Classical Sociological Theory and Foundations of American Sociology
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Slavery, Capitalism, and the “Proletariat”
1 1 The Slave-Machine: Slavery, Capital- ism, and the “Proletariat” in The Black Jacobins and Capital Nick Nesbitt This essay argues that C. L. R. James’s Marxist humanism is inherently inade- quate for describing the distinction and transition between slavery and capitalism. To do so, the essay interrogates James’s famous claim in The Black Jacobins (1938) that the slaves of St. Domingue were “closer to a modern proletariat than any group of workers in existence at the time,” by comparing James’s understand- ing of the concept of proletariat—there and in World Revolution (1937)—with Marx’s various developments of the concept across the three volumes of Capital. This analysis distinguishes James’s political and historicist deployment of the term from Marx’s analytical usage of the notion in his categorial critique of capitalism.In contrast with James’s linear, Marxist-humanist understanding of the passage from slavery to capitalism, Marx himself demarcates a well-defined delineation between these two basic categories, understood in Capital as analytically (as opposed to historically) distinct modes of production.The essay thus concludes by analyzing Marx’s conceptual differentiation of slavery and industrial capitalism in Capital, drawing on Etienne Balibar’s analysis of the concepts of mode of production and transition in Reading Capital (1965). The slaves worked on the land, and, like revolutionary peasants everywhere, they aimed at the extermination of their oppressors. But working and living together in gangs of hundreds on the huge sugar-factories which covered the North Plain, they were closer to a modern proletariat than any group of workers in existence at the time, and the rising was, therefore, a thoroughly prepared and organized mass movement. -
Capitalism'sessentialsrev4290307
Capitalism’sEssentialsREV4290307 The Essentials of Capitalism Through Definitions: From Adam Smith to the Present Day1 W. Robert Needham (2005) World-wide capitalism kills more people everyday then Hitler did. And he was crazy. Ken Livingston, Mayor of London, http://en.thinkexist.com/quotes/ken_livingstone/ “It was the incarnation of blind and insensate Greed. It was a monster devouring with a thousand mouths, trampling with a thousand hoofs; it was the Great Butcher--it was the spirit of Capitalism made flesh.” Upton Sinclair, The Jungle. http://www.litquotes.com/quote_author_resp.php?AName=Upton%20Sinclair "The mere fact that communism didn't work doesn't mean that capitalism does. In many parts of the globe it's a wrecking, terrible force, displacing people, ruining lifestyles, traditions, ecologies and stable systems with the same ruthlessness as communism." John le Carré The problems that exist in the world today cannot be solved by the level of thinking that created them. Albert Einstein "Justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought. A theory however elegant and economical must be rejected or revised if it is untrue; likewise laws and institutions no matter how efficient and well-arranged must be reformed or abolished if they are unjust." J. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), 3. “…the socialist objection of justice to the market economy is that it allows private ownership of means of existence which no one has the right to own privately, and therefore rests upon an unjust foundation. …the socializing state is not violating rights, or even overriding them in the interests of something more important, but righting wrongs; it is rectifying violations of rights, violations inherent in the structure of private property.” G. -
State Power, Popular Resistance, and Competing Nationalist Narratives in France, 1791-1871
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Carolina Digital Repository STATE POWER, POPULAR RESISTANCE, AND COMPETING NATIONALIST NARRATIVES IN FRANCE, 1791-1871 Lindsay Ayling A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved By: Lloyd S. Kramer Jay M. Smith Donald M. Reid © 2015 Lindsay Ayling ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Lindsay Ayling: State Power, Popular Resistance, and Competing Nationalist Narratives in France, 1791-1871 (Under the direction of Lloyd S. Kramer) In this thesis, I analyze rhetoric surrounding three events in which violence erupted between the French authorities and the French “people”: the Champ de Mars massacre of 1791, the June Days revolt of 1848, and the Paris Commune of 1871. Studying newspapers, speeches, images, memoirs, and literature, I argue that in producing competing narratives surrounding these events, politicians and polemicists also shaped competing conceptions of the French nation. In order to justify a given position, they associated either “the people” or the military with French symbols, values, and ideals while presenting their opponents as the national enemy. With each subsequent civil struggle, they appropriated and altered previous narratives, thereby constructing evolving but still irreconcilable versions of the nation. I conclude that because nationalism fractures on ideological lines, it is impossible -
The Failure of a Revolution France, Germany and the Netherlands in 1848: a Comparative Analysis
The Failure of a Revolution France, Germany and The Netherlands in 1848: A Comparative Analysis Willem Cleven MA Comparative History Utrecht University Spring 2008 Supervised by dr. I. de Haan Image on front page: Horace Vernet – Barricade at Rue Soufflot, Paris 1848. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introduction……………………………………………..……………………..1 Chapter 2. The Comparative Method………………………………………………….10 2.1 Units of Historical Study 2.2 What is a Revolution? 2.3 Outline Chapter 3. The Events of the Revolutions...…………………………………………..20 3.1 Spring 1848: Revolution 3.2 Confrontation Chapter 4. Why the Revolution Failed…………………………………………………32 4.1 Internal Coherence of the Revolutionary Faction 4.2 Internal Coherence of the Incumbent Faction 4.3 Control over Sources of Power 4.4 External Intervention Chapter 5. Conclusion: A Theory of Failed Revolutions?...…………………………48 Bibliography 3 Chapter 1. Introduction “The tricolor republic now bears only one color, the color of the defeated, the color of blood.” 1 Karl Marx after the June Days uprising (Neue Rheinische Zeitung, 29 June 1848) As I am writing this opening paragraph, it is 160 years ago to the day that the French National Guard ended a bloody uprising among the Parisian workers. Sometimes labeled a ‘class war’2, the so-called ‘June Days’ uprising posited the urban working class against the Provisional Government of the French Second Republic. It shall become clear in the following chapters that this clash between the revolutionary regime and the masses which had been vital in its victory four months prior, ultimately represented the failure of that revolution, a revolution which made an end to the French monarchy, instated universal male suffrage for a short time and set off a wave of revolutions across the continent. -
The Abstract/Concrete Relation in the Method of Political Economy1
1 The abstract/concrete relation in the method of political economy1 Claus Magno Germer 2 Introduction. Marx’s method is a topic of special relevance for the development of Marxist theory. I do not mean the overall relevance of the method as an essential moment of all scientific research, but to the specific nature of its current relevance for Marxism, due to the consequences of the pronounced difference between the philosophical bases of Marxism and the bases of the dominant, non-Marxist science. The philosophical basis of Marxism is materialism, understood as a philosophical current, as opposed to idealism, the philosophical basis of non-Marxist science. Its method is dialectical logic, in opposition to the dominant formal logic3. Given the absolute dominance of idealism and formal logic in the scientific establishment of capitalist societies, which furthermore is projected over common sense forms of thinking in general, and given the smaller number of materialists and of Marxist researchers within these milieus, it is not hard to understand the difficulties that emerge for the apprehension of the particularities of Marxist philosophy and method, but also the possibility of its distorted apprehension resulting from the dominant influence of an antithetical mode of thought4. The faulty apprehension of Marx’s theoretical method shows itself, in the first place, in the methodological deficiencies of Marxist theoretical production, and secondly, in the scarcity of texts that deal with problems of method5. In Brazilian economic literature, in which Marxist production is modestly represented, this insufficiency is obviously more pronounced. One cause of this is the insufficient in-depth discussion on the topic, in contrast with its complexity and with the variety of relevant aspects and angles of reflection that it entails. -
1. the Tale of Marx
JOBNAME: Magnusson PAGE: 1 SESS: 6 OUTPUT: Thu Jun 23 13:58:36 2016 1. The tale of Marx Karl Marx was the one who named the emergent economic system in the mid-nineteenth century Europe: capitalism. Adam Smith had emphasised the importance of free trade and global distribution of labour for the world he saw ahead. This imagery of the future of Smith was the present of Marx but it looked different than Smith had imagined. Karl Marx discerned a different key factor than Smith for the development of the industrial “system” after the industrial “revolution”: capital. He saw that investments of capital of a new kind produced not only fortunes but also social problems, and new forms of poverty. He theorised the social question, he recognised the global nature of capitalism, and he discerned the crisis-heavy nature of the new system and tried to explain it. Karl Marx deeply shaped the three most important responses to the tensions of capitalism: the revolutionary approach, the left reformist approach, and the top-down social conservative reform approach through concessions (Bismarck), in response to Marx, embraced as a way to avoid something worse. In December 1852, Karl Marx had been living the life of a political refugee in London for two years and felt miserable.1 Napoleon III had just ascended to his throne as emperor of France after the successful coup d’état the year before. Also, everywhere else in Europe the revolution of 1848 – it was alternatively named das tolle Jahr or the “Springtime of the Peoples” – had failed utterly. -
Critique of the Gotha Programme
Critique of the Gotha Programme Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme Written: April or early May, 1875 Source: Marx/Engels Selected Works, Volume Three, p. 13 - 30 Publisher: Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970 First Published: Abridged in the journal Die Neue Zeit, Bd. 1, No. 18, 1890-91 Online Version: mea; marxists.org 1999 Table of Contents: Foreword Letter to Bracke Part I Part II Part III Part IV Appendix Background Critique of the Gotha Programme is a critique of the draft programme of the United Workers' Party of Germany. In this document Marx address the dictatorship of the proletariat, the period of transition from capitalism to communism, the two phases of communist society, the production and distribution of the social goods, proletarian internationalism, and the party of the working class. Lenin later wrote: The great significance of Marx's explanation is, that here too, he consistently applies materialist dialectics, the theory of development, and regards communism as something which develops out of capitalism. Instead of scholastically invented, 'concocted' definitions and fruitless disputes over words (What is socialism? What is communism?), Marx gives analysis of what might be called the stages of the economic maturity of communism. (Lenin Collected Works, Volume 25, p. 471) Engels wrote a foreword when the document was first published in 1891. Together with the Critique of the Gotha Programme Engels published Marx's letter to Bracke, directly bound up with the work. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/index.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:43] Critique of the Gotha Programme-- Foreword Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme Foreword The manuscript published here -- the covering letter to Bracke as well as the critique of the draft programme -- was sent in 1875, shortly before the Gotha Unity Congress, to Bracke for communication to Geib, Auer, Bebel [1], and Liebknecht and subsequent return to Marx. -
Socialist Principles of Appropriative Justice Socialist Principles of Appropriative Justice ESJP a Reply to Husami #8 | 2015 Victor Van Der Weerden
Erasmus Student Journal of Philosophy Victor van der Weerden | Socialist Principles of Appropriative Justice Socialist Principles of Appropriative Justice ESJP A reply to Husami #8 | 2015 Victor van der Weerden Te relationship between Marxism and justice has always been con- superstructure and ideology which arise from those economic systems tentious. Interpretations range from Marx as an amoralist who and never from a transepochal point of view. Husami’s contention 32 believed that moral norms were always a product of a specifc histori- is that capitalist exploitation is unjust because it violates what he cal mode of social organization, to Marx as a fervent moral opponent interprets as Marx’s socialist principle of justice, ‘from each according of capitalism who believed that capitalist exploitation was inherently to his ability, to each according to their contribution’. Husami argues unjust. During the 1970s and 1980s this debate reached its fullest that in order to end capitalist exploitation, the private ownership of the development within the movement of Analytical Marxism. Analyti- means of production must be abolished in favor of state ownership. In cal Marxism sought to apply the tools of analytical philosophy to this paper I wish to advance three claims against Husami’s specifc inter- Marxist political philosophy in an attempt to divorce Marxism from pretation of Marxian justice. Following and refning Burczak (2003), the obscurantism of Hegelian philosophy. Te obscurantism of Ellerman (1992), and Resnik and Wolf (1987), I want to argue that Hegelian philosophy was associated with its use of the dialectical method Husami’s conception of what DeMartino (2003) calls appropriative jus- that seemed to violate the formal logic principle of non-contradiction tice does not fully capture what is unjust about capitalist exploitation. -
French Romantic Socialism and Mormon Communalism in the Nineteenth Century
Louis A. Bertrand’s Voyage from Icarianism to Mormonism: French Romantic Socialism and Mormon Communalism in the Nineteenth Century Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of History Jonathan D. Sarna, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for Master’s Degree by Erik Freeman May 2013 Copyright by Erik Freeman © 2013 ABSTRACT Louis A. Bertrand’s Voyage from Icarianism to Mormonism: French Romantic Socialism and Mormon Communalism in the Nineteenth Century A thesis presented to the Department of History The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Erik Freeman In 1851, a prominent French Romantic Socialist journalist, Louis A. Bertrand, converted to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Mormonism) in Paris. His conversion from French Icarianism--a form of Romantic Socialism--to Mormonism did not modify his previous religious or social beliefs. In fact, he considered Mormonism as the ideal version of a Romantic Socialist sect. This thesis looks at similarities and differences between Romantic Socialism and Mormonism throughout the mid-nineteenth century focusing specifically on Bertrand’s story. Furthermore, writings by other Romantic Socialists and Mormons on issues of community, religion, economics and revolution reaffirmed that Mormons paralleled these French socialists. Ultimately, iii Bertrand’s story among Romantic Socialists in France and Mormons in America, suggests that American Mormonism throughout -
A Thesis in Philosophy by William Clare Roberts © 2005 William Clare
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts THE LABORS OF KARL MARX: TEKHNĒ, VALORIZATION, REVOLUTION A Thesis in Philosophy by William Clare Roberts © 2005 William Clare Roberts Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2005 The thesis of William Clare Roberts was reviewed and approved* by the following: Daniel W. Conway Professor of Philosophy Thesis Advisor Chair of Committee Mitchell Aboulafia Professor of Philosophy John Christman Associate Professor of Philosophy and Political Science Interim Head of the Department of Philosophy Nancy Love Associate Professor of Political Science and Communication Arts and Sciences Terrell Carver Professor of Politics, Bristol University Special Signatory *Signatures are on file with the Graduate School. Abstract This dissertation comprises a comprehensive re-reading of Marx’s understanding of labor. In order to make sense of Marx’s emphasis on labor, I argue, we must take his own productive activity seriously. Doing so obviates many of the standard objections to Marx’s critique of capitalism. It does so by redirecting attention towards Marx’s effort to transform his readers from isolated individuals into a revolutionary laboring multitude. I begin with an examination of “concrete labor”—the intentional production of useful things—which reveals that this is the motor of human history for Marx because our products escape from the intentions that formed them. The materiality of production, Marx shows, confounds the idealism of intentionality. This dynamic is greatly exacerbated by capitalism, to which I turn next. The abstract logic of capitalist production is so divorced from its material effects that it threatens to utterly use up the earth and the workers on which it depends. -
Ask Most Casual Students of History When the Time of Colonialism Came to an End
ABSTRACT Guiana and the Shadows of Empire: Colonial and Cultural Negotiations at the Edge of the World Joshua R. Hyles, M.A. Mentor: Keith A. Francis, Ph.D. Nowhere in the world can objective study of colonialism and its effects be more fruitful than in the Guianas, the region of three small states in northeastern South America. The purpose of this thesis is threefold. First, the history of these three Guianas, now known as Guyana, French Guiana, and Suriname, is considered briefly, emphasizing their similarities and regional homogeny when compared to other areas. Second, the study considers the administrative policies of each of the country’s colonizers, Britain, France, and the Netherlands, over the period from settlement to independence. Last, the thesis concentrates on current political and cultural situations in each country, linking these developments to the policies of imperial administrators in the previous decades. By doing so, this thesis hopes to show how an area that should have developed as a single polity could become a region of three very distinct cultures through the altering effects of colonialism. Guiana and the Shadows of Empire: Colonial and Cultural Negotiations at the Edge of the World by Joshua R. Hyles, A.S., B.A. A Thesis Approved by the Department of History ___________________________________ Jeffrey S. Hamilton, Ph.D., Chairperson Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Baylor University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Approved by the Thesis Committee ___________________________________ Keith A. Francis, Ph.D., Chairperson ___________________________________ David L. Longfellow, Ph.D. ___________________________________ Thomas A. -
Rereading the 18Th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte: the Phenomenon of Bonapartism As a Capitalist State Without Popular Representation
New Proposals: Journal of Marxism and Interdisciplinary Inquiry Vol. 11, No. 1 (Summer 2020) Pp. 34-47 Rereading The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte: The Phenomenon of Bonapartism as a Capitalist State Without Popular Representation Spyros Sakellaropoulos Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, Athens, Greece ABSTRACT: This article examines the character of so-called Bonapartism through the development of the class struggle in the period between 1848 and 1851. The perspective adopted is that in contrast to what is stated in the classics (Marx, Engels, Lenin, Gramsci) of Marxism, Bonapartism is neither a form of politics imposed from the exterior against all social classes, nor is it a manifestation of the state’s autonomy vis à vis the bourgeoisie (Poulantzas). On the contrary, it is a characteristic form of the bourgeois state, which does not have parliamentary institutions among its constituent elements. On the basis of this argumentation, one can understand the current tendency of limited representative relations, which benefits state-controlled mechanisms that are independent of popular control KEYWORDS: state, Marx, capitalism, Bonapartism, class struggle, bourgeoisie Introduction he purpose of this article is to approach analysis capital. The reaction of these bourgeois factions in alli- Tof the nature of the State in capitalism through ance with the proletariat and the peasantry is what led an examination of the class struggle in France in the to the 1848 revolution. The division of the bourgeoisie period between 1848 and 1851, that is to say of the into distinct segments with particular interests played phenomenon that has come to be called Bonapartism.