Bork-Hüffer, Design: B. Rafflenbeul Public Health and Urban Environments

research them in the cities. Due to their low incomes they health services. According to the results of a quantitativethus lack the survey financial involving resources 450 to migrants pay for living in four villages-in-the-city, when they had experienced an illness with severe symptoms in the past, 28.6 per cent chose not to take any action or to delay seeking treatment. An additional 34.9 per cent preferred buying drugs directly in pharmacies to avoid paying for professional advice. Nevertheless, due to the high distrust of the population in lower level health care, among the 36.5 per cent who consulted a health practitioner, the majority utilised hospital services (cf. Figure 3.5.5-1 that displays overall health care utilisation by migrants), while about 9 per cent turned to unregistered practitioners who offered services at lower costs. Furthermore, support offered by Informal clinic in Guangzhou members of the social network played a highly Photo: Tabea Bork-Hüffer important role to compensate for migrants’ lack of access to health care (Figure 3.5.5-2).

139

Pharmacy in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Air pollution in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch

140

Contributing to air pollution in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Public Health and Urban Environments

research Burning waste in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch

Air pollution and morning mist in Guangzhou

Photo: Harald Sterly

141

Environmental impacts of Medical care in Dhaka megaurbanisation Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Photo: Frauke Kraas

Medical market in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas

Contributing to air pollution in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch 3.6

Global Change

3.6.1 Megacities and Global Change further (see Section 2.1), making urbanisation one Authors Mareike Kroll, Frauke Kraas important driver of global change (WBGU 2016). Megacities can be regarded as the ‘extreme Global change, understood as human-induced outcome’ of urbanisation, fuelled by economic, planetary-scale changes in the earth system, started political, social and demographic processes. at the end of the 18th century and has been Changes in megacities as ‘human sub-systems’ have accelerating since the middle of the 20th century a direct impact on the earth system (e.g. land use due to increasing global integration, population change, greenhouse gas emissions). And global growth and economic development, facilitated by change has direct impacts on cities (e.g. through new information and communication technologies (Johnston et al. 2002, Steffen et al. 2004, Glaser wave events), as well as indirect effects, such as 20141). Crutzen (2002: 23) coined the term climate-change relatedinduced migration floods and into extreme cities. heat ‘Anthropocene’ for the epoch where humankind can The driving forces of global change act on very be considered as the ‘major environmental force’, different scales (Wilbanks/Kates 1999). If we take due to an increasing global population and resource exploitation (see also: Ehlers/Krafft 2006, Ehlers change on the megacity can (in all probability) be localised.the megacity However, as a fixed the locality,local processes the impacts within of global cities, it is in cities that humans and human megacities (e.g. micro-environmental processes and activities2008). Although are concentrated these processes with highest are not densities. confined to economic activities) cause changes on various Cities act as political and economic steering centres, scales: global systematic changes through direct and they represent the strongest transformation of changes in the global system (e.g. greenhouse gas emissions), and cumulative global changes through forms. By 2010, the urban population exceeded the accumulated ubiquitous localised changes (e.g. the natural landscape through their specific urban ground water depletion) (Wilbanks/Kates 1999). and the urban population is going to increase Understanding the changing relationships and rural population for the first time (UN DESA 2015), interactions between the different scales – from

1 See also the book series ‘Advances in Global Change global to local – from a holistic, integrative and Research’: http://www.springer.com/series/5588 interdisciplinary point of view remains a key research Local level (megacity as subject Regional to global level to global change) (megacity as driver of global change) Geo- ՜Impact of climate change: sea-level rise, ՜Major CO emitters and 3.6 2 ecological increased frequency of storms and extreme contributors to climate dimension ՜ heat wave events, increasing vulnerability of ՜ change water supply ՜High consumption of ՜Environmental problems: water, soil and air resources of the regional pollution, land use changes, soil sealing, loss ՜ and ‘global’ hinterland ՜ of biodiversity and ecosystem services, ՜Loss of biodiversity resource depletion ՜ ՜ and illegal disposal on open ՜ Garbageland and disposal in water (landfills bodies)

Geo- ՜Competitiveness among megacities ՜Megacities as headquarters economic Globalisation with shifts and reorganisation of transnational companies dimension ՜ of international labour division ՜ impact regional, national and ՜Increasing role of transnational companies global markets (workplaces, tax income, urban development ՜Remittances of (partly ՜ e.g. through special economic zones, business temporary or seasonal) improvement districts) ՜ workers to remote areas ՜Unemployment, availability of cheap labour ՜Broad spectrum of informal activities (e.g. as ՜ suppliers of lacking services or cheap ՜ subcontractors for formal companies) 143 Geo-social ՜International and national migration ՜Megacities as ‘hot spots’ and dimension ՜Determinants of mega-urban health (e.g. high ‘nodes’ for communicable ՜ densities, sedentary lifestyles, air pollution, ՜ diseases (e.g. SARS) ՜ stress) ՜Social heterogeneity and changing urban lifestyles, pluralisation and individualisation ՜ of societies ՜Socio-economic disparities, ethnic and religious

՜ human security conflicts and criminality as risk factors for Geo- ՜High ethnic and religious diversity, urban ՜Dissemination/adoption cultural cultural diversity and hybridity of (mega)urban lifestyles dimension ՜՜ ՜ ՜Urban heritage as a source of local identity ՜ Ethnic and religious conflicts ՜ Geo-political ՜Social movements, NGOs and media as ‘watch ՜Urban governments dimension dogs’ as international political ՜՜Demand of citizens for participation ՜ actors (e.g. climate change ՜Challenge of multi-level governance of mega- mitigation) ՜ urban regions ՜

Figure 3.6.1 Dimensions of global change in Asian megacities (examples) challenge of research. Approaches on social- environmental and human-made hazards. At the ecological systems and on complex adaptive same time, megacities also affect global change, due systems (CAS) address the intertwined human- to their resource needs from the ‘global hinterland’, nature relation (e.g. Berkes et al. 2003, Adger et al. the decisions made from residing trans- and 2005, Pahl-Wostl 2007, Cumming 2011, for cities international economic, political and civil-society and megacities e.g. Birkmann et al. 2010, Butsch et al. 2016). cultural or social innovations. Global change in the urban context can be organisationsAddressing or these the spread challenges of specific requires types an of see Figure 3.6.1): improved understanding of the interactions and geo-ecological changes (e.g. hazards, pollution, feedbacks between megacities and global change at sea-levelcaptured rise,in five urban dimensions heat island ( effect, land local, regional, and global scales. In view of these consumption), geo-economic changes (e.g. tightly coupled sub-systems, one perspective is to economic globalisation, international labour understand megacities as important contributors to division), geo-social changes (e.g. international and global change, another is to look at the question of national migration, urban lifestyles, urban how, and in what ways, global change affects diseases), geo-cultural changes (e.g. urban ethnicity, individual megacities. Both endogenous and urban cultural diversity and hybridity, social exogenous drivers affect the responses of and movements) and geo-political changes (e.g. interactions within the mega-urban system, and participation, government and governance systems, corruption) (Kraas 2007a, Kraas 2007b). In system on global change (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al. megacities, these changes intensify and strongly 2005).they influence The different the impacts levels of interactionthe mega-urban and interact due to the sheer concentration of people interconnectivity on cross-temporal and cross- and infrastructure and the complexity of urban spatial scales, as well as in intercultural and sub-systems. Therefore, megacities are more multi-stakeholder settings, have to be taken into vulnerable to and potentially more affected by account (Kraas 2007a).

144

Modern apartments in Housing densities in Global Dongguan City Hong Kong

Photo: Frauke Kraas Photo: Frauke Kraas Global Change

research The German Advisory Council on Global Change people’s communes, privatisation, demand for participation from an emerging middle class, challenges of global change which should be taken inadequate housing conditions especially for into(WBGU account 2016: to 353-354) adequately has address identified the six cumulative workers in the ‘urban villages’, increasing socio- effects of urbanisation: (1) development within economic disparities). These changes also imply the planetary guard rails; (2) the preservation of other socio-political changes, e.g. political good local environmental conditions as a key innovations and new negotiation processes such condition for urban quality of life; (3) the as ‘experimental governance’ or ‘conceded reduction of socio-economic disparities and informality” (Altrock/Schoon 2014b) or exclusion dynamics that threaten the quality of community-based environmental activities, which life and stability of a society; (4) political inclusion can have spill-over effects on other cities in China. and participation as a prerequisite and goal for With its rapid and highly dynamic development process, the PRD has also been a driving force for and unique characteristics of a city that serve as transformation processes in China (Altrock/ anquality important of life; resource (5) the preservation for quality of of life the and specific social Schoon 2014a, WBGU 2016). cohesion; and (6) the creation of these unique Dhaka is one of the fastest growing megacities characteristics in informal and newly planned city in Asia. Rapid growth started with political areas/neighbourhoods. changes in the region, i.e. the separation from Depending on the local context, these challenges West-Pakistan and the independence of apply differently in individual cities. For example, Bangladesh. It led to the rapid development of resource use per capita (threat of planetary informal settlement areas and urban sprawl boundaries) is higher in more mature cities (e.g. (Scholz 2011), since the government has not been New York) or newly planned city districts. Though able to keep up with the provision of housing and these six challenges are not new as such, they basic services for the increasing population. Today, provide a framework for the holistic impact a large part of the population lives in informal assessment of different development pathways settlements. Little labour and workplace which can be observed in cities. regulation, government support and the 145 availability of cheap labour have created a favourable environment for the garment sector, so 3.6.2 Global Change in Dhaka that affordable clothes ‘Made in Bangladesh’ can be found in stores worldwide, making the country and the Pearl River Delta the second largest exporter of garments in 2016. Authors Frauke Kraas, Mareike Kroll, Harald Sterly The collapse of a sweat shop in 2013 raised debates worldwide about working conditions in Both case study sites of the DFG Priority sweat shops and customers’ responsibilities in Programme, Dhaka and the Pearl River Delta ‘supporting’ this form of exploitation – an example (PRD) (see Sections 2.2 and 2.3), are highly illustrating the different scales, interrelationships affected by global change, although the drivers and responsibilities involved in global socio- and impacts of global change naturally differ. economic change. The leather processing industry Developments in the cities of the PRD in the in Dhaka, which causes severe local environmental last three decades stand as an example of pollution and health hazards, may be another numerous Chinese megacities, where urbanisation example of the local impact of globalisation. has been driven by opening-up policies towards a Furthermore, Dhaka is vulnerable due to political market-oriented economy on the one hand and by instability, deep socioeconomic inequalities within globalisation with a global reorganisation of society and the threat of environmental hazards production processes on the other hand. The high (Aßheuer et al. 2013). Dhaka (and also the PRD) belong to the 20 most vulnerable urban areas with consequence of economic global change) has been ainflux major of driver foreign to direct turn the investment PRD into (as a ‘factory a of the terms of people and assets) (Hanson et al. 2011). world’ (Cartier 2001). These politico-economic respect to climate change induced flood risks (in changes have entailed huge environmental congestion, loss of biodiversity and green spaces, waterchanges scarcity, (e.g. air, land water use and changes) soil pollution, and social traffic changes (e.g. in-migration of temporary workers and permanent residents, dissolution of the 3.6.3 Analysing the Dimensions political) and their connections with processes of Global Change in the Priority researched within the Priority Programme’s (SPP) projects is, however, fragmented. Programme Furthermore, many research topics within the Authors Harald Sterly, Mareike Kroll, Frauke Kraas SPP such as urban health, food production and availability, informal settlements or migration Global change has served as a basic conceptual are cross-cutting themes that are linked to framework in the project, with different projects several dimensions of global change. Food looking at different dimensions of global change production, for example, can be analysed from impacts on the urban, rather than at urban ecological (resource availability), economic drivers of global change or its conceptualisation (food markets and value chains), social (food as such. From the empirical results of the security) and political (regulation of markets projects, it becomes evident that global change and food subsidies) dimensions. Five projects examined the ecological on the mega-urban development dynamics of the dimension of global change in Dhaka and the twoprocesses study haveregions. significant Their conceptualisation effects and impacts along Pearl River Delta (PRD) (see Figure 3.6.3): climate different dimensions (ecologic, economic, social, change and urban vulnerability (Dhaka 4), change

Project/ Sub-local Local (Mega)-Urban Regional National Global Scales

Pearl River Example Street, market Urban unit, settlement Dhaka, Guangzhou China, Bangladesh World, international Delta

Acceptance of new forms of multi-level governance and informal PRD 1a Spatial differentiation of governance of residential and economic zones 146 arrangements by government, changing legal framework

Changing urban PRD 1b Restructuring of economic clusters Increasing global and local competition development strategies

Vulnerability and coping mechanisms of urban units depending on their structural PRD 2 and social characteristics

Health seeking action and changes in health International migration PRD 3 provision for migrants, new forms and status imposing local change arrangementsInsufficient national of provision and urban service

PRD 4 Urban health status Air pollution Contribution to climate change

Development paths of Spatial development patterns in the PRD 5 Legislation and institutions Global economic system urban villages peri-urban areas

Changing legal framework, PRD 6 Globalised production networks migration

Agility of firms & labour relations/recruitmentsInter-linkages in PRD of formal and informal strategies Dhaka 1 Service provision and access to public space and agency of state (‘hybrid’ modes) and non-state actors in the context of state fragility

Dhaka 2 Resilience and functioning of the food system National legislation

Public health status in different Dhaka 3 environments; formal-informal production Air pollution systems

Dhaka 4 Climate change (with regional modelling) in marginal settlements Vulnerability and resilience towards flooding Global Change

research of water system and urban vulnerability (PRD 2), global change: new forms of multi-actor and air pollution and urban health (PRD 4, Dhaka 3), multi-level governance (PRD 1) and political and and mega-urban emissions and contribution to economic transformations (PRD 1, PRD 5, PRD 6). climate change (PRD 4). Three projects focused on The levels of spatial scales and of empirical the economic dimension of climate change: work (research subjects) of the projects can be globalised production networks and agility of summarised as indicated in Figure 3.6.3. Even though the projects’ empirical base is in many (PRD 6), global food value chains and regulations cases on a local or even sub-local level, it can be andfirms urban and labour food system relations resilience in the Pearl (Dhaka River 2), Deltaand global investment and market linkages and (peri) transferred to other scales. urban development dynamics (PRD 5). assumed that many of their findings can also be The social dimension of global change was addressed by four projects: globalised migrant

and population dynamics, migration and informal Figure 3.6.3 Scales and topics flowssettlement and public emergence urban (PRD health 3, (PRD Dhaka 3), 1, Dhaka 3). of the projects of the SPP Four projects dealt with the political dimension of dealing with global change

Draft: Harald Sterly

Project/ Sub-local Local (Mega)-Urban Regional National Global Scales

Pearl River Example Street, market Urban unit, settlement Dhaka, Guangzhou China, Bangladesh World, international Delta

Acceptance of new forms of multi-level governance and informal PRD 1a Spatial differentiation of governance of residential and economic zones arrangements by government, changing legal framework 147

Changing urban PRD 1b Restructuring of economic clusters Increasing global and local competition development strategies

Vulnerability and coping mechanisms of urban units depending on their structural PRD 2 and social characteristics

Health seeking action and changes in health International migration PRD 3 provision for migrants, new forms and status imposing local change arrangementsInsufficient national of provision and urban service

PRD 4 Urban health status Air pollution Contribution to climate change

Development paths of Spatial development patterns in the PRD 5 Legislation and institutions Global economic system urban villages peri-urban areas

Changing legal framework, PRD 6 Globalised production networks migration

Agility of firms & labour relations/recruitmentsInter-linkages in PRD of formal and informal strategies Dhaka 1 Service provision and access to public space and agency of state (‘hybrid’ modes) and non-state actors in the context of state fragility

Dhaka 2 Resilience and functioning of the food system National legislation

Public health status in different Dhaka 3 environments; formal-informal production Air pollution systems

Dhaka 4 Climate change (with regional modelling) in marginal settlements Vulnerability and resilience towards flooding 3.7

Informality

3.7.1 Conceptual Approaches descriptive or analytical concept, referring to a set of Informality in the Priority of characteristics of other entities, structures or actions. Programme Within the eleven projects of the SPP, (urban) Author Harald Sterly informality is not considered a residual and transitory category (as in the sense of the ILO’s This chapter gives an overview of the ways in informal sector approach), but as a constituent which the individual projects of the SPP component of the structures and dynamics in the conceptualised informality in order to approach mega-urban study regions. Non-statutory management of property rights and land use, research framework is directed towards unauthorised supply of utilities and services, and explicatingtheir different the research relevance fields. and functions The overall of social regulation of access to sites, facilities and informal aspects and subsystems in the two open spaces are, among others, considered to be research regions of Dhaka/Bangladesh and the determinant elements of urban governance Pearl River Delta/China, as well as the underlying (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). More than that, dynamics. The altogether eleven projects applied informal arrangements play a large and and developed a range of conceptualisations of increasing role in shaping and forming new types ‘informality’ for their research, thus there was of urban landscapes and structures that can be explained by present urban theories only to a very limited extent. Informality, moreover, that,and is as no empirically uniform definition grounded of research, ‘informality’ most that of thewould projects fit all studiedthose approaches. processes orIt shouldstructures be noted with trial and error for new settings, arrangements (some but relevant) informal aspects, rather than andemerges measures as a conceded of governance ‘experimental in the mega-urban field’ of being concerned with informality as such. Thus, context (Altrock 2012). from an ontological perspective, informality was While the projects within the SPP do not not conceived as a kind of driving force with exclusively investigate informality, they do study casual powers of its own, rather it was used as a the role and relevance of informal structures and research

Box 3.7.1 From informal sector to informal arrangements 3.7 The concept of the informal sector was introduced in the 1970s (Hart 1973) to capture the quickly traders, micro-entrepreneurs, waste collectors). It referred exclusively to (non-registered) economicgrowing urban activities poverty (Schamp and survival 1989, Escher economies 1999). in The developing term was countries spread especially (for example, by the flying International Labour Organisation (ILO 1972). The informal sector was at that time understood to be fundamentally separate from the contrasting formal sector, consisting of state-registered and -legitimised businesses. The ILO saw it as being characterised by its ease of entry, reliance on traditional resources, small scale operations, labour-intensive and adapted technology, skills acquired outside the formal school system, and unregulated and competitive markets (ILO 1972). Initially conceived of as problematic, the informal sector was later acknowledged as creating employment and generating income (Sethuraman 1981: 17). In the 1980s and 1990s, the narrow view of two separate sectors was extended to a perspective that formal and informal parts of the economy are coupled and sometimes closely linked with each other (Castells/Portes 1989, Santos 1979). Examples of this are the (informal) occupation of employees without legal contracts in formally registered companies, or the outsourcing of production steps from larger, formal enterprises to smaller, informally organised units. An important issue here are dependency relationships, for example between international textile groups and their employees or suppliers, which are often characterised by informal employment or informal relations. Still, the subject of formal-informal delineations were mostly economic units, and aspects of legality and state- regulation were at the heart of the delineation (Castells/Portes 1989, de Soto 1992).

More recently, the dichotomy between formal and informal is increasingly being challenged, especially as an informality perspective is extended beyond the economy, including – increasingly – other socio-economic, political or cultural entities. Analyses have also moved beyond a poverty 149 149 regards to the various transitions, mixed and overlapping forms and entanglements and arrangements,perspective to includeauthors powerful have come and up prosperous with notions fields of an and ‘informality-formality actors (Werna 2001; continuum’ Roy 2009). (Roy With 2005: 148), ‘degrees of complementary and supplementary informalities’ (Altrock 2012: 176 f.) or ‘co-production by formal and informal actors’ (Mitlin 2008: 14). ‘Urban informality’ has also been declared to be an organising principle of urban life itself (AlSayyad 2004). Other authors

power, legitimacy and resources’ for urban development that is independent of the concept, pointingquestion inthe particular heuristic tobenefits the necessity of the concept, of legitimising proposing urbanisation instead an processes analysis ofalso ‘negotiations outside the of formal legal system (Herrle/Fokdal 2011: 11 f.).

processes in the functioning of urban sub- utilisation of an informal status for population processes and -systems. With regards to the (sub)groups and/or spaces. This entails the approaches towards informality, the subjects of creation of insecurities and ambiguities for research within the SPP’s projects can be broadly enhancing or sustaining power and domination divided into three categories (see also Fig. 3.7.1): (see e.g. Hackenbroch/Hossain 2012, Etzold 2013), but also the concession of informality to ‘Agency based’: These approaches focus on the lower urban planning units to foster creative (micro level of) human action, perception or urban development in China (e.g. Altrock 2012, preferences, based for example on practice Hackenbroch et al. 2016, Schoon 2014). theories or socio-psychological approaches, conceiving those actions as informal that, for ‘Institutional’: These approaches focus on example, deviate from formally regulated or informal institutions as the structures that guide socially accepted ways of doing things, or that and condition human action, referring, among happen according to informal institutions. This others, to relations, social and political also includes ‘informality as political strategy’: institutions (e.g. regulation modes of access to the strategic and deliberate shaping and public space, e.g. Hackenbroch 2013a, or negotiation modes, e.g. Etzold et al. 2009), overlaying at the same time (for example governance systems or market regulation formally registered businesses employing systems (e.g. contractual agreements between people, or some of them, without formal employment status/contract, on formally leased institutions often complement formal regulations land but inside a building without permission, (forfirms, example Keck et in al. the 2012, sense Meyer of New 2011). Institutional Informal etc.), or they switch their status (e.g. leather Economics, North 1990), but sometimes also companies increasing their employee base exist where there is no formal regulation, in the during times of high workload with informal form of self-regulated or traditional systems, or employees (see Strasser et al. 2013), or countering or outside of the legally constituted electronics companies swiftly switching between sphere. formal and informal mechanisms of production organisation to minimise transaction costs (see ‘Status / Sectoral’: These approaches comprise Revilla Diez et al. 2008). In addition to the notion those referring to informality as a status of a formal-informal continuum, the social and assigned to subsystems or sectors (e.g. informal political reality in the project regions can be best health care systems, Bork et al. 2011b), or to understood as densely interwoven and dynamic legal and material entities and structures (e.g. arrangements of partly formal and informal informal enterprises, see for example Kulke/ institutions, practices and processes on different Staffeld 2009 or Strasser et al. 2013; or informal levels, thus looking more like an informal-formal settlements, Khan et al. 2012a). This also ‘foam’ than clearly distinguishable either-or comprises all the ‘informal sector’ or ‘informal entities. economy’ approaches that subsume therein all non-formally registered income-generating and housing activities or describe the ‘informal sector’ through the precariousness of working/ living conditions. Such a dichotomous and 150 generalising delineation of informal ‘entities’ can also bear considerable analytical value, when it is for example employed to assess the political economy of the creation or sustaining of the informal status of settlements, economic sectors or people.

Altrock (2012) conceptualises informality by combining the two dimensions of ‘complementary’ and ‘supplementary’ informality – interaction that complement formally regulated systems the first and denoting ease interaction, the informal ‘oiling modes the of wheels’ (Ram et al. 2001: 846, cited in Altrock 2012: 176), broadly covering the agency based and parts of the institutional categories above. The second refers to the status or results of interaction, institutionalised but informal rule-sets that emerge when existing formal regulations are not implemented by the state, or when there are no formal regulations, roughly covering parts of the institutional and the status categories above.

Dichotomy – Continuum – ‘Foam’? In most projects a dichotomous perspective of

and/or of little help: the units in question often show‘formal’ both and formal ‘informal’ and informalwas difficult aspects to establish Informality

research

APPROACHES TO INFORMALITY

“Agency Based“ “Institutional“ “Status / Sectoral“

Governance, Urban Strategic concession and use of Informal institutional Citizenship informality by the state (Altrock arrangements in governance 2012), Neighborhood interaction systems (Schröder & Waibel 2012) (Breitung et al. 2013)

Informal Water Informal stress coping Informal arrangements in Water quality and vulnerability in mechanisms (Bercht 2013a, governance systems (Wehrhahn et Urban villages (Azzam et al. 2013b) al. 2013) 2013)

Migration and Informal health seeking Formal/Informal arrangements in Informal health care system Health strategies (Bork-Hüffer et al. health governance systems (Gransow 2012, Bork-Hüffer & 2011a) (Bork-Hüffer & Yuan-Ihle 2014) Kraas 2015)

Satellite Aerosols Health situation in informal settlements (Jahn et al. 2013a, 2013b)

Periurban PRD Informal arrangements in governance systems (Fokdal et al. 2012, Herrle et al. 2014)

Agile Firms Informal strategies of Informal institutions regulating companies (Revilla Diez et al. business relations (Fu et al. 2008, Liu et al. 2014) 2013) SPP PROJECTS Urban Livelihoods Informal negotiation of urban Hybrid regulation of utility space (Hackenbroch 2013b) supply (Hossain 2013)

Urban Food Informal agency and strategies Political regulation and local in street food markets (Bohle et informal institutions of the food al. 2009, Etzold 2016) system (Keck et al. 2012, Zingel 2015)

Dhaka INNOVATE Informal strategies of actors in Health situtation in informal plastic recycling / leather Informal/formal institutions settlements (Burkart et al. 2008, production (Staffeld & Kulke regulating business relations Grübner et al. 2011a, Krämer et 2011, Strasser et al. 2013) (Kulke et al. 2009) al. 2011)

Dhaka Hazard Informal networks and social Climate risks in informal capital (Aßheuer et al. 2013) settlements (Braun & Aßheuer 2011, Thiele-Eich et al. 2015)

Figure 3.7.1 Schematic overview of the SPP’s single projects and their approaches to informality

Draft: H. Sterly Layout and design: H. Sterly 3.7.2 Relevance of Informality in actors. This allows for the creative development Mega-Urban Systems: Between of (for example governance) structures, but it can also enable systems to keep their functionality in Resilience and Vulnerability cases of stress, often with individuals buffering Author Harald Sterly system malfunctioning. However, such contributions to resilience and functioning on a The individual projects, with regards to their systems level must be seen in conjunction with respective research topics, have established the increased vulnerabilities that are produced explanatory models regarding the function and through informal processes and structures: relevance of informality within the mega-urban informal arrangements have a tendency to systems of Dhaka and the Pearl River Delta. produce inequalities, as personal networks and Informal arrangements – structures, practices and processes – contribute to the functioning positionalities than the protection of the and resilience of important urban subsystems, principalinfluence equalityrather encourage of all individual competition actors for better but also to the increased vulnerability of parts of the urban population. i.e. state or company, or individual – actors use theirinvolved. power Often to produce the most or influential assign informal – corporate, is a complete or partial lack of formal regulations, statuses in order to maintain control and thusInformal acting as institutions a kind of ‘grease’ fill the withingaps where urban there dominance and to appropriate public and private subsystems. This applies especially where the resources. density of regulation (or the practice of Figure 3.7.2 gives an overview of the implementation) is rather thin – which is often differential outcomes – in terms of resilience the case in mega-urban contexts in developing and vulnerability – of informal structures, countries – and can be understood as the practices and processes in the larger research self-organisation of corporate and individual topics of the programme.

152

Riverscape in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas

Dhaka harbour

Photo: Frauke Kraas Informality

research

Governance Economy Resource Flows Settlements Health changes, adaptation, ‘agility‘, competitivity of maintenance of affordable housing; informal health care innovation in governance businesses funtioning (food, development of system systems water, electricity) megaurban landscape

Informal agency, institutions, structures

power imbalances vulnerability of vulnerability of marginalisation and exposure to health disempowerment employees, smaller individual actors; vulnerability of hazards in settlements, companies; resource deterioration of settlements and businesses

Vulnerability Resilience appropriation by environment inhabitants; denial of powerful actors services

Figure: 3.7.2 Urban informality between vulnerability and resilience

Draft: H. Sterly Layout and Design: H. Sterly

153

Riverscape in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas Governance: In the Pearl River Delta, the Dhaka and Bangladesh, but actors also actively strategic concession of a certain degree of and strategically navigate the formal-informal freedom to lower tiers of urban government has enabled local government units to deviate from minimise risks (Kulke/Staffeld 2009, Strasser top-down planning and to develop, together with 2016,continuum Keck inet orderal. 2012, to maximiseKeck 2016). benefits The downside and non-governmental actors, alternative forms of urban development, regeneration and planning of enterprises is a high degree of vulnerability of (‘conceded informality’, cf. Altrock 2012, Schoon employeesof such greater and flexibilityworkers, often (‘agility’) employed and resilience without 2014). Successful approaches that emerged in formal (and legally enforceable) contracts, health this dedicated experimental process were then and pension insurance and in unsafe working taken up and mainstreamed in the state-led conditions (Staffeld/Kulke 2011, Hartmann et al. planning system, contributing to the adaptation 2012, Hartmann 2013, Liu et al. 2014, Gransow/ of urban governance in a context of rapid Zhu 2016). Powerful actors also sometimes utilise transformation (Altrock/Schoon 2014b, the informal status of companies to appropriate Schröder/Waibel 2012). In Dhaka, the weaker resources – seizing businesses through their statutory governance and planning system leaves political and economic power (Liu et al. 2014, opportunities for less powerful actors to engage Strasser 2016). in self-organised and informal local planning activities, for example regarding the design and Flows: Informal arrangements play an important use of public and road space (Rahman 2011, 2013). Existing inequalities are maintained and especially in Dhaka. The marked stability and increased through informalisation: powerful resiliencerole in ensuring of Dhaka’s the flow food of supply goods system and services, against political and economic elites strategically use the environmental and economic shocks of the and sustain the status of informality of less past decades relies on the interplay of formal and powerful groups in order to maintain control and informal elements in the city’s food governance, to appropriate resources (Hossain 2011, 2013a). characterised by processes of self-organisation, 154 In the Pearl River Delta, the state’s maintaining of self-regulating institutions and informal networks the hukou registration system can be interpreted (Bohle et al. 2009, Keck 2012, Keck et al. 2012, as a means of keeping the migrants in a state of Zingel 2015). Although public services are not insecurity and thus enabling easier control (Qiang/Qiang 2010, Gransow/Zhu 2016). (‘slums’) of Dhaka, there is a diverse and dynamic landscapeofficially provided of the informal in the informal provision settlements of water and Economy: Both in Dhaka and the Pearl River electricity. This is based on a dense array of Delta, companies and enterprises employ relations between the informal service providers informal strategies and use informal structures to enhance their competitiveness. In the electronics local authorities, the police, party politicians and industry in the Pearl River Delta, the creative localand the leaders, official and service the interplay providers, of formalmunicipal and and employment of formal and informal agreements informal institutions regulating these relations in the formation of supply chains and production (Hackenbroch/Hossain 2012a, Hossain 2013b). linkages gives companies (and the whole supply But this resilience comes at a cost: consumer system) a competitive advantage in terms of prices for goods and services are high, and crises (supply shortages, regulatory tightening, etc.) lead of supply chains has declined, as China has to sharp price hikes (Bohle et al. 2009, Hossain undergoneflexibility and – and quickness. is undergoing This ‘agile’ – a process organisation of 2013a). The resilience of the overall food system is

(Revilla Diez et al. 2008, Schiller/Meyer 2008). In vulnerability of those working at the ‘bottom’: Dhaka,juridification the enterprises and increase involved in regulatory in the food density trade, smallbased food to a largetraders, extent carriers on the and flexibility drivers, andstreet food plastic recycling and leather industries are vendors (Etzold 2013, Etzold 2014b). Poorer, and characterised by a dense intertwinement of especially informal parts of the urban fabric – formal and informal institutions and practices, villages-in-the-city in the Pearl River Delta, including the presence or absence of formal informal settlements (‘slums’) in Dhaka – registrations of businesses, building permissions, experience lower environmental quality and higher exposure to environmental hazards, such as employment contracts. The degree of informality contaminated water, lower air quality, etc. (Baier island also titles, related financial to regulatory accounting weaknesses and taxation in or et al. 2011, Bork et al. 2011a, Azzam et al. 2013, economic and environmental governance in Strohschön et al. 2013, Khan et al. 2013a, Bork- Informality

research Hüffer et al. 2016a and b). For some villages-in- 2013). However, the housing and services the-city in the PRD it could be shown that the lack provided by informal actors in Dhaka are much of regulations or their enforcement and the resulting informal economic activities also organisations, and inhabitants are vulnerable to contributed to water contamination (Baier et al. evictionsmore expensive (Hackenbroch than those et al. of 2008)official and health 2014). hazards (Khan/Krämer 2013). Villages-in-the-city can be regarded as one of the central driving forces Settlements: for the development of the PRD’s peri-urban social housing for the urban poor by municipalities landscape at large, their strategies being Given the lack of official provision of and in Dhaka, there is a considerable market for production systems and their embeddedness in informalor other officialhousing actors in both both areas. in the In PearlDhaka, River where Delta regionalinfluenced political by their informal linkages networks, to globalised their location landlords in informal settlements normally do not and political leadership, among others (Fokdal/ Herrle 2012, Herrle et al. 2008, Herrle et al. 2014, housing depends on a very hierarchical and dense Ipsen 2009, Ipsen 2011). hold official land titles, the provision of informal and powerful local actors. The informal housing Health: Informal health care systems provide marketnetwork in of both landlords areas provideswith land accommodation owners, officials to millions of urban poor who otherwise would not the urban poor in Dhaka and to many rural-to- be able to access the real estate market urbanservices migrants unavailable in the from Pearl the River official Delta systems who are to (Hackenbroch 2013b, Baumgart et al. 2011). Informal networks and mutual support relations hukou status (Gransow 2012). Institutional contribute to the internal resilience of Dhaka’s environmentbarred from official and governmental Chinese health regulations, care by their in combination with migrants’ perceptions of health informal settlements against floods (Aßheuer et al. 155

Recycling in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly and health care, as well as their capital 3.7.3 Informal Dynamics endowment, shape informal health care systems in of Global Change the Pearl River Delta (Bork et al. 2010, Yuan et al. Author Harald Sterly 2010, Bork et al. 2011b, Bork et al. 2011c, Bork-Hüffer/Kraas 2015) and Dhaka (Khan et al. In the individual projects of the Priority 2012a, Khan et al. 2012b). However, the often Programme (SPP 1233) it became clear that marginal location of informal settlements, the lack informality is an important organising mode in the urban research areas – in terms of informal occupational safety standards in informal strategies and institutions, processes and employmentof urban services (or self-employment) and the deficiency frequently of lead structures, or to take up Altrock’s (2012) to higher exposure to health hazards for the urban categories, in terms of complementary and poor in their settlements and workplaces. This supplementary informality. This applies both to the functioning and resilience of urban (sub) (Thiele-Eich et al. 2015, Braun/Aßheuer 2011, systems, as well to the vulnerabilities of sub- Aßheuerincludes, etfor al. example, 2013), lack flooding of environmental of settlements quality systems, groups and individuals that are produced and health hazards in settlements (Khan/Krämer through informal structures and processes. 2013, Khan et al. 2013a, Khan et al. 2013b, The character and outcomes of informality in Grübner et al. 2012, Grübner et al. 2015) and workplaces (Staffeld/Kulke 2011). political stability and predictability; political culture,urban planning especially and a governancestate’s development are influenced and by welfare orientation; and accountability, including the possibilities for public participation. Thus the informal aspects in urban governance differ

significantly in the two regions. As an intended deficiency in the otherwise rigid regulation found 156

Evening dance in Guangzhou

Photo: Harald Sterly

Brick production in the urban fringe of Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Informality

research in the Pearl River Delta, it tends to contribute to the Pearl River Delta (Revilla Diez et al. 2008, Hartmann et al. 2012, Schiller 2013) and the adaptation of a strong planning system in a plastic recycling (Staffeld/Kulke 2011) and contextflexibility, of controlleddynamic transition. transformation In Dhaka, and the leather industries (Strasser et al. 2013), as well as unstable political context leads to informal the food supply system in Dhaka (Keck et al. strategies and arrangements as individualised 2012). Increasing competition between cities for investment and international companies, fuelled and infrastructure provision. Here, informal by images of modernity, leads to growing pressure arrangementsand collective responsescontribute to to deficits the appropriation in regulation of on informal activities and structures that are public and private resources by the rich and visible in public space and that ‘disturb’ such powerful, and force the urban poor to alternative, imag(inari)es of modernity (for example street often also informal livelihood strategies food vendors, see Etzold 2014a, 2014c, informal (Hackenbroch et al. 2016). settlements, see Hackenbroch et al. 2008, or The relations between processes of global street hawkers, see Flock/Breitung 2016). change and informal aspects are not uniform for the two research areas, however the results of the economic liberalisation coupled with political deregulationSPP seem to confirm and the thereduction general of reading state services that produce growing power inequalities and increasing competition for resources and generally cause a trend towards informalisation (Roy 2009, Roy/Alsayyad 2004, Gilbert 2004). This pertains, at least to some degree, to the researched examples of the electronics industry in

157

Rikshaws in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly

Heritage house in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas Pathways

Beijing Road shopping in Guangzhou Photo: Frauke Kraas 4 4 4.1

Coordinating the Research Programme

Author Harald Sterly

The size, disciplinary diversity and complexity and supported to communicate with each other of the research programme required a differentiated steering and coordination strategy. objectives. Hierarchical, top-down steering mechanisms and based՜Consequently, on their scientific voluntary interest communication and heuristic and linear planning and operationalisation were cooperation were seen as the most important applicable only to a limited extent, given the mechanisms՜ of inter-project and inter-personal administrative independence of the individual collaboration. Rather than demanding certain research projects as well as the complexity of outputs, the strategy was based on identifying the research subject itself and the highly interdisciplinary and international setting of and on offering platforms for creating joint outputs. the programme. In addition, the developing topics՜Leaving and approachesa high degree with of highintellectual mutual benefitfreedom knowledge base of the SPP was not seen to rest to the individual research projects was combined exclusively on reports and publications, but also with՜ concentrating the discourse on programme within the evolving network of researchers, the topics, key concepts and central epistemic goals stability of their interrelations and their in frequent workshops and meetings. interdisciplinary exchange capabilities. The objectives of the coordination project changed Thus the following principles guided the through the three phases of the research coordination of the programme (Fig. 4.1): programme. In the areas of cooperation and synthesis the foundations for productive ՜ knowledge generation in a top-down and programme. In the beginning it was most hier՜ Ratherarchical than way, organising it seemed information more appropriate flow and to importantcooperation to were establish laid incommunication the first phase structures, of the conceptualise the SPP itself as a complex to help the individual researchers in identifying (research) system, in which the individual possible cooperation constellations where high researchers of different levels were encouraged added heuristic value could be expected, and to pathways create an atmosphere of trust and a culture of members, with research partners from China and mutual understanding, acceptance and exchange. Bangladesh and external experts, held in various In the latter phases the focus was shifted towards places in Germany. ՜Regional conferences in Bangladesh and China 4.1 of topics relevant for the overall programme, and every two years, with all partners from the offeringsustaining platforms those linkages, for the productionthe intensified of joint discussion respective՜ country and some partners from the outputs. The scope of representation and other country, as well as representatives of all cooperation was broadened, involving at the German projects. beginning mostly other research programmes ՜Regular workshops on key theoretical concepts (BMBF, Helmholtz) in Germany and then linking and publication projects. up with international initiatives as well (e.g. UGEC). ՜՜Annual Young Researchers’ Workshop as an In the second and third phase of the programme exchange platform for the PhD and PostDoc candidates.՜ ՜Establishing and maintaining the SSP website formthe collaboration of joint publications, was intensified and on byjoint putting and a continuous news exchange. representationemphasis on scientific at international output, especially conferences. in the ՜՜Organisation of platforms for joint and interdisciplinary publications. A number of key activities of the coordination ՜՜ Encouraging the research partners to engage in cooperation with foreign research institutions. ՜՜In each research region the establishment of office were central to supporting the SPP members Local Contact Persons (LCP) was strived for, as far networking,as well as affiliated integration researchers and synthesis, and cooperating and as՜ was possible within the administrative limits representationinstitutions in the and fields cooperation: of cooperation and

՜Organisation of regular meetings and workshops conferences,given. The LCPs helping facilitated with researchthe actual permits scientific and ՜Annual symposium of all German project visa,fieldwork setting (e.g. up organisation contact with ofauthorities). local workshops and ՜ 161 ՜

Se

Cooperation and First Phase cond Phase IntegrFinal Phase networking r t r r rar ration on Identi�ication and establishment of Establishmentpr and deepening of ationt of new partners; coope ationr cons ellations; elationships ac oss hie chies and platforms for coope establishment of communication ojects special opics Integration and structu es or inter ow r r Mutualprogr communicationiv andr Deepeninginvo the understandingrogr of Platforms f redisciplinary and synthesis ackn ledgment of p ojects’r and theo etical concepts;rging updating r allr and project-overarchingrging t amme object es, theo etical t lved partners about p ess; publications on co and methodological app oaches identi�ication of eme esea ch eme opics Repr ro opicsrging int r ooperation progr rat r ex esentation and Impr rving nationaliv visibility of the Enla ernationaliv visibility; Jointr publicationr iv p ojectsev with c amme; linking up with national st egic and ope ational change international partnersre r rand national esea ch initiat es with national initiat es esea ch initiat es; d eloping ideas for futu esea ch

Figure 4.1 Development of the SPP research programme coordination Interview with Harald Sterly Interview by Kirsten Hackenbroch

Harald, you have coordinated the SPP for over seven years now. What have been the main challenges that you had to master along that way? The challenges differed, depending on the cooperation areas and the three phases of the SPP. In the initial phase, the main challenge was to establish structures for communication

structure soon proved non-feasible, but it took time until a necessarychannels and level information of understanding flow. A washierarchical established communication among all programme members. The second challenge was the thematic integration, as researchers had a diversity of disciplinary and epistemological backgrounds. It was almost impossible

phase. Only through repeated meetings and discussions were 162 weto frame able to a basicovercome understanding most misunderstandings of core concepts in in thematic the first

of the coordination and its level of institutionalisation within suchfields. a Anotherprogramme challenge – this islies something in the role which and steering also had capacity to be

international cooperation presented a challenge. Naturally, it is adeveloped long way andfor relations might need of trust to be and adjusted mutual over exchange time. And to evolve. finally,

I am sure that besides challenges you have also come across unexpected surprises and had many positive experiences. Could you provide us with some examples? Indeed, there have been lots of interdisciplinary linkages which were especially fruitful, real interdisciplinary success stories. Then there was an amazing number of scientists who graduated within the programme, who literally ‘grew up’

from the programme, in terms of knowledge exchange within the programme. Every single one of them has benefitted experiences of being ‘thrown into the PhD’. Beyond the thematic, especially during fieldwork but also generally by sharing their working with peers, the social backing and the level of trust establishedmethodological among and young theoretical scholars exchanges was overwhelming! and benefits Lotsfrom of Coordinating the Research Programme

pathways

warmth and emotional support within the setting of the SPP – that was something special and different from the common scenarios of PhD-writing. And finally there was the tremendous Andscientific a final output question, in terms in looking of publications. back, what would you recommend for intercultural and interdisciplinary research programmes in the future? It sure depends on the kinds of underlying programmes and aims, but I would suggest three things that should be considered when establishing international and interdisciplinary research training or preparation for especially (but not only) the PhD programmes. The first one would be some sort of intercultural I recommend facilitated talks before entering into binding cooperationstudents who agreements are conducting with on-the-groundinternational partners, fieldwork. as Second, this has proven to pay off very well. And third – but most important – I recommend establishing mechanisms that facilitate the development of common understanding, discourse and output from the very beginning of the programme. This could involve for example a joint white paper series, where core epistemic elements and topics are developed, or the establishment (and most probably the constant renegotiation) of common and binding research objectives. Given funding structures and the structural Harald Sterly context and especially the need to leave conceptual freedom Scientific coordinator to individual projects and researchers, such mechanisms are of the SPP always a challenge, but they also facilitate the development of overarching explanatory models. I would also highlight the importance of the role and integrationfunctions of and the thecoordination facilitation for of scientificcommunication. integration and administrative organisation, but especially in the fields of social Thank you for this valuable insight into coordinating a large international and interdisciplinary research programme! 4.2

Research Partners

Authors Harald Sterly, Frauke Kraas

Without the cooperation with local partner and other interested organisations. They resulted institutions in Bangladesh and China the SPP in closely-knit research cooperation. Researchers would not have been able to achieve the results from Bangladesh invited to the conference in summarised in this publication. We therefore China and vice versa provided keynote lectures, dedicate this chapter to our research partners, to which guided the research programme in the whom and to whose activities and achievements following years. The two follow-up conferences our appreciation, respect and gratitude are (2008 in Guangzhou and 2009 in Dhaka) then extended. outlined the variety of topics and vividly illustrated the diversity of approaches to urban 4.2.1 Activities research chosen within the SPP and among the research partners. The 2010 conference in Dhaka The SPP in cooperation with the research presented original theoretical and empirical partners has been able to contribute to current contributions to the theme ‘The State, Key Drivers discourses on urban development both in and Scenarios of Urban Informality’. The 2011 Bangladesh and China based on its research conference in Guangzhou then sought to results, relevant not only for academic audiences contribute theoretically and empirically to but similarly so for policymakers and civil society ‘Conceptualising Spatial Change: Structures, organisations. Processes and Underlying Dynamics’. At the end of

Regional conferences Guangzhou/Dongguan summarised the research results2012, two of the final seven-year conferences research in Dhaka programme and and this was a series of regional conferences hosted in put them up for discussion in front of a critical DhakaThe first and cooperation Guangzhou instrument respectively. for In achieving 2007, two and knowledgeable audience of local and conferences in Dhaka and Guangzhou introduced international academics, practitioners and the SPP research projects to our research partners policymakers. pathways Qualification cooperation partner of the SPP in Dhaka. As the The second cooperation effect was the further focal point of local coordination activities, DURP and its staff members were involved in giving number of PhD theses of faculty members of our advice to the research projects in Dhaka, hosting 4.2 researchqualification partners of university were supervised staff and students.both in A the regional conferences, providing contacts to Bangladesh and China under the umbrella of the local research staff and facilitating networks with SPP and within individual SPP projects. Those other local institutions. The DURP was established awarded a PhD afterwards achieved lecturer positions at universities or research institutions in 1972. Ever since, the Department’s lecturers or succeeded in career steps within government andin 1962, graduates while havethe first been Master elemental students in graduated authorities. contributing to human settlement development in Bangladesh from an integrated urban planning have been carried out with invaluable support by perspective. Besides providing education to undergraduateThe field investigations and graduate of students SPP researchers in Dhaka and Guangzhou. During their involvement in SPP regional and local government institutions, the projects the students gained research skills and Departmentplanners who has fill continuously planning positions contributed at central, to practical experience, especially of methods of discourses on urban planning issues. Its lecturers are involved in, for example, joint civil society initiatives to achieve the integration of assistantsempirical investigation.to receive admission This certified and scholarship working environmental and societal concerns into supportexperience in graduate enabled aand large postgraduate number of the field planning processes and support the initiatives of programmes of various European, North development cooperation organisations with their American and Asian universities. local expertise.

4.2.2 Research Partners Bangladesh University of Engineering and in Bangladesh and China Technology (BUET), Institute of Water and Flood Management, Dhaka 165 The members of the SPP highly appreciate the The Institute of Water and Flood Management is a involvement of a number of universities and research and capacity development organisation research institutes in Bangladesh and China in the under the umbrella of BUET. It is a knowledge research activities of SPP projects. We would therefore like to introduce the following management, wetland hydrology, hazard universities and institutions to our readers and managementbase especially and in waterthe fields resources of (urban) policy water and thus pave the way for further cooperation besides conducting research also provides between German universities, German and consultancy services. international organisations of development cooperation, and the Bangladeshi and Chinese Dhaka University, Department of Geography and research partners with whom we had outstanding Environment working relationships. The foundations for today’s Department of We would like to express our appreciation and Geography and Environment of Dhaka University gratitude to all institutions and individuals were established in 1948. The Department without whom this research programme would lecturers and students have ever since been not have been possible. We have gained exploring and analysing the relationship that considerable insight into the discourses that exists between human society and the physical matter locally, into knowledge networks and environment and its results in the ‘cultural societal initiatives. We have come to value this landscape’. In terms of research, the Department intercultural research experience and are all looking forward to future cooperation and joint sensing and GIS analysis of urban phenomena. research projects! has significantly contributed to the remote Centre for Urban Studies, Dhaka Bangladesh University of Engineering and The Centre for Urban Studies (CUS) is an Technology (BUET), Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Dhaka organisation which was founded in 1972. It has The Department of Urban and Regional Planning independent non-profit research and training (DURP) of the Bangladesh University of concerning urban areas in Bangladesh and can be Engineering and Technology, Dhaka, was the key regardedinterdisciplinary a knowledge expertise hub. in Many several of its fields members have been involved in government committees, transnational labour NGOs, trade union networks for example for framing a national urban policy and research organisations to achieve its aim. and a resettlement policy, as well as in initiatives advocating the rights of the urban poor. The CUS Rajshahi University, Department of Geography and has especially achieved recognition for its Environmental Studies continuous monitoring and evaluation of the The Department of Geography and Environmental situation of the urban poor in Dhaka and other Studies of Rajshahi University was founded in large cities in Bangladesh since the 1980s. 1955. Today the Department offers undergraduate and postgraduate programmes combining Jahangirnagar University, Department of Statistics physical and human geography with a view to and Department of Geography and Environment exploring human-environment interactions. The The Department of Statistics and the Department lecturers and research staff at the Department are of Geography and Environment at Jahangirnagar especially skilled in GIS analysis and remote University started academic activities sensing. Accordingly, the Department members immediately after the independence of have conducted highly acclaimed studies on Bangladesh. Both departments have grown gradually in terms of number of well-trained on increasing vulnerabilities due to climate faculties, students and modern facilities. Based on disaster management and flooding in Bangladesh, the up-to-date and standard curricula, these departments offer various courses at Chinesechange andAcademy on developing of Sciences, models Institute in these of Remote fields. undergraduate and postgraduate levels and apply Sensing Applications modern methods and approaches to teaching and The Institute of Remote Sensing and Digital Earth research activities. Both departments have also (RADI) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) established various international links through was founded when two CAS institutes, namely the collaborative research and student exchange Institute of Remote Sensing Applications (IRSA) and the Center for Earth Observation and Digital 166 environment and demography. Earth (CEODE), merged in 2012. It aims to explore programmes, among other fields health, the technologies in earth observation and to establish University of Dhaka, Department of Economics / mechanisms and techniques for acquiring and Human Development Resource Centre (HDRC) distributing remote sensing information on digital platforms. The research institute thus became a departments established when the University of knowledge source for resource-environment DhakaThe Department was founded of Economics in 1921. Students was one can of theobtain first a spatial information at regional and global levels. Bachelor of Social Sciences, a Master of Social Sciences, and a PhD in Economics. Many alumni environmental effect of aerosol and pollution are working in government and non-government gasesSpecific by research laser remote themes measurements. include measuring the organisations in the country, in international organisations and reputed universities all over the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) world. Professor Dr. Md. Yunus, winner of the The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences was Nobel Peace Prize in 2006, is also an alumnus. established in 1977 as an academic research Scholars in the Department’s Human Development Resource Centre look at the political sciences, including a focus on comprehensive economy of development, at poverty and human studiesorganisation in the in People’s the fields Republic of philosophy of China. and While social rights, at urbanisation and industrialisation, and at land markets and agrarian reforms. the Guangzhou branch of CASS has also built active in a wide field of social science research, Alternative Movement for Resources and Freedom and provided advisory services to the government Society (AMRF Society) institutionsexpertise in atthe provincial field of urban and municipal and regional level. studies The Alternative Movement for Resources and Freedom Society is an activist group which was Guangdong University of Technology, School of established in 1999 with the aim of contributing Architecture and Urban Planning to building a society based on human equality and The School of Architecture and Urban Planning, non-discrimination. Its focus is on labour issues in Guangdong University of Technology, established

advising on the implementation of labour laws. AMRFBangladesh Society and cooperates specifically with on manymonitoring and urbanits first planning undergraduate programme programme in Guangdong in architecture as early as 1956 and later established the first Research Partners

pathways province. In its teaching and training the School Doctoral degrees in geography. Furthermore, the addresses the region’s cultural and economic Department conducts research on China’s urban development as well as urban construction needs. The School’s researchers continue to be actively has established close international partnerships involved in urban development and engineering withand regional joint activities development including and the within organisation this field of projects in the region. workshops and conferences.

Guangdong Institute of Microbiology Hong Kong Trade Development Council The Guangdong Institute of Microbiology, a The Hong Kong Trade Development Council was province-level institute, focuses on established in 1966 and, as a statutory microbiological resources investigation, microbial organisation, has since been dedicated to genetic engineering, microbial breeding, promoting Hong Kong trade and Hong Kong as an environmental microorganisms and pollution important business district in Asia. It especially remediation and pathogen control, among other provides support structures with a view to things. In this context, it undertakes examinations connecting small and medium-sized enterprises of, for instance, drinking water, urban water in Hong Kong with business partners from all over supply and water for industrial supply. It closely the world. cooperates with other province-level and national-level analytical centres, which are, for Shenzhen University, School of Art and Design, example, specialised in physical and chemical Department of Environmental Design analysis. The Department of Environmental Design of the School of Art and Design, Shenzhen University, Guangdong Urban and Rural Planning Design was established in 1994 and offers a Bachelor Institute degree in Environmental Design. The Department The Guangdong Urban and Rural Planning Design deals with the transformations of open spaces in Institute is a consultancy institute established in Chinese cities and good practice in landscape design. 167 architecture, civil engineering and infrastructure planningthe 1950s in in Guangdong the field of Provinceurban and and rural Hong planning, Kong. Shenzhen University, College of Management It has won national, ministerial and provincial Established in 1997, the College of Management Good Design Awards. Furthermore, it has been and is involved in the Pearl River greenway departments, i.e. Public Administration, Human network master plan, the Five-Year-Plans on the Resourceof the Shenzhen Management, University Business today Management,consists of five provincial level and the Sino-Singapore Information Technology and Marketing. Many graduates of the renowned Department of Public project for innovative planning. Administration work as civil servants or enter the Guangzhou Knowledge City, a national flagship numerous semi-governmental institutions. Harbin Institute of Technology Shenzhen Graduate Consequently, the members of the College of School, Department of Urban Planning Management have excellent relations to numerous The Harbin Institute of Technology (HIT) government institutions in China. Recently, the Shenzhen Graduate School was co-established in College has introduced a new MBA for public 2002 by HIT and the Shenzhen municipal administration that seeks to further educate government. The aim of the Graduate School is to cadres and civil servants. provide top-level education through research and innovative industrial applications. The South China Normal University (SCNU) Department of Urban Planning currently runs a The SCNU is one of the top provincial-level graduate programme on Urban Planning and universities in Guangdong. Originally a teacher Management. training institution, it is now a comprehensive university engaged in undergraduate and Hong Kong Baptist University, Geography graduate teaching and research. Several Department geographers and geography students of SCNU The Geography Department of Hong Kong Baptist have been involved in research on governance and University was established in 1960 and has urban development in the Pearl River Delta. produced over 1,500 graduates in geography. It offers undergraduate and postgraduate programmes leading to Bachelor, Master, and Sun Yat-sen University, Department of Medical addition, it hosts training programmes, including Statistics and Epidemiology, School of Public Health one for senior civil servants of Guangdong The School of Public Health of Sun Yat-sen province within an international partnership. University was established in 1985. Its aim is to protect and promote public health, via teaching, Sun Yat-sen University, School of Geographical research and service. The School has been very Sciences and Planning (SGSP), Department of active in establishing foundations for teaching and Urban and Regional Planning practice related to disease control and prevention The School of Geographical Science and Planning in the Pearl River Delta area with a view to at the Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou was strengthening educational capacities and the key cooperation partner of the SPP in the providing health services to local communities. As Pearl River Delta. As such the School hosted the a key player in issues of public health the School’s regional conferences in the Pearl River Delta, members have participated in national and collaborated in empirical research work and was cooperative international research projects. actively involved in teachers and student exchanges. The School emerged in 2002 out of the Sun Yat-sen University, Department of Water Department of Geography, which was already Resources and Environment established in 1929, and thus was one of the The Department of Water Resources and earliest Geography Departments in China. The Environment of Sun Yat-sen University has a long history dating back to 1958 when its predecessor Geography, Urban and Regional Planning, was established. Currently, the Department offers TerritorialSchool combines Resource the andacademic Environment, fields of WaterHuman two undergraduate, several postgraduate and one Resource and Environment as well as Remote Sensing and Geographical Informational Systems. water resource engineering, natural geography The lecturers/research staff and students are anddoctoral marine programme, coastal geography. all in the fieldsThe Department’s of hydrology, highly engaged in contributing to the research centres conduct research on the variation understanding of urban and regional 168 of hydrology and water resources in changing developments in South China, especially in the environments, among other topics, both on a Pearl River Delta. Basic theoretical research on national level and in international cooperation. urban development and applied research, including consulting of provincial and city Sun Yat-sen University, School of Environmental Science and Engineering the SGSP. The research group of the School of governments, contribute to the diverse profile of Environmental Science and Engineering at the Sun Yat-sen University, School of Sociology and Sun Yat-sen University is currently contributing to Anthropology measuring air and water pollution by quantitative The School of Sociology and Anthropology of Sun remote sensing in Guangdong province. On the Yat-sen University emerged when two former basis of in situ measurements of the physical, departments were merged in 2009. Originally optical properties of aerosols in the Pearl River founded during the 1920s, both disciplines were Delta, the group developed a physical model to reorganised after the foundation of the People’s retrieve aerosol properties using satellite data. A Republic, more or less abolished in the 1950s, and remote sensing system that automatically re-established as separate departments in the interprets satellite images provides important early 1980s. Today the School includes sociology, basic data for environmental assessment and anthropology, archaeology and social work as its environmentally informed decision-making. main specialties. The School aims to combine teaching, practical training, research and social Sun Yat-sen University, School of Government service, and wishes to reinforce educational The School of Government of Sun Yat-sen interactions with universities in foreign countries. University was founded in 2001 and has since At present, about 1,000 students are enrolled in been involved in research programmes on China’s the school (PhD course students, MA course society and economy and in collaboration with students and undergraduate students as well as international universities and research institutes. international students). In terms of education, the School provides comprehensive Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes tailored to local requirements and embedded in international partnerships. In Research Partners

pathways University of Hong Kong, Faculty of Architecture, especially conducted surveys with the aim of Department of Urban Planning and Design collecting public views on diverse societal themes (DUPAD) and phenomena as well as on government The Department of Urban Planning and Design policies. Furthermore, the Centre contributes to (DUPAD) promotes interdisciplinary research in the postgraduate research programmes of the urban studies and planning. DUPAD offers taught University. postgraduate and MPhil and PhD programmes in Urban Planning, Urban Design, Housing Urban Planning and Design Institute of Shenzhen Management and Transport Policy and Planning. (UPDIS) The vision of the Department is to be an The Urban Planning and Design Institute of international centre of excellence in teaching and research in urban planning, urban design, housing Shenzhen and today is a comprehensive urban studies, transport and related urban studies. The planningShenzhen and was design the first company planning with institute more thanin 400 main research focus is on temporal and spatial employees. It has been and still is active in guiding issues of sustainable development in Hong Kong Shenzhen’s urban development from a small town and the Pearl River Delta region. Zone. Besides, it is also involved in urban and University of Hong Kong, Social Science Research regionalto a megacity planning in China’s as well first as urbanSpecial neighbourhood Economic Centre (SSRC) design in other areas of China. The Social Sciences Research Centre of Hong Kong University contracts and undertakes research on behalf of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Hong Kong for the government, non-government organisations, universities and other institutions. The SSRC has in the past

169

Fieldwork with students in Cooperation workshop in Dhaka Guangzhou

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Photo: Harald Sterly 4.3

Methodological Challenges

Authors Kirsten Hackenbroch, Volker Kreibich

The interdisciplinary nature of SPP research These methodological challenges and the SPP’s themes required well-considered methodological explicit openness to interdisciplinary approaches. The starting point of the SPP was to approaches have, for example, been evident in systematically analyse and understand the the research on urban health within the SPP. interrelations between complex and often informal Here, natural and social scientists, positivist and mega-urban processes and the forms and effects of social constructivist research traditions met and processes of global change upon the arrived at a deeper understanding of the reorganisation of spatial, social and institutional processes, scales and dynamics of urban health relationships in megacities. What had been issues. Meteorologists and climatologists measured air pollution, either by stations failed to address mega-urban processes and installed on the ground or by generating and dynamicsidentified fromwas a an gap integrated, in urban research,multidisciplinary which had interpreting high-resolution surface albedo perspective. Accordingly the SPP was set up in measurements. The data on air pollution was order to move towards theories and models that then combined with health statistics generated integrate natural and social science approaches in from secondary sources. This generated explaining and understanding mega-urban knowledge on the interrelations between air processes. This required undertaking an epistemic pollution and urban health on a macro- as well reorientation toward an analysis of complex as on a micro-scale. Micro-scale health outcomes processes, focusing on the multiple interactions of were furthermore captured using questionnaire a broad range of processes (based on themes and surveys. These surveys conducted by public scales) which in the past had mainly been health researchers were then interlinked with investigated within the individual disciplines, and geospatial data using the analytical tools of GIS aiming at process-oriented theory-, model- and scenario-building on megacity urbanisation (cf. Funding application of the SPP 1233, 2006). physicalin order toand investigate mental health how ofspecific megacity spatial factors account for or influence both the pathways 4.3 METHOD APPLIED FOR RESEARCH Remote sensing Remote (GIS) Spatial analysis Mapping Statistical data (secondary) Measurements surveys Quantitative interviews Qualitative Appraisal Rapid Participatory combined with interviews) (often observation, Participant ethnography

Urban growth

urban fringe development (spatial expansion, densi�ication, segregation and fragmentation, upgrading)processes, urban villages, spatial

Governance and planning (governability and governance arrangements of ‘urban resources’ self-organisation,such as land and infrastructure, upgrading, boundariesplanning the and city borders) extension, 171

Migrants in the city (socio-spatial exclusion, economic participation, access to health care, agency, international migrant communities) KEY THEMES

Vulnerabilitymegaurban food systems,and resilience food (climate change, natural disasters,

security, infrastructure, urban restructuring) Health and health systems (spatial determinants of health, air

pollution and health effects, climate variability, access to health care services esp. for migrants)

Economic relations labour(global migration)value chains, informality, �lexibility and agility, international

Figure 4.3 SPP research themes and research methods

Layout and Draft: K. Hackenbroch, Design: R. Spohner inhabitants. Furthermore, analysing processes beyond disciplinary and singular perspectives of health governance contributed to on informal dynamics of global change in understanding how spatially exclusionary urban megacities. Figure 4.3 provides an overview of processes, for example the non-integration of SPP research themes and the diversity of migrants as urban citizens in China’s Pearl River methods applied. Delta, also reinforce differences in individual health status and accessibility to health care services. The above example illustrates how diverse disciplines can take on the methodological challenge and seek ways to combine their research approaches. The results, as illustrated in the respective subchapters in Chapter 3 of this volume, contribute to an improved understanding of the multi-scalar factors determining urban health today. Arriving at these research results necessitated using a large variety of methods and tools for data collection and analysis – these often emerged from the disciplinary gaze towards the research issue. Triangulating these singular methods to arrive at a broad understanding of the interrelations between environmental factors, spatial health determinants and social issues then leads the way to achieving the SPP’s aim of moving

172

Site excursion in Guangzhou Group evaluation in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch Photo: Harald Sterly Methodological Challenges

pathways

173

Conference in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly 4.4

Interdisciplinarity

Authors Marie Peters, Harald Sterly

Interdisciplinary research teams were a key feature ՜ synthesis of research results, of SPP’s research on multidimensional, complex and ՜ joint publications (see Figure 4.4). dynamic developments in megacities. In order to ՜ About 90 percent of the participants stated identify processes and disentangle causes and that՜ in their respective project they were able to effects of global change and informality, the take advantage of synergy effects arising from complementary interaction and exchange of interdisciplinary cooperation. These advantages methods, concepts and theories used in natural and comprised conceptual and methodological issues social science as well as strong coordination was of crucial importance for the success of the ՜The interdisciplinary cooperation deepened the programme. Accordingly, from the beginning of the generalbut also understanding concerned ways of theof scientific SPP’s overall thinking: research programme interdisciplinary exchange was questions.՜ encouraged and stimulated, with challenges and ՜ surprises arising (see interview with Prof. Dr. and datasets from multi-disciplinary perspectives Heintzenberg). enabled՜ The opportunity the development to look of at new specific research topics, issues The experiences of SPP researchers with approaches, addressing the complexity and interdisciplinary cooperation were evaluated in an multi-dimensionality of megacities. online survey in spring 2014. A large majority (88 ՜The established culture of exchange and debate percent) of the participants saw the helped to re-sharpen the research goals of interdisciplinary setting of the programme as individual՜ projects and individual researchers and enriching or very enriching for their research. The thus contributed to more complex and profound

research. interdisciplinary՜building a common setting understanding was perceived of as key beneficial academic՜A deeper knowledge understanding in the offield other of megacities academic in and for the following phases and fields of work: disciplines has changed the individual researchers’ ՜՜ selection of joint research sites across projects perspective՜ on their own academic work and on andconcepts, disciplines, theories and definitions, interdisciplinary approaches in general. ՜ pathways Meteorologists

Climate Geographers 4.4 Economic Geographers Economists

Political Public Scientists Health

Social Geomatics Geographers Geologists

Sinologists

Number of Spatial contributions to Architects interdisciplinary Planners publications Number of joint 25 publications 20 1 15 5 10 Figure 4.4 Interdisciplinary publications in the SPP 5 Source of data, publication database of SPP (years: 2006-2014, 10 175 N=49/358), Layout and design: H. Sterly

On an ontological level, the interdisciplinary setup required considerable effort by the participating of the SPP has contributed to an improved researchers. The early, regular and constant understanding of informal structures, which are exchange of approaches, concepts and (also produced by as well as reproducing power preliminary) results proved to be of crucial importance for a successful synthesis process, due (global to local) processes. On an epistemological to the diversity of research perspectives and the andrelations, methodological and are firmly level embedded the interdisciplinary in multi-level cumulative dynamics of the research process. The exchange has led to deepened knowledge about evaluation shows that the positive experiences of research instruments, data collection methods and the interdisciplinary cooperation have contributed triangulation of the research methods of different to the building of academic networks beyond disciplines, thereby enriching the empirical disciplinary boundaries, networks which promise research designs. The researchers of the SPP describe the joint future research projects. discussions and learning processes as ‘fruitful and to beFor long-lasting the SPP, interdisciplinarity and are potentially was beneficial both a for easy rather than time consuming’ and as very ‘solution oriented’. However, interdisciplinary for example concerning the synthesis of study cooperation requires the openness and desire to resultschallenge and and joint an theory opportunity. building, Difficulties and from emerged, the perspective of the steering committee especially the collaboration between the natural and the social highlearn degree the languages from the of willingness and benefit of from the individualother sciences could have been more intensive. However, researchersdisciplines, and to do thus this. the programme profited to a the scientists involved in the SPP positively assessed The largest challenge that the interdisciplinary the interdisciplinary cooperation, and the setting posed was in the area of theory and model comprehensive list of interdisciplinary publications building on a programme-overarching level. Also, the alignment of conceptual approaches and key setting. concepts on the level of the individual projects indicates the benefits of the interdisciplinary Interview with Professor Dr. Jost Heintzenberg Interview by Kirsten Hackenbroch

Professor Heintzenberg, you have been a permanent member of the SPP coordination committee. From the very beginning the SPP aimed to achieve interdisciplinarity in megacity research – how have you experienced the establishment of an interdisciplinary research environment? I have been involved from the very beginning, as co-applicant of the SPP application. The broad spectrum of sub-themes made interdisciplinary research approaches imperative. Interdisciplinarity has thus been an integral element from the very beginning and was set as a precondition for successful participation of research consortia. I myself have been involved in one project, together with epidemiologists and remote sensing specialists. Combining such diverse disciplines with distinct languages and methodological instruments has been a new experience for me, and after initial logistic problems it 176 progressed well.

You yourself are a natural scientist, while most of the SPP researchers rather had a background in social science. What has the SPP research offered across disciplines? The megacity as a phenomenon of today cannot be adequately described nor can predictions be made based on natural sciences alone. The key element of megacities are the large number of human beings living in them – and thus social sciences are essential to their understanding. In the past there have been solely natural science based megacity research projects, for example on air pollution. However, these have proven to be of little relevance in terms of predicting future developments as the people, being affected but also acting

demandingand reacting, topic have – notnamely been informality allocated sufficient and informal space processes. in such Suchresearch. a topic Furthermore, can only be the explored SPP approached by a diversity a very of disciplinary difficult and approaches. Interdisciplinarity

pathways

What challenges have you faced in this interdisciplinary setting? Within the coordination committee I was the only natural scientist and a major problem was in communication, and that means in different ‘languages’, concepts, ontologies. It was the common path. It required tremendous patience of all scientists involvedlargest challenge to overcome to overcome the distance these between differences the thinkingand to find of aa natural scientist and that of social scientists, and only with time I felt we reached a level of trust where the approaches of a natural scientist were no longer misunderstood as overcritical.

What would you suggest to future research programmes venturing into interdisciplinary fields? The approach we took was appropriate and suitable. However, the appropriateness of an SPP as the funding instrument for such an interdisciplinary approach can be questioned. Especially interdisciplinary research requires a high degree of coordination, but at the same time this is not foreseen within the funding instrument of an SPP. The opportunities for coordinating are extremely limited and thus the success very much depends on the ‘good will’ of participants. That can be a limitation especially in interdisciplinary programmes.

Thank you for sharing your experiences, impressions and ideas!

Prof. Dr. Jost Heintzenberg

Member of the SPP programme committee Reflections and Outlook

Hong Kong housing Photo: Frauke Kraas 5 5 5.1

Objectives and Outcomes of the Research Programme

Authors Frauke Kraas, Harald Sterly, Mareike Kroll

The overall objective of the German Research methodologies have contributed to a deeper Foundation’s priority programme (SPP) was to understanding of many mega-urban processes gain a deeper understanding of the informal and structures. dynamics and structures in megacities – on the Informal structures, processes and strategies one hand to further develop theoretical concepts have been explored as ‘system motors’, as relevant constituents of mega-urban settlement economy and politics; and on the other hand to development, economies, politics and planning, helpof the improve specific understanding mega-urban organisation of informal of society, structures and processes, and their relevance for local drivers, the different mechanisms and the mega-urban dynamics. The complexity of the outcomesand resource of informal and matter structures flows. The and global processes and subject, the different local contexts in the study areas as well as the disciplinary diversity of the comparison for the two study areas of Dhaka and involved researchers called for a high degree of thehave Pearl been River analysed Delta for (PRD) a number (cf. Fig. of 5.1fields,). In andrecent in intellectual freedom regarding concepts and years, the fundamental role of informal processes frameworks. The steering committee considered for (mega-)urban systems has been increasingly that it would probably not be feasible to formulate one ‘grand theory’ of urban informality – thus it have contributed here. Several projects of the SPP was decided at the outset of the program not to haveacknowledged shown the – linkages findings betweenfrom the processesSPP’s projects of global change – for example climate change, global (urban) informality. Within the projects, a range policy discourses, market volatility – and informal ofstrive different for a singleapproaches and universal were taken, definition suited of for the processes on the local, mega-urban level. respective research subjects (see Chapter 3.7).

to achieve a synthesis, but the combination of naturalThis diversity and social of approaches sciences, positivist has made and it difficult social constructivist traditions and different

reflections and outlook Towards a New Paradigm for Megacities? because it was mostly understood as being The projects within the SPP have contributed to characteristic for processes ‘from below’. However, deepening understanding of the mechanisms, the SPP has substantiated the importance of scales, complexities and the fragmentation informal strategies also ‘from above’, e.g. when 5.1 processes which characterise megacities as a state or powerful actors tolerate or actively pursue comparably recent type of urban development in informal strategies. Comparative analyses between the 21th century – and have especially highlighted the two study regions indicate that the the relevance of globalised and informal aspects. ‘mechanisms’, the type and the importance of In this regard, the SPP has helped to understand informal processes depend a lot on the political the qualitative dynamics of megacities in East and culture, the governance system, its steering South Asia, and served as a door opener to discuss capacity and the ways that the state and the urban development – globalised, informal – powerful act with regards to informality. processes in the 21th century. Conceptualising informal practices and The understanding of informal processes is a strategies from both ‘below’ and ‘above’ can open central prerequisite to understanding urban up new discussions about the relationship between development processes worldwide. Informal the public and the private sectors. Acknowledging arrangements play a large and seemingly the systemic relevance of informality (with both increasing role in shaping new types of urban desired and undesired outcomes) sheds new light landscapes and structures that can be explained by on informal processes in the urban economy and present urban theories only to a limited extent. urban governance systems. In this regard, the SPP’s Informality obviously cannot be considered a residual and transitory phenomenon, but is more agendas and discourses; informality at all, and likely to be a constituent component of urban especiallyfindings stimulate a broader fresh notion perspectives of informality in political are structures and dynamics, not only in the seemingly becoming more accepted and developing countries. In the past, it was often acknowledged, especially among urban planners mainly conceived as a marginal phenomenon, also and policy advisors. 181

DRIVERS STRUCTURES/PROCESSES VULNERABILITY/ (MECHANISMS) RESILIENCE OUTCOMES

Global: State: Resilience: - Deregulation - Supports - Flexibilization - Volatility of markets - Tolerates - Innovation, adaptive capacity

- Modernity discourses - Fights Informality - Basic supply (e.g. housing) - Competitiveness - Functioning of (sub)systems Practices/Strategies: - Planning, governance - Appropriation of resources - Flexibilization, adaptation - Self-organization

National/Local: Vulnerability: - Political culture Informal/Formal: - Insecurity - Regulative capacity of - Arrangements and actor - Inequality institutions cooperation - Marginalization, - Basic supply / infrastructure - Modes of negotiation and delegitimization - Migration interaction - Resource overuse, degradation - Urban growth - Phases (temporal) - Health risks

Figure 5.1 Drivers, mechanisms and outcomes of informality in Dhaka and the PRD

Layout and design: Harald Sterly 5.2

on the Research Process

ReflectionsAuthors Frauke Kraas, Harald Sterly, Mareike Kroll During the work of the SPP, a number of issues fair communication strategy, for example through emerged regarding the steering process, the internal and international cooperation, and the interaction. This was supported through channels research process as such. These deserve closer forplatforms joint outputs for group-specific (e.g. special orissues topic-wise in journals). attention. Looking back, it would have been helpful to plan Regarding the steering process and joint outputs earlier in the research process coordination, it has to be mentioned that the (e.g. in the form of working papers on concepts format of the funding instrument ‘priority research program’ (SPP), with a relatively high In order to create a good culture and practices ofand productive findings). cooperation, it was important to independence and the wide spatial distribution of encourage an atmosphere of mutual trust and researchersdegree of administrative across different and universities subject-specific did not open exchange. Opportunities and incentives for make it easier to coordinate the diverse and face-to-face interaction, with a high number of interdisciplinary consortium, with altogether 16 workshops, meetings and colloquia, but also disciplines. Given these conditions, but also the communication with individual researchers complexity of the research program, it was decided to manage cooperation within the consortium rather in a networked way. In some were key here. Joint fieldwork – spending time cases, expectations of the steering board and establishingand sharing experiencesstrong and long-lasting during the fieldwork networks, coordination from the individual projects were especiallyphases –contributed among the significantly young researchers. to The disproportionately high, e.g. it was impossible to serve individual projects by meeting demands to researchers’ workshops, a hierarchy-free space establish contacts, build networks or support forlatter open also discussions benefitted (i.e. from purposely the young without research partners for individual projects only. senior researchers or supervisors). These challenges necessitated an active, open and reflections and outlook Mutual respect and trust were very important for Most scientists involved in the SPP stated in the overcoming the obstacles to interdisciplinary cooperation – the differing epistemologies and interdisciplinary cooperation. languages, research and publication cultures, and SPP evaluation thatinternational they benefited cooperation, from the the 5.2 the lack of recognition of interdisciplinary SPP managed to master a number of challenges. publications for disciplinary academic careers. As In the field of interdisciplinary is often ‘slower science’, organisational, communication and management researchers do not engage in it readily. There is a culturesDifferences were in mostlyscientific overcome culture, throughbut also mutualin clear need for spaces to do so, and also for listening and learning and engaging in joint incentives (e.g. joint publications). The current research and teaching efforts. It took some time for some research partners to understand the primarily seek for excellence within disciplinary special SPP format and structures, as it is rather boundariestrend within does the scientificnot tend tocommunities encourage capacitiesto different from ‘usual’ research or development or a willingness to work interdisciplinarily, and a projects. On another level, it could have been growing evaluation culture of specialisation does not structurally help to enhance the relatively slow process of mutual listening and learning in cooperationhelpful if the agreements SPP had been between more officially the involved interdisciplinary teams. Researchers also need to countries.recognised, e.g. within the bilateral scientific realise that not everything can be solved with It proved very helpful to openly address mutual their own discipline (e. g. planning); this awareness is not self-evident, but it can and has to be gradually and purposely developed. It should be taken into account that interdisciplinary work is not an end in itself, but has to be meaningful.

Gravel making in Dhaka

Photo: Harald Sterly 183 expectations and roles, and to review these regularly in order to avoid disappointment. In some cases it was forbidden to work with raw Some structural imbalance was created through been available only through unofficial channels. the general (internationally practised) rule of ‘no The sharing of self-collected data was organized exchange of funds’. Its consequence, i.e. a lack of withindata, or the interviews SPP for quantitative with officials data, were but interdicted. not for qualitative data. Involvement in setting up new data footing.co-financing Some on emerging the side unfairnessof the international and several infrastructures: Since data availability and quality partners, made it difficult to work on an equal constraints are a huge barrier, especially but not only in cities of developing countries, researchers example,conflicts hinderedmade possible research stronger progress integration in some of should also get involved in setting up new data Bangladeshiprojects. Mutual and financingChinese researchers would have, and for PhD infrastructures which help to monitor and analyse students in the research process. Some of the urban development trends and make them comparable (see also WBGU 2016: 451). e.g. by the successful raising of complementary Questions of research ethics had to be taken thirdprojects party managed funds for to findteaching compensating and capacity means, seriously. As the at times ‘touchy topic’ of enhancement. informality was at the centre of research, in some A particular challenge for the research process situations researchers had to deal with sensitive was data availability and handling. Although the projects achieved considerable empirical depth in their work, availability and access to data, informationinformation. wereSometimes, reported, confidential and a few informationtimes data especially quantitative data was problematic. Data hadwas beenshared offered in interviews, secretly. classifiedDue to research or private ethics’ was either not available at all, not accessible to considerations, such offers and practices had to be rejected. One case of conveyed fake data was only available after long delays, or would have detected and rejected. A few times, particularly researchers due to legal or financial issues, was 184184

Modern urban buildings in Dongguan

Photo: Frauke Kraas

Dense living in Hong Kong

Photo: Frauke Kraas Reflections on the Research Process

reflections and outlook young scholars and women had to be specially protected within the research process. There is a general and crucial need, in particular for developing countries, for more long-term basic research. This remains true although the SPP worked for six, in some projects partly seven years, and although even in the international context, there has been no similar, coordinated special research program dealing with two mega-urban regions over such a long time so far. The generation of deep knowledge about profound transformation processes in megacities requires long-term basic research. Though the number of research programmes with cities is increasing, more coordinated efforts areand required education to institutions conduct long-term dealing empiricalspecifically studies especially in different cultural contexts.

185

Construction in Panyu

Photo: Frauke Kraas 5.3

Science-Practice/Policy ReflectionsInterface on the

Authors Frauke Kraas, Harald Sterly, Mareike Kroll

Two reasons make us believe that a number of informal structures and processes are very common, especially in developing countries. This relates especially to targets 11.1 (adequate, increasinglyfindings and playinsights important of the SPProles are in relevantglobal for safe, and affordable housing), 11.2 (access to governancepractitioners processes; and policy and makers: second, first, the megacities informal safe, affordable, accessible and sustainable processes and structures affect the rights and transport systems for all), 11.6 (waste wellbeing of many million people globally. management); and the processes addressed in Cities and megacities massively contribute to targets 11.3 (urban planning) and 11B (disaster global change processes, and at the same time risk reduction strategies). The New Urban global change is affecting them in various Agenda (UN 2017) also refers to informal manners. Therefore, ‘cities and urban societies activities, e.g. the contribution of the informal are key arenas of the transformation towards economy to the urban economy, the need to sustainability and have great transformative improve informal settlements, or the need to power’ (WBGU 2016: 388, see also UN-Habitat foster informal local markets and commerce. 2016, Kraas/Kroll 2015). The global governance These two documents show that policy makers system increasingly recognizes the important and development organisations have a need to role that local governments can play: examples better understand and learn to deal with are the standalone SDG on cities and the New informal processes that directly or indirectly Urban Agenda adopted at the Habitat III affect the lives of urban inhabitants and often conference 2016 in Quito (UN 2017). also of their relatives in rural areas. On a generalised level, ‘making informality work for The SDG target 11 ‘Make cities inclusive, safe, the good’ would mean addressing, among others, resilient and sustainable’ is operationalised by the following issues: 11 targets, which involve several sectors, where reflections and outlook Where do informal structures, processes or acknowledged that many people’s livelihoods practices make meaningful contributions to urban depend on ‘informal places’ or practices, e.g. development or help to solve problems? This can activities in their neighbourhood, street vending, include changes or adaptation in governance rickshaw pulling, etc. A smart strategy for urban 5.3 systems, as informality can provide the freedom upgrading could thus mean not to simply abolish for innovation, or the ‘grease and glue’ for such practices at the respective places, but to transitioning between formal systems, but also an improve existing structures and processes and to additional competitiveness for economic actors. It seek cooperation rather than confrontation. It should also be noted that no system can be would also mean acknowledging the self- considered entirely formal or informal – but that organising capacities of people, and identifying (planning, governance, economic, etc.) systems areas where it makes sense to take them on board, are always constituted by both formal and e.g. for infrastructure planning, in-situ housing informal aspects (of institutions, negotiation and upgrading, etc. interaction modes, of relations and networks, However, falling into a kind of ‘informality etc.). Informal arrangements and practices are in romanticism’ should also be avoided. Informal many cases vital for the provision of basic services structures and processes often produce (e.g. housing, food, water, electricity, healthcare, inequalities and injustice even at a small scale; etc.), especially for the urban poor, or even for the they increase the vulnerability especially of poor functioning of urban sub-systems (e.g. and disadvantaged groups; or powerful actors transportation, food provision, construction). In exploit the insecurity and uncertainty that some cases, they are decisive for shaping parts of informal status implies e.g. for street food vendors the built, but also social and cultural urban or inhabitants of informal settlements. It is also landscapes. Such – often hybrid (formal/informal) – activities and livelihoods in measures and regulationsimportant to for find environmental ways to include protection informal (e.g. than formal systems, but in many cases they are carbon emission reduction, water pollution, etc.). systems can be far more functional or efficient Thus dealing with informality has a lot to do with 187 vulnerabilities and inequalities, partly also the establishment and enforcement of human injustice.also less efficient Informal or settlements produce additional are often characterised by a lack of fundamental housing access to water, housing or basic services. qualities, services provided through informal rights, for example in the fields of labour rights, or arrangements are often much more expensive than their formal equivalents, informal labour is associated with unsafe and insecure working conditions, informal business activities can impact the environment in unregulated ways. Powerful actors (and sometimes also the state) make use of informal strategies or the informal status of the poor to appropriate resources, in some cases misuse power structures, circumvent existing rules and regulations, and support and encourage vested interests. Thus in order to make use of the potential of informality, to improve informal structures or system parts without, for example, destroying livelihoods, or to mitigate negative effects, it might make sense to take into account some general insights of the SPP: informal structures, processes and practices are constituents of modern urban systems. Even when following modernity discourses, urban policy makers should avoid misunderstanding informality as being inherently backwards, ‘unmodern’ and as something to be eradicated. This applies especially to ‘visible’ informal phenomena, such as informal housing, street food vending or transportation. It should be Interview with Professor Dr. Peter Herrle Interview by Harald Sterly

Professor Herrle, the focus of the SPP was clearly basic, not applied research – however, it is obvious that much of the knowledge acquired through the research program is highly policy relevant. Up to which degree could you take that into account within the framework of the research projects? In the Chinese context, we had numerous discussions on the future of urban villages (villages-in-the-city) of the Pearl

strategy with regards to these settlements. City planners were experimentingRiver Delta with with professionals different strategies, and officials for aboutexample the with ‘right’ different levels of compensation when reconstruction happened. Our research has provided some insight into the economic and social patterns of urban villages depending on their location in relation to major urban centres. This information had practical 188 relevance, however, these indirect effects of the research have not been part of our initial approach.

It gets more and more acknowledged that research on the one hand, and practice and policy making on the other should be better linked – given your insights in both these spheres, and the experiences with the SPP, what would be your recommendations to improve such linkages? There are several linkages between research and practice that could be activated. First, there could be a closer collaboration with practitioners, for example development agencies such as GIZ

the knowledge created by basic research. This would have the advantageand KfW, who for researchers,are probably and also this interested would bein thebenefitting second point,from to get access to local political and administrative circles also to contacts on higher government levels. Third, depending on the political and administrative set up in a given country, the above statement also applies to cooperation with civil society groups and NGOs. On the downside, dealing with non-academic partners might require more time and additional resources. Reflections on the Science-Practice/Policy Interface

reflections and outlook

Within the research program, we often talked about the possibilities of reconciling statutory urban planning and informal development strategies, especially with regard to a higher degree of flexibility that is almost inherent in informal development – where do you see potentials, but also limits of such an approach? I tend to see formal and informal planning (and governance systems in general) as a system of closely intertwined interests and practices, rather than separate ‘strategies’ to be adopted by one of the sides. According to my experience, the whole system changing political, social and economic frameworks. In such an environment,is ‘fluid‘, permanently both statutory re-negotiated and informal and re-adapted planning, toand ever both relying on negotiation and toleration practices, do have their place. A smart planning approach would be to identify corridors for intervention and necessary restriction, in order to foster a balanced development and to curb its negative effects. The myth about cities that can be ‘planned‘ like a car has been refuted.

Doing basic research in contexts of vulnerability and deprivation, as in informal settlements, or about informal businesses can pose considerable ethical and moral challenges. How did the involved scientists, especially young researchers, deal with that? This is a serious issue, which is related to the role that researchers adopt, once they do for example enter informal settlements and interview families living in extreme poverty. The problem is that the interest shown in the local situation can be misinterpreted by local people as a sign of potential support. Researchers should make it clear from the outset that they do not bring in money. They should keep their role as ‘interested visitors‘, characterised by a certain level of academic and cultural Prof. Dr. Peter Herrle distance, and keeping in mind that their stay is temporary. This Member of the SPP programme does, however, not mean that any close interaction should be committee when we developed close contacts to our host family and many otheravoided. individuals I remember and one families 6-month in the field slum stay neighbourhood. in the Philippines The important thing is to make the purpose of one’s stay transparent

Thankand to bewareyou very of much local for conflict these lines.insights, ‘Going Professor native’ Herrle! is not a solution. 5.4

Outlook

Authors Frauke Kraas, Harald Sterly, Mareike Kroll

The international research landscape working on primary data (especially from developing megacities is broad and impressive in terms of countries and emerging economies) and satellite research questions, content, methods and also image databases. ‘There is also a lack of city- institutions. Many research questions are related social-research infrastructures (places already being taken up in the international for communicative exchange to develop innovative research questions), and provisions which deserve attention are yet unexplored. In theresearch sphere system. of basic But research, still, numerous there is fieldsa need to 449). In terms of institutions, there is a lack of look in greater depth at questions that require interdisciplinaryfor their long-term and financing’ international, (WBGU established 2016: interdisciplinary answers. Lines of research on platforms, think tanks and institutions, interdisciplinary issues have developed especially with comparative perspectives and an selectively in several thematically and regionally international and global orientation (including focused research associations. There is a special transnational networks and networks in need for innovative interdisciplinary future developing countries and emerging economies). Based on the experience and knowledge systems, the consequences of the urban gained in the SPP, a number of open research environmentfields, ‘such as for increasingly cognitive recognisory networked andurban questions and relevant topics emerged that are emotional development processes (in childhood, related to informality in megacities. youth, old age), and socio-political systems for The role of informality as a constituent part of mega-urban systems should be further (WBGU 2016: 449). A growing need exists to explored – with regards to the conditions and systematicallythe early detection document, of crises prepare and conflicts’ and improve access to databases and literature collections mechanisms and effects of informal structures, processesfactors that and contribute strategies. to Itspecific seems forms, especially unpublished studies, city-related statistics, fruitful to investigate the potential of informality dealing specifically with megacities, including reflections and outlook (in the sense of informal actor constellations fringe development and informal education. and modes of decision making) for innovation They deserve special attention in the future. and in phases of transition. When development Urban growth is going to continue, especially in dynamics exceed the steering capacities of local Asia and Africa, and the high dynamics are going 5.4 governments, informal processes and structures to challenge urban governance systems can play an important role in reacting in a timely attempting to manage urban (re)development. fashion and adapting faster than formal systems, Furthermore, internal dynamics and processes of also for including all parts of a society. No-one global change will challenge the resilience and should be left behind. adaptability of mega-urban systems, especially There is a need to further study the urban governance, but also urban economies, for possibilities of ‘reconciling’ statutory urban planning and informal practices of the or urban service provision (e.g. water, land). The production of urban space – and to seek for transitionexample in of the urban fields systems of climate and change of urban adaptation growth ways to integrate advantageous aspects of to sustainable development pathways which make informal practices into the formal system. This megacities liveable without exploiting resources also includes a deeper understanding of the of the regional and global ‘hinterland’, will require temporal dimension of informality, regarding for a much better understanding of the interplay example the consolidation of informal between formal and informal structures and settlements to formal neighbourhoods over time processes. As they differ substantially in different and how this can best be managed. (mega)cities, societies and cultures, this place- Local key actors (municipalities, research based diversity of (mega)cities deserves special organisations, civil society, private sector) attention. Urban research and urban development should be systematically integrated into the requires locally adapted solutions. research design at an early stage (co-designing In order to achieve this, ‘informality’ needs to of research programmes), in order to make sure be reconsidered: in addition to traditional that research questions address the major ‘objects’ of informality such as settlements, labour challenges and problems ‘on the ground’ – or institutions, research must also include forms 191 particularly as challenges and problems differ or modes of governance arrangements; of substantially from place to place and society to interaction and negotiation; of strategic agency society. Stakeholder-involvement requires and everyday practices; and of the role of power trust-building and therefore needs time. This actors and the state in employing informality in holds true also for the exploration of co- order to achieve their goals. And – here a notion of the original funding conducted in developing countries, more application for the SPP is well worth being taken resourcesfinancing options.should be Especially invested ifin research knowledge is up again – this also requires an epistemic exchange and capacity development, e.g. reorientation, moving away from sectoral and disciplinary approaches towards a holistic and co-supervision of master and PhD theses. integrative understanding and conceptualisation, throughAs the joint empirical fieldwork, grounding joint publications of the SPP and multi-scalar analysis of complex and multiply interacting processes, and a shift towards can be expected to withstand even critical theory- and scenario-building research on examination.projects is substantial, However, theira central results question and findings relates mega-urbanisation (cf. the original funding application of the SPP 1233, 2006). informal processes in Dhaka and the Pearl River Deltato the totransferability other regions. of Inthe order findings to get about a more systematic understanding of informality, more research from other regions is required, including the developed countries. Other urban sub-systems that were

informality and that would thus deserve some researchidentified attention as being areconsiderably housing, the imbued real estate with sector, digitalisation (with regards to new forms of communication, networking, labour and employment regimes, but also to a growing cyber-underground), transportation, urban Interview with Professor Dr. Frauke Kraas Interview by Harald Sterly

Professor Kraas, you have – together with Peter Herrle, Volker Kreibich and Jost Heintzenberg – initiated and conceptualised the priority research program "Megacities-Megachallenge: Informal Dynamics of Global Change". Could you tell us a little bit about the background and research idea? More than 650 million people worldwide live in about 65 megacities, more than two-thirds of them in developing countries. Against this background, it was the main research idea of the SPP to understand the interlinkages of mega-urbanisation and

developed conceptual approaches, investigated the structures, processes,informal dynamics actors and of globalagency change. of informality In this emergingand focused field, on wekey processes of change, i.e. governance, urban economies, matter

192 Globaland resource change, flows, urbanisation and settlement and thus development. megacities - that fits almost naturally. However what was it that made you focus on the informal dynamics within mega-urban developments? For most megacities in developing countries, numerous kinds of informality beyond state-registered and -regulated activities and agency can be observed. Informality can exist from below and from above; often formal and informal processes, arrangements and ways of negotiation overlap. We wanted to understand how the complex governance mechanisms, bargaining processes and discourses of these

development dynamics in megacities. Conventional concepts, standards,new heterogeneous strategies, types tools, of and social priorities organisation of urban influence development the neither answer conditions of urban informality nor are they suitable for accepting informality as a widely prevalent principle of urban life, economy and settlement.

Why and how were Dhaka and the Pearl River Delta chosen as research sites? We discussed at length the choice of suitable exemplary megacities and selected two representative cities with Outlook

reflections and outlook contrasting regimes of informality, one with authoritarian- centralistic (in part with conceded and controlled informality) and the other with democratic-decentralised dynamics (with a loss of governability and pronounced degree of informality). Dhaka/Bangladesh represents the form of a mono-centric megacity while the Pearl River Delta/China stands for a poly- centric, multi-nodal mega-urban region.

Urban research is a classical – and successful – field of geographers, urban planners, architects. Why did you emphasise, even require, interdisciplinarity so much in the SPP? focusing on sectoral or regional approaches and neglecting a holistic andWe integrative wanted to perspective. tackle a typical Thus deficit it was of compulsory urban research, that every often research project within the SPP programme had to bring together interdisciplinary research teams. The challenge was to build trust and understanding beyond borders – this included sixteen different disciplines and numerous international colleagues.

Overall, what do you think are the most important findings of the research programme as a whole and where to go in the future? The SPP has achieved a much deeper understanding of the interconnections of informal structures, processes and ways of negotiation of mega-urbanisation. We know much more about the facets and roles of informality as a constituent part of political settings – with regards to the conditions and factors mega-urbanisation, also within specific cultural, economic and informal structures, processes and strategies. In future, it is necessarythat contribute to investigate to specific the forms, potential mechanisms of informality and effects for urban of Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas innovation. This holds true in phases of transition, when mega- Chair of the SPP urban development dynamics exceed the steering capacities programm committee of local governments, because informal structures often can we need more interdisciplinary and independent research onadapt the faster transformative and react powermore flexible of cities than and formal megacities systems. in order And to support solutions for a more sustainable, integrative and coherent urban development worldwide.

Thank you very much for these insights, Professor Kraas! Urban transformation and disparities in Dhaka

194 Photo: Harald Sterly Outlook

reflections and outlook

Urban heritage in Dhaka

Photo: Frauke Kraas

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Modern living in Guangzhou

Photo: Harald Sterly Follow up

Playground in Dhaka Photo: Frauke Kraas 6 6 197 Adger, W. N., Hughes, T. P., Folke, C., Carpenter, S., Pahl-Wostl, C., 2007. Transitions towards adaptive manage- ment of water facing climate and global change. Water Resource Management 6.1 (21), 49-62. Ahmed, S.U. (Ed.), 2009. Dhaka: Past Present Future. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka2.

Altrock, U., 2012. Conceptualising Informality: Some Thoughts on the Way towards Generalisation. In: McFarlane, C., Waibel, M. (Eds.), Urban informalities:

Ashgate, Farnham, 171-192. Reflections on the formal and informal. Altrock, U., Schoon, S., 2013. Urban villages as local economic clusters: The case of Zhongda cloth market in Guangzhou. In: Wu, F., Zhang, F., Webster, C. (Eds.), Rural migrants in urban China. Enclaves and transient urbanism. Routeledge, Abingdon, 182-201.

Altrock, U., Schoon, S. (Eds.), 2014a. Maturing Megacities: The Pearl River Delta in Progressive Transformation. Springer, Dordrecht. References follow up Altrock, U., Schoon, S., 2014b. Conceded Aßheuer, T., Braun, B., 2011. Adaptions- Baier, K., Real, A., Strohschön, R., Azzam, informality. Scopes of informal urban fähigkeit lokaler Ökonomien an den R., 2009. Ansätze eines alternativen restructuring in the Pearl River delta. Klimawandel – eine institutionelle Wassermanagementkonzepts für Habitat International 43, 214–220. Analyse der Ziegelproduktion in Dhaka/ mega-urbane Räume am Beispiel der doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2014.03.007. Bangladesch. Berichte zur deutschen südchinesischen Megastadt Guangzhou. Landeskunde 85 (3), 293-307. UmweltWirtschaftsForum 17 (3), 6.1 AlSayyad, N., 2004. Urbanism as a “new” 281-289. doi:10.1007/s00550-009-0144-1. way of life. In: Roy, A., AlSayyad, N. (Eds.), Aßheuer, T., Thiele-Eich, I., Braun, B., Urban informality: Transnational 2013. Coping with the Impacts of Severe Baier, K., Strohschön, R., Schmitz, K.-S., perspectives from the Middle East, South Flood Events in Dhaka’s Slums: The Role 2011. Groundwater vulnerability of Asia and Latin America. Lexington Books, of Social Capital. Erdkunde 67 (1), 21-35. Guangzhou mega city, China. In: Baier, K., Lanham, 7-30. doi:10.3112/erdkunde.2013.01.03. Fernandez-Steeger, T.M., Heinrichs, K., Neukum, C., Post, C. (Eds.), Festschrift Andersson, C., 2014. Situating translocali- Aßheuer, T., 2014. Klimawandel und zum 60. Geburtstag von Univ.-Prof. Dr. Dr. Resilienz in Bangladesch. Die Bewälti- villages in the city of Guangzhou. gung von Überschwemmungen in den Ingenieurgeologie und Hydrogeologie In:ty in Wu, flux F., landscapes: Zhang, F., Webster, migrants C. and(Eds.), urban Slums von Dhaka. Megacities and Global (104),h.c. Rafig 81-94. Azzam – Mitteilungen zur Rural migrants in urban China. Enclaves Change Bd. 14. Franz Steiner Verlag, and transient urbanism. Routledge, Stuttgart. Baier, K., Strohschön, R., 2012. Die Abingdon, 84-98. Grundwassersituation der südchinesis- Azzam, R., Strohschön, R., Baier, K., Lu, L., chen Megastadt Guangzhou. DVGW Aßheuer, T. Braun, B., Schüttemeyer, A., Wiethoff, K., Bercht, A.L., Wehrhahn, R., Energie, Wasser-Praxis 4 (4), 18-23. Schüttemeyer, D., Simmer, C., Thiele-Eich, 2013. Water quality and socio-ecological I., 2009. Social and economic adaptation vulnerability regarding urban develop- Baier, K., Schmitz, K.-S., Azzam, R., ment in selected case studies of megacity Strohschön, R., 2014. Management tools informality in the face of natural hazards Guangzhou, China. In: Kraas, F., Aggarwal, for sustainable groundwater protection in into Dhaka.climate Paper change: presented Brickfields at the and Fifth S., Coy, M., Mertins, G. (Eds.), Megacities - mega urban areas – small scale land use World Bank Urban Research Symposium Our Global Urban Future. Springer, and groundwater vulnerability analyses 2009, Marseille, France. Dordrecht, Heidelberg, New York, in the South-Chinese megacity London, 33-58. Guangzhou. International Journal of Environmental Research 8 (2), 249-262.

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River transportation in Dhaka

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Urban fringe of Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas

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University town in Guangzhou

Photo: Frauke Kraas References

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In a park in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch 6.2

List of Members follow up Scientific Steering Committee Dhaka3 Partner in Dhaka Prof. Dr. Peter Herrle Dr. Katrin Burkart Prof. Dr. Ashraf Dewan Prof. Dr. Jost Heintzenberg Prof. Dr. Wilfried Endlicher Dr. Musleh Uddin Hasan Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas Dr. Oliver Grübner Prof. Dr. Ishrat Islam Prof. Dr. Volker Kreibich Prof. Dr. Patrick Hostert Prof. Nazrul Islam Prof. Dr. Anwar Islam Prof. Dr. A.Q.M. Mahbub 6.2 Scientific Advisory Board Prof. Dr. Humayun Kabir Prof. Dr. Nurul Islam Nazem Prof. Dr. Gernot Klepper Prof. Dr. Mohammad Kabir Prof. Dr. Günter Mertins Prof. Dr. Mobarak Hossain Khan PRD1 Prof. Dr. Alexander Krämer Prof. Dr. Uwe Altrock Scientific Coordinator Prof. Dr. Elmar Kulke M.A. Michael Arri Dipl.-Geogr. Harald Sterly Dipl.-Geogr. Ronny Staffeld Dr. Matthias Becker Dr. Joseph Strasser Prof. Dr. Werner Breitung Dhaka1 Dr. Sonia Schoon Dr. Alonso Ayala Dhaka4 Dr. Michael Waibel Prof. Dr. Sabine Baumgart Prof. Dr. Raquib Ahmed Dr. Johannes Flacke Dr. Tibor Aßheuer PRD1a Dr. Kirsten Hackenbroch Prof. Dr. Boris Braun Dr. Matthias Becker Prof. Dr. Hamidul Huq Prof. Dr. Xiao LIU Dr. Shahadat Hossain Prof. Dr. Saiful Islam Dipl.-Geogr. Friederike Schröder Prof. Dr. SarwarRoxana JahanHafiz Dipl.-Geogr. Annika Salingré Dr. Michael Waibel Dr. Taibur Rahman Dr. Anke Schüttemeyer Dr. Christian Wuttke Dr. Dirk Schüttemeyer Dr. Philipp Zielke Dhaka2 Prof. Dr. A.Z.M. Shoeb M.A. Korshed Alam Prof. Dr. Clemens Simmer Prof. Dr. Hans-Georg Bohle Dr. Insa Thiele-Eich Dr. Benjamin Etzold Dr. Anwar Zahid Prof. Dr. Michael von Hauff M.A. Christine Hobelsberger Dr. Markus Keck M. Archmal Siddiqui

Dr. Wolfgang-Peter Zingel Lanterns in Guangzhou Prof. Dr. Shafiq-uz-Zaman Photo: Harald Sterly 221 PRD1b PRD3 Prof. Dr. Jost Heintzenberg Prof. Dr. Uwe Altrock Prof. Dr. Tabea Bork-Hüffer Dr. Heiko Jahn Prof. Dr. Qiang CAI Prof. Dr. Yu CHENG Dr. Zhengqiang LI M.Sc. Michael R. Gallagher Prof. Dr. Bettina Gransow Prof. Dr. Li LING M.A. Zhao Juan M.A. Yuan HUANG Prof. Jianguo LIU Prof. Dr. Ye LIN Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas Prof. Dr. Jietai MAO Prof. Dr.-Ing. Hang MA Prof. Dr. Zhigang LI Dr. Britta Mey Xiangming MA Dr. Marie Peters Dr. Jun TAO Dr. Sonia Schoon Prof. Dr. Shih-Wei TSAI Prof. Dr. Wing Shing TANG M.A. Kimiko Suda Dr. Tony Ward Prof. Dr. Xiangdong WAN Prof.Dr. Birte Dr. DeshengRafflenbeul XUE Prof. Dr. Manfred Wendisch Prof. Dr. Chengpu YU Ms. Yinghua XIA PRD1c Dipl.-Pol. Yuan YUAN Dr. Xinli XU Prof. Dr. Werner Breitung Prof. Dr. Daming ZHOU Dr. Zhisheng ZHANG Dr. Dan FENG Prof. Dr. Jiangang ZHU Ms. Xiaobo ZHENG M.A. Ryanne Flock Prof. Dr. Yongning LI PRD4 PRD5 Prof. Dr. Luigi Tomba Dr. Dietrich Althausen Dr. Bodo Coenradie Prof. Dr. Albert Ansmann PRD2 Ruoyu BAO Prof. Dr. Peter Herrle Prof. Dr. John Chuen-yu CHAN Prof.Dr. Josefine Dr. Detlev Fokdal Ipsen Dr. Klaus Baier Ms. Joyce Xiao-cui CHEN Prof. Dr. Birgit Kleinschmidt Dr.Prof. Anna Dr. Rafig Lena AzzamBercht Ms. Wen CHEN Prof. Dr. Yongning LI Prof. Dr. Xiaohong CHEN Dr. Xingfeng CHEN Prof. Dr. Sonja Nebel Prof. Dr. Florian Kluge Dr. Zhenyi CHEN Dipl.-Ing. Holger Weichler Prof. Dr. Christian Krause Dr. Tianhai CHENG M.A. Kaihuai LIAO Prof. Dr. Ruru DENG Dipl.-Geogr. Lin LU Dr. Yunsheng DONG Dr. Christoph Ruckert Dr. Guenter Engling Mag. Ramona Strohschön Prof. Dr. Xingfa GU Prof. Dr. Rainer Wehrhahn Ms. Lu HAN Dr. Katharina Wiethoff Dr. Birgit Heese

222 List of Members

follow up PRD6 Dipl.-Geogr. Sabine Beisswenger Dr. Dirk Dohse Prof. Dr. Wenying FU Dr. Shenjing HE Dr. Stefan Hennemann Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas Dr. Pamela Kilian Dr. Malte Lech Prof. Dr. Ingo Liefner Dr. Wan-Hsin LIU Dr. Susanne Meyer Dr. Stefan Ohm Dr. Arman Peighambari Prof. Dr. Javier Revilla Diez Prof. Dr. Daniel Schiller Prof. Dr. Rüdiger Soltwedel Dr. Dean Spinanger Prof. Dr. Desheng XUE Prof. Dr. Li XUN

Korail in Dhaka

Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch 223 6.3

Editors Urban fringe of Dhaka and Authors Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch follow up

Prof. Dr. Uwe Altrock Prof. Dr. Tabea Bork-Hüffer Dr. Oliver Gruebner University of Kassel University of Innsbruck Humboldt-University of Berlin Planning Faculty Institute of Geography Department of Geography

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] 6.3 Phone: +49 561 804 3225 Phone: +43 512 507 54001 Phone: +49 30 2093 6847 Dr. Tibor Aßheuer Dr. Katrin Burkart Dr. Kirsten Hackenbroch University of Salzburg Postdoctoral Research Scientist Goethe-Institut Bangladesh Department of Geography and Geology Columbia University, German Cultural Centre Department of Environmental Health Institute Director Mail: [email protected] Sciences Phone: +43 662 8044 5211 Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Phone: +88 029126525 RWTH Aachen University Dr. Benjamin Etzold Prof. em. Dr. Jost Heintzenberg DepartmentProf. em. Dr. Rafigof Engineering Azzam Geology and Bonn International Center for Conversion Associate member of: Hydrogeology Researcher Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig Stockholm University, Department of Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Meteorology (MISU) Phone: +49 241 80-96776 Phone: +49 228 91196 24 Dr. Klaus Baier Mail: [email protected] RWTH Aachen University University Stuttgart Phone: +49 541 58052949 Department of Engineering Geology and InstituteDr. Josefine of UrbanFokdal Planning and Design Prof. em. Dr. Peter Herrle Hydrogeology Technical University of Berlin Department of School VI: Planning-Build- Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 711 685 83348 ing-Environment Phone: +49 241 80-96771 Prof.Mail: [email protected] Bettina Gransow Dr. Anna-Lena Bercht Freie Universität Berlin [email protected] University of Stockholm Institute of Chinese Studies Phone: +49 30 314 21908 Stockholm Resilience Centre Mail: [email protected] Christine Hobelsberger Mail: [email protected] Researcher University of Kiel Institute for Ecological Economy (IOEW) Research Associate Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 30 884 594 21 Phone: +49 431 880 1781 225 Prof. Dr. Patrick Hostert Prof. Dr. Frauke Kraas Prof. Dr. Ingo Liefner Humboldt University Berlin University of Cologne University of Hanover Geomatics Department Institute of Geography Institute of Economic and Human Geography Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 30 2093 6905 Phone: +49 221 470 7050 Mail: [email protected] Dr. Heiko Jahn Prof. em. Dr. Volker Kreibich Phone: +49 511 762 4492 Research Associate University of Dortmund Dr. Marie Peters (formerly Pahl) Robert Koch Institute Berlin Department of International Planning GIZ – Deutsche Gesellschaft für Department for Infectious Disease Studies Internationale Zusammenarbeit Epidemiology Mail: [email protected] Project Manager at Sino-German Urbanisation Partnership Mail: [email protected] Dr. Mareike Kroll Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 30 18754 3276 University of Cologne Dr. Markus Keck Institute of Geography Assistant Professor University of Cologne University of Göttingen Mail: [email protected] InstituteDr. Birte Rafflenbeulof Geography Department of Human Geography Phone: +49 221 470 7055 Prof. Dr. Elmar Kulke Mail: [email protected] Humboldt University Berlin Phone: +49 221 470 1948 Phone: +49 551 39 8086 Geography Department Prof.Mail: [email protected] Javier Revilla Diez Dr. Md. MMH Khan University of Cologne University of Bielefeld Mail: [email protected] Institute of Geography Department of Public Health Medicine Phone: +49 30 2093 6814 Prof. Dr. Xun Li Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou Phone: +49 221 470 7251 Phone: +49 521 106 6889 School of Geography and Planning Prof. Dr. Daniel Schiller Dr. Pamela Kilian (formerly Hartmann) University of Greifswald University of Cologne Chair of Economic and Social Geography Strategy and Academic Affairs Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 3834 420 4524 Phone: +49 221 470 3808 Editors and Authors

follow up

Dipl.-Geogr. Harald Sterly Yuan Yuan-Ihle University of Bonn Free University of Berlin Department of Geography Otto-Suhr-Institute for Political Science Research Associate Mail: [email protected]

Mail: [email protected] Dr. Wolfgang-Peter Zingel Phone: +49 228 73 3851 Associate member of: Joseph Strasser University of Heidelberg Consultant South Asia Institute (SAI) Consulting Service International Ltd. Mail: [email protected] Mag. Ramona Strohschön Phone: +49 6221 54 89 13 Consultant PMO

Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 211 876 30 244 Kimiko Suda Free University of Berlin Division of East Asia and the Middle East Mail: [email protected]

Prof. Dr. Rainer Wehrhahn University of Kiel Institute of Geography

Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 431 880 2474 Dr. Katharina Wiethoff JPC Jansen Project Consulting GmbH, Düsseldorf Leather industry in Dhaka Mail: [email protected] Phone: +49 40 18059911 Photo: Kirsten Hackenbroch 227 Riverscape in Guangzhou

Photo: Jörg Stadelbauer

232

Dhaka transforming

Photo: Frauke Kraas

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