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T T-\yf-T Dissertation U i V l l Information Service University Microfilms Intemational A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 N. Zeeb Road. Ann Artxîr. Michigan 48106
8625285
Seibert, Margaret Mary Armbrust
A BIOGRAPHY OF VICTORINE-LOUISE MEURENT AND HER ROLE IN THE ART OF EDOUARD MANET. (VOLUMES I AND II)
The Ohio StPte University Ph.D. 1986
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Copyright 1986 by Seibert, Margaret Mary Armbrust All Rights Reserved
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University Microfilms International
A BIOGRAPHY OF VIClORINB-ljCUISB MEURENT AND HER ROLE IN IHE ART OF E130UARD MANETT \mJMF. I
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Riiloeophy in the Graduate Sdiool of the Ohio State University
By
Ehrgaret Mary Ambrust Seibert, B.S*. M.A.
Ihe Ohio State University
1986
Dissertation Conmitteet ,^roved by Mathew Herban I I I , Hi.D.
Mark F u lle rto n , Ri.D. » ... A dviser Peter Gano, Hi.D. Dqartmcnt of History of Art Gopyriÿit by bbrgaret Mary Ambnist Seibert 1986 Ob Jacfk S e ib ert ftithew Hextan III Jfery R. Mealy emd in memory o f John Jost Ambrust
i i MCNOWTEDGMENTS
With sinœze appreciation^ iry thanks go to the following:
Clara Goldslager, Interlibrary I o e u i , Œ ü o State University Linda Lucas, Secretary-typist Jean Coudeme, Musœ d'O rsay Brigitte laine. Archives of % ris M B. Line, Betty Shiith, and Richard Stein, Ihe British Library Isabelle du I^tsquier, Musœ t^tional de la Legion d 'Honneur Susan Wyngaard, ttirge Murfin, Robert lynch and Duke Morgan, Ohio State University libraries T. Davis Sydnor, John S. Oondit, Mary Millican, Julie Karovics and Barbara Hager, Ohio State University N. T. Loon
i l l VITA
Octcber 12, 1944 ...... Bom - Cincinnati, Ohio 1967 ...... B.S., university of Cincinnati 1972 ...... M.A., Chio State University 1972 - pr e s e n t ...... Biplpyment: Columbus Collage of Art and Design, Divisions of Illustration, Fine Arts and General Studies
PAPERS AND PUBLICATiœS
Marcîi, 1980 ...... "The Central Group in Gustave Courbet's "Atelier of the Painter": What tihe Allegory Really Is," Seventh Annual Mid-Americsui Art History Society. 1980 ...... American BoUc Art from Ctv^ Collections, Chlo Exposition Cbinnissionr
June, 1983 ...... "A BolitdLcal and a Pictorial Traditdcai in Gustave Courbet's Reêd A llegory, A rt B ulletdn.
IV TABLE OP CJCNISNrS VOLUME I
DEDICmCM...... Ü
JOMOWtEDGMarrS...... iü VTTA...... iv
...... 1 CHAPTER PAGE I . MAMET TO 1862 ...... 5 Ebotnotes...... 29
I I . VICrORINE MEURENT...... 44 PDOtnotes...... 69 I I I . PAINTINGS 1861-1862 ...... 81 Footnotes...... 107 IV. THE DEJEUNER SURL'HERBE ...... 121 F o o tn o te s ...... 144 V. OLYMPIA...... 159 F o o tn o te s ...... 184 VI. 1864-1871 ...... 204 Footnotes ...... 226 INTEOCUCnCN
Victorine Meurent (1844-1908) is of interest to scholars because Bcbviarcl Ifenet chose to paint her in two of his masterpieces now in the louvre: Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe (1863) and Olynpia (1863). Without him, Victorine as a specific historic person most likely would be of no greater consequence than any of the other vonen \ho frequented the public balls of nineteenth-century Airis, vonen whose names and ei^loits captured the public's iiraginaticai fbr a brief period only to be eclipsed and forgotten, sometimes within a single season. Mfenet employed Victorine at irregular intervals for more than a decade, and the majority of the paintings in which she appears have beei noted by scholars for their simultaneous blend of modernity, social content and symbolic significance as masterpieces of Realism in art. Nevertheless, in ^ ite of Beatrice Rirwell's astute suggestion that Victorine herself functioned as a part of the contait in Manet's paintings,^ the works in vhich Victorine appears have not been systematically viewed serially or ej^licated biograjiiically. Ihis dissertation constitutes an attempt to provide a biography for Victorine and to examine ïfenet's paintings of her as well as other artists' depictions, both visual and literary, for their treatments were Inspired either by Victorine herself, or are so sim ilar as to evoke her. Known Victorines and Louises, as Louise was her middle name, w ill be identified and their lives examined in the search for vhat may be Victorine Meurent's more complete identity and biograjhy. Although Manet seems to have fixed certain key moments in Victorine's life on canvas, he predeceased his model, whose artistic chronicle appears to have been continued after 1883 by Norbert Goeneutte and Henri de Itoulouse-Lautrec. Their pedntings of her, when taken sequentially, appear to continue a narrative, one which records the rise and fall of a Ehrisian woman generally, and of Victorine, perhaps, specifically. Such a narrative offers certain parallels to contemporary naturalistic novels which join biography with fiction, and such coincidences w ill be noted. However, unlike the novelists, who wrote à clef, most realist and some impressionist painters seem to have opted fbr
identifiable specificity in their choice of models. In ^bnet's case, it is difficult to ascertain whether he chose Victorine because she was already a known personality, or whether through his works she became one. In an^ case, Victorine modeled for others, returned at later dates to be depicted in btmet's eirt again, and appears to have modeled fbr two of his admirers after tfenct's death. Even today, her presence diallenges us with a distinct personality. Like all researdi, this dissertation depends and builds vpon the findings of earlier writers and scholars, vhose views on the pertinent paintings and literature w ill necesseurily be sutrtarized. This w ill be done at the point at which each work is discussed. The material is arranged in a chronological, biographical sequence: first, reviewing ^tmet's life to the time Victorine appears in his work; second, reviewing his model's life and its context to the same temporal point; then, each pointing w ill be treated, inventoried emd its component parts assessed for biographic, realistic and symbolic content and context. Even with vhat is accomplished here regarding Victorine and the light her life sheds on Manet's and others' art and writing, this work can not serve as an end in itself, nor can a single study completely solve the mystery of Victorine's identity and existance. It is e^qaected that this, edthough the most comprehensive treatment to date, w ill prepare the way fbr gathering more information and opening new avenues through which additional insic^ nay be gsdned. rooiNarES to the .httroduction
Beatrice Ihrwell, ttmet and Nude: A Study of loonogra^y in the Second Brpire, Ri.D. dissertation, Uhiwrsity of Càlxfomia, Los Angeles, 1973, New York, 1981, 163. CHAPTER I MANET TO 1862
Edouard Manet was bom at 5 rue des Petits-Augustins (new 5 rue Bonaparte) f on January 23, 1832.^ At that time, his father, Auguste Nhnet (1797-1862), was in charge of personnel at the Ministry of Justice, with an office at 22 rue Neuve-du- Luxenibourg (now rue C&iriboo), vhere twice weekly he received the 2 peers and dqauties of Prance. TVro days after his son's birth, he was named a k n iÿ it in th e Legion o f Hanor.^ This order, established in 1801, had replaced the chivalric orders suppressed by the Revolution. As a reocnpense fbr civil and m ilitary service, i t had been continued by Louis XVIII, Chzurles X and 4 Louis-Riilippe. His mother, EugénieHDesirêe nee Fournier (1811-1885), was descended from a consul of Etanoe vho had negotiated the election of the Napoleon-sponsored Bemeidotte to the throne of Sweden^ in 1810, a constitutional monard:y not unlike the July Monarchy of Louis-Ehilippe (1830-1848). Ihe Ifenet house was in the Ehubourg Sednt-Gemain, close to the noble residential center of Napolojnic, Bourbon and Orleans a ris to c r a ts , a faubourg noted fb r i t s hêindsome h o te ls .^ Ihis d istrict's name derives from that of its major church, Saint- Gentain-des-Pres, the oldest extant %ir .sian ecclesiastical establishment, a former abbey and Merovingian royal mausoleum, its tower erected under Qiildebert. ' It was here, on February 2, Û 1832, th at Edouard Manet was baptised. His parents were of the "venerable and prosperous bourgeoisie" which had come to political prominence under louis-Philippe. But, having supplanted the ancien regime, their "very distinct class" would be threatened by the Republican and proletarian revolution of 1848. Magistrates, like Auguste ^bnet, althoucpi bourgeois, were highly esteemed in the 1830"s êind 40's, and Edouard Manet, as Iheodore Euret claims, was bom "nearly p u rp le."^ He was to have two brothers: Eugene, bom November 21, 1833 (died 1892), and Gustave, bom bbrch 16, 1835 (died 1884): their father planned for Edouard to take up law amd for one of his sons to practice medicine. The ^bnet household has been described as a religious one, frequently visited ty priests, and, at the age of seven (1838), Edouard was placed under the tutelage of Canon Pioloup at Vaugirard in the Sçeavuc suburb as a partial boarder. When Edouard wao nine, his & ther was appointed Magistrate of The Tribunal of the Seine, 12 in the seventh chanber, a oourt which dealt with offences relative to customs duties, taxes, inposts, tolls, and guaranty of materials such as gold and silver. Then, partly through the influence of Lieutenant-Oolonel Edmond-Edouard Eoumier, cui uncle bom in 1801, and an artillery officer stationed at the Vincennes garrison, a friend of the director Defauoonpret, Edouard was enrolled from 1844 to 1848 at the College RoUin.^^ TVo abbés there, Sénac and Dieuzaide, were 15 6iends of Mne. Manet's family as well. This college admitted only boarding students, who were required to earn their Thursday and Sunday v isits home.^^ At the college Rollin Manet first met his lifelong friend, Antonin Proust (1831-1905),^^ the son of a d^wty at Deux- IQ Sèvres, Who was to become one of his biographers, and who shared his interest in art. Edouard and Antonin were taken to museums by Manet's uncle Eoumier who was em art-lover himself. 19 One of the important collections that attracted Edouard's attention was louis-Ehilippe ' s "Musée Espagnol" housed in the Louvre from 1838 to 1850. Containing 450 works with 405 by Evanish artists, it made Ihris, "The centre of Danish painting o u tsid e of % a in ." ^ 8
Manet's sixteenth birthday and the year of his graduation 21 coincided with the 1848 Revolution, the institution of the Second Republic, and the battle for the democratization of p ain tin g .R iilip p e Auguste Jeanron, a friend of Honoré Daumier and a social realist, was appointed director of the National Museums of the new government and entarked on a program to turn the Louvre into a "Palace of the People," exhibiting works vhich provided historic justification and traditional stylistic roots for the emerging realist movement. 23 Edouard's desire to pursue a career in eurt was however, thwarted by his fether, and Edouard was described in his youthful prime as of "ben coeur, mais mauvaise tête." Manet himself described his father as "juste, mais sévère, plutôt sévère," desiring to break his son's w ill and incline him to obedience. 24 Thus, at the beginning of the Second Republic in July of 1848, Edouard *bnet unsuccessfully attarpted the Eoole Navale entry examination. Since sixteen was the maximum examination age, only one recourse was allowed - service in the merchant marine followed by a second attempt. 25 Auguste htonet zorranged for his son to become cabin boy to a merchant narine captain.On December 9, 1848, aboard Le Ihvre e t Guadeloupe, Edouard embarked for Rio de Janiero, returning in June of 1849. Manet's secxjod failure on July 15 of that year ended Auguste Manet's hopes for 27 his son's naval ceureer. N evertheless, ESclouard's sea voyage une:^)ecbedly provided an opportunily fbr him to demonstrate his eurtistic talents. Charles Idmet, a friend of the I^net family, reoounts Manet's description of a tenpest which slightly damaged some IXitch cheeses which were to be delivered to a Spanish port, possibly Barcelona, tfanet restored their lost vibrancy with vermillion paint to the captain's d elict, and ves rewarded with a supplementary ration of wine and the prediction that he would one 28 day become an eminent painter. It was shortly after his return to France that he met Suzanne Leerihoff (1830-1906), from Zalt-aonmel, Halland, the dauÿiter of an organist and choir-master. She gave piano lessons to Edouard and his brother Eugene. Suzanne had just arrived in E^uris, lodging on the rue Fontaine-au-Boi in the heavily 30 populated area of la Oourtille. Thus, Manet became fcuoLliar with the district and the people residing there. la Oourtille is located on the north side of Ruris, famous eis a terminus point fbr merry-makers and masked revellers on their return to Kuris after celebrations of the b6rdi-Gras pre- Lenten festivities. The descent de la Oourtille 6om the h eists of Belleville was a pcpular Shrove Ibesday tradition. 31 Tliis particular section of Paris, in the eleventh arrondissement, links northern Belleville to the faubourg du "Benple, and derives its name from the conduits which brought water into Paris from 10
Belleville's h eists. 32 Most of all, it was ocmsidered a place of le peuple, the ooimicni people, eind "un empire de la joie." 33 On Sundays, workers would congregate in its guinguettes (countrified and lattice-enclosed drinking places) to ranponer (drink a b it more than necessary). % eir Sundays were dedicated to drinking and libertinage, and reason wais stunned in an effort to forget, at least temporarily, their poverty. 34 With three grown sons residing a t heme, the bbnet family moved to larger accomodations a t 6 rue du Mont-Thabor on the ri^ t bank of the Seine. Iheir new lodgings in the quartier de la Place Vendone of the first currondissement were closely situated to the M inistries of Justice and Finance. M ndnistratively, the important sector was located between the rues de Rivoli, Mont-Ohabor, Luxembourg and Castiglione. Here were found the bureaus of finance, personnel, litigation, direction of the central movement of funds, inscription for depts, central payroll and accounting office. The essential government was based itself in the first arrondissemient, and so was Auguste Ifenet. Now eiÿïteen, Edouard, vas at last permitted to stm^ eurt, enrolling in the studio of Thomas Cbuture on January 29, 37 1850. couture had become famous in the Salons, building his style on the baroque classici sm of Jean-rAntoine Gros and historical romanticism of %ppolyte Delaroche. 38 He had even been proclaimed head of a new school by two importent critics in 11
;346, Chanpfleuxy and Charles Baudelaire. 39 In 1847, Cbuture had achieved his greatest Salon success with the Bonains de la decadence (Renans of the Decadence) zind 40 opened his own independent art school. By 1850, the year of fe e t's entry into his studio, Oouture (aged 35) was viewed as a "king of painting" destined to fu lfill Barcai Gres' prediction that he would beocme "Ihe Titian of Prance. Cbuture had entered Gros ' studio in the year of that 42 master's final triuifh, 1830. One of Gros' specialities, which Couture adopted and passed cn to his cwn students was the practice of ébauche painting,. enploying an underlying o il sketch over which finishing layers and glazes eure placed. Like Gros, he instilled in his students a passion for Venetian art. 43 Couture had been admitted to the Eoole des Beaux-Arts on April 2, 44 1831. Subsequently he was aweurded first prize for a "tete 45 d'ej^ression," the most indqjendent ocnpetitive category. Then, after Gros' tragic suitnde in 1835, Couture spent four years studying with Delaroche, an a rtist cxmsidered at that time to be the leading romantic painter, for Delacroix's reputation had not yet surpassed his. Another emerging realist, Jean- 46 François Millet v»s a fellow student there. Couture quit Delaroche's studio and the Boole partly over a cxmtroversy oonceming the 1837 prix de Rone, which, althcxig^ at first voted 12 to the twenty year-old Couture, was instead given to cin older student vhose entry represented his last chance for this oonpetitim.^^ Couture's atelier was located on the rue de Laval (now rue Victor bbsse) at the angle of the rue Pigalle, an area adjacent to Montmartre. IWenty-five to thirty students paid 120 francs per year, each half in advance. 48 Success for both Couture and his pt^ils depended vpon being juried into the Salons with the ultimate hoped-for revard being Salon Medals and The Legion of Honor. As none of f uture's students liaJ passed the Boole's preliminary sketch trials, th ^ could not be considered 49 eligible fbr the prix de Rone. Nevertheless, Couture was cxxisidered a master of the new realist school and his atelier prospered. His teachings included training in the great styles of his century, and both his subjects cmd treatments were considered "up to date." 50 Like his teacher, Manet was determined to nake his own mark and to succeed throu^ Salon exhibitions. Couture hired models who were famous in th eir own riÿ it: Charles Alix Dubose (figure 1); Ihonas "I'Ours," also called "Ihe 52 53 Giant," Bakowski; and Marie "la Rousse." All were frequently identifiable in works of art, seme even became sources fbr literary works. Iheir careers, even after they ceased to pose, are of interest, as Victorine Meurant, vho became a model 13 too, m i^t be esqjected to bave bad a life vdvLcb paralleled those of other models of the period. Charles M ix Dubose was bom in Rouai in 1797, and began to model in % ris at the age of seven in 1804 during the period of Davidian reform. Dubose was vain, and neo-elassieal poses were the ones he favored most. 54 He boasted that be bad witnessed as many as three kings eome to eall at Gerard's studio in a single day. Sensing himself indispensable to "good" art, be loved to see works for which be bad posed at the Salons.The most souÿît-^ifter model of 1817, be posed fbr Theodore Géricault's I^ t of the Medusa. In addition be bad posed in the studios of Hbudon, Guerin, Delaroche and David d'Angers. After 1845, Dubose modeled a t the Ecole des Beaux-Arts and appeared in n e arly every known z u rtis t's stu d io u n til b is 57 retirement in 1862. Prix de Rome hopefuls were bis ^vorites, and Dubose created a legacy for them, leaving than twice more than the meager stm the state itself apportioned. But, Manet argued with him at Cbuture*s atelier. In response to Dubose's defense that the gireat Delaroche liked heroic poses, Manet, vho was committed to realism, insisted that they were in Ruris and the model should be natural. Thomas (The G iant) Bbkowski, a ls o c a lle d Thomas "I'O urs" for bis perfec* imitation of a grwling bear, resenhled figures 60 found in the art of Michaelangelo. During the 1848 revolution. 14 h e took vp residence in the royal apartments at the Thileries palace. Whan the crcvd entered emd eisked him to take scmething e»nd leave, he chose only a pair of shoes.later, in th e 1860's, at the cabaret of Pere Desnoyers in a rough part of Belleville, a man called "I'Ours," who vas thought to be partly savage, acted as bouncer. Perhaps it was Bdkowski, Couture's model, who ended his days throwing unruly drunks into the s t r e e t . Khrie ia Rousse has not been clearly identified by oommentators. She ray have been Marie Rieu, Alphonse Daudet's mistress of 1857-58, the girl to whom he dedicated his 1858 edition of les Amours, and who inspired his famous 1884 novel, Sappho, bbirie, the "real" Sappho, was described as a "modèle et aussi une 'chair à pledsir'" and a "monstre vert" for the absinthe vhich she drank with her felends. She lived in a little house on the passage d'Elysée des Beaux-Arts, near the place Pigalle and Cbuture's studio. She also fireguented the Brasserie des Martyrs during its high period when Henri Murger, Gustave Courbet, Charles Baudelaire, Jules vaUes, Iheodore de Banville, and the flOKver of realist Bohmeia could be found there. 63 In 1887, Eaudet himself described her to André Antoine of the Theatre libre, then located on her old street, as a "bougresse" 64 (a hussy). 15
Sappho was a 'rotten a clef, ' a thinly disguised fiction based on real people.Sappho is the 'nom de guerre' for the novel's modelf fanny Legrand. Among her memoirs are eurt works and letters: ten pages from the writer La Goumerie, fragments of her liason with the sculptor Caoudel who hated to lose her, a pen portrait by the illustrator of diic harlots Gavami, letters from a poor engraver imprisoned a t Mazas whose child had been sent away to the provinces, even love letters from a female chariot- drlver at the Hippodrome, and a portrait by James Tissot.^^ The novel opens in 1873 with a masked ball held a t the artist Dechelette's studio. Among the artists present, those represented as knowing Sappho and her past are Thcnas Couture, who is dressed as a bull-dog, Camille Corot in an invalid's cap, Isabey as a country cure, Jadin as a vhipper^in of the hunt, and 67 the caricaturist Cham cis a hunmingbird. Sappho's high period, that of her greatest conquests and beauty, was the epoch of the 1850's and 1860's. She was seventeen in 1853 vhen the sculptor Caoudel "picked her out of the gutter." 68 As the novel opens éhe is thirty-seven. Althou^ approaching the age of retreat, she permits herself one last extravagance, by felling desperately in love with a young, self- centered rising professional.^^ Marie Rieu's name closely resembles that of the celebrated "(brie la Rousse" mentioned twice by ïfenet's feiend 16
Proust as one of Oouture's famous posers. Hiis close ooincidence ocntoined with Oouture's appeziranoe in Daudet's novel and Chevalier's and Bomeque's later descriptions of the real Marie Rieu as a well-known model lead one to believe that Marie/Sapgho is at once typical of literary types and of artists' models as well as the actual model at Oouture's. Later, it w ill be demonstrated th at Victorine Meurent became a similEu: model in type and roles, prototype for a character in Bttile Zola's 1860's roman à clef, I'Oeuvre (1886). Oouture had Republican synçathies, his fevorite subjects frequently were moralist genre, and he is reported to have been suspicious of hicpily educated persons.His success had given him enough self-confidence and pride to feel sli^ted by the level of an 1855 Salon prize which was not equal to the merits of the head of a school. Nevertheless, he recdeved the important oonndssion to paint The Baptism of the RriLnœ Imperial. Never 72 completed, it lacks only the head of Napoleon III. Not only did Oouture employ well-known contemporary models, something Manet would do as well, he also competed in the art establishment, the Salons, a practice bbnet maintained against far greater odds. So, too. Couture inculcated in his students a deep 73 respect for their artistic predecessors, the old masters, and 17 at the sane tine that he becene a pqpil at GDutiire's, Manet simultaneously registered to oopy works at the Louvre. 74 The places in Montmartre that Manet frequented during this period were patronized by the fanous Bohemians of his day; the rôtisserie Rivard on rue Notre Dame de Lorette vihere Charles Baudelaire, Henri Murger and Barbey d'Aurévilly could be found; the Restaurant Dinocheau, and the Divan le Peletier. F^vard's was frecjuented by artists of the district, vhile Dinochau's was primarily a literary cabaret vhere writers would eat both 76 luncheon emd dinner. Another plaœ vhere he was taken was the restaurant Pigalle, frequented by a "clientèle de passage" (easy women). According to Rroust, M&net consoled himself here on the day that Couture, angered by the class ovation given to bbnet's painting of Marie "la Pousse", told him " 'if you want to be the head of a new school, go and create one, but not here. ' 77 Manet and his fellow students at Cbuture's carried pocket sketchbooks in vhich they recorded rapid "inpressions." Like fashionable young men (flâneurs) he strolled Paris, but less idly, as he was seeking modem subjects. And, vhen urged to "finish" something, Manet would laugh, commenting "you take me for a history painter." TO the modems, history painting 78 constituted a h i^ insult. This attitude reflected Oouture's 18 training, for Oouture said: " 'you ought to carry on yourself a snail albun and fix on it several traces of the beautiful that strike you, the effects [should be] telling, the poses n a tu ra l. Oouture also insisted that sinplicity in ccnposition was iirportant as well aus unmixed ooloirs. Pure color and fresh tones fiO were to be put on and left. How closely this follows Manet's statement to Proust ** * there is only one true thing. Put dcwn the first stroke as it is seen. When that is there, that's it. When it's not there, start over. All the rest is hutttoug.' " From t h i s tim e, l i t t l e i s known about M anet's fo th e r, Auguste, other than his reluctance to permit his son to take up art. Nevertheless, Charles Limet, an attorney, knew the feinily quite well and gives us several glirpses of Auguste btmet and his c h arac ter. Cn the day of tbpolécn I ll's cxxp d'Etat, December 2, 1851, Limet was prevented by troops focm entering the Ihlais de Justice. Limet, a self-described naive liberal harrangued an officer of the guard: "Bi bienl oui, capitaine, vouz avez raison; il est tout naturel qu'on ferme la taipie de la justice où pareil outrage est feit à la loi." After being turned away by the officer, limet had not gone twenty stq » vhen someone murmured in his ear "Bravement foit, non naître, et honneur à vous..." while continuing to walk along. It was the nagistrate Auguste bbnet. 19 judge of the second chanber of the tribunal, vA» soon afterward 82 invited Limet to his heme. Victor Hugo, in History of a Crime, lists only five of the seven nagistrates of the Highest Cburt of Justice, as well as the order for the Supreme Court to be dissolved by order of the 83 Prefect of Police, bhipas. Bypassing the courts, the police under "mixed ccnmissions" made judgements euad passed sentences. Hugo tells us that the regular magistrates did not intervene: "Justice allowed the police to do \Aiat it liked with the satisfied look of a team of horses vhich had just been relieved."^ Those representatives of the Neticml Assembly like Hugo, vho had not been arrested, met secretly throughout Paris. One of OC the meeting places was at 11 rue du Mont-Thabor. Might they have sought legal advice and could Auguste Manet have attended this meeting so close to his own heme at number six? Although we do not know, lim et's memoirs seem to indicate that Auguste Manet did not approve of the cxxp. Further his promotions had ocxwrred primarily under the bcxirgeois monarchy of Louis- Riilippe, and his w ife's family was linked to republican policies fostered ky Hapolécxi I. Auguste ^bnet may have been more of a republican than we have supposed. It was during 1850 that Manet became seriously involved with Mile. Suzeume Leerihoff, the family piano teacher. 87 On 2 0
January 29, 1852, Suzanne delivered a diild, Leon-Bdouard, vAiose father's name was recorded in the civil registry of births as Koella.®® From the first, scholars have assxmed that Edouard Manet was leon's natural father, and that vhile his mother knew of this affzdr, his father did not. It is also essxxned that Auguste Manet would, in any event, have prevented a marriage for social, religious and financial reasons. 89 Pierre Daix informs us that Lien was bom in Suzanne's rue Ftontaine-du-Boi lodgings, and that, in order to avoid Auguste bbnet's gaining knowledge of the child, she immediately returned 90 home to Holland. Mina Cürtiss, however, vhile noting the fact th a t fh n et and Suzzmne hzd no o th e r c h ild ren , s ta te s th a t "a highly distinguished and reliable w riter, a relation by marriage to the bbnet &mily, confided in recent years that ffenet père was actually leon's father, and that it was he vho had introducred Suzanne into the family." Ihis claim seems far fetched for several reasons. In the first instance, one didn't bring a mistress into the feinily home, and her source is gratuitously veiled. Che presumes, however, that CUrtiss refers to Denis Rouart. Curtiss purports to find further evidence for her paternal supposition in the provisions of Edouard fbnet's w ill, which named Leon as residual legatée after Suzanne. As there were no other offspring, and Auguste bbnet's w ill had apportioned 21 equal shares to all three sons, Manet could dispose of his inheritance in any way he chose, providing sudi and eunrangement 91 for his wife and the child they had raised together. later, leon was identified eis Suzanne's youngest brother, and baptised at the Dutch Peforxned ChurA in BatignoUes ty the pastor, Louis Vemes on November 4, 1855. Leon's Gcxlparents were Edouard ftmet and Suzanne Leehhoff. 92 The reeison for Auguste Manet's st^çosed protection from the "femily secret" has always been assuned as fear of scandal. But how, without an avcureness of something potentially scandalous could the magistrate have protected either himself or his family? And vho could most easily have engineered the filing of the birth certificate but the nan vho "never knew"? In July of 1852, Edouard tbnet travelled to the Netherlands, registering at the Rijksmusevan in Amsterdam. 93 IXxring 1853, he is believed to have journeyed to Cbssel, Dresden, Prague, Vienna and Munich, 94 done a tour of Norman^ as p a rt o f gc Qfi the studio Couture and visited Italy in the fall. In Venice, Manet, acccnçanied by his brother Eug&ne, stayed at the home of Signora cattaneo Cbrte Menelli, where they joined Chsurles Limet and Ehiile OUivier. Signora Moielli lad been reconroended to a ll of these visitors by Mae. Jules de Jouy, a relative by nerriage to the Manets. 97 22
Limet states that Manet had travelled to study the Venetians as he had the previous year gone to ftidrid and Seville in order to see works hy Velazquez, Muillo and Goya for whom he had such entliusiasm. 98 Limet next recounts a flirtation which Edouard ^hnet carried on hy signs with a young seamstress vho worked at a window across the cancil. When at last a rendez-vous had been arranged, Manet, dressing with infinite care, descended to meet his "Juliette." Althouÿi from afar the young lady was appealing, close she turned out to be hunch-backed and lame. 99 Eataining at Cbuture's until the spring of 1856,^fenet then moved to a studio vhich he sliared with Albert de Balleroy (1828-1872), a hunt painter,
During this time fhntin-Iatour was making many large drawings of figures absorbed in domestic tasks and &mily portraits. Manet's friend, Legros demonstrated his admiration for the IXitdi Tradition in his 1856 portrait of his father shown in the Salon of 1857. His work, too, showed an influence of Courbet's positioning of figures in the front plane of the oongosition. In the later 1850's and early 18G0's, Legros painted religious themes. He, Pbntin-Latour and James McNeil Whistler were called les trois, and all of them admired Courbet. All three of these artists had been rejected from the Salon of 1859, and were given a small show with Iheodule Ribot at the studio of François Bonvin (1817-1887), another realist 119 painter and a friend of Courbet's. James Tissot, the third a rtist of Boisbaudran's named earlier, was interested in medieval themes. Trained at first in the studies of Hippolyte Flandrin and Louis lamothe, former students of Ingres, Tissot met W histler in the Luxembourg Musexxn in 1857, where both were copying Ingres ' Roger and Angelioa. He met fhnet and Degas about 1859. Tissot at this time was working in a ti^ tly rendered historical style, specializing in religious and literary themes. 121 In 1858, Manet registered a t the Chbinet des Estampes a t the Bibliothèque Impériale as a student of Couture, listing 52 25 rue de la Victoire as his address. 1 2 '? bbnet, made this move after the tragic suicide of a young studio assistant Who had also 123 modeled for him. Antonin Proust tells us that ' Inpressionism ' was bom during artistic discussions of that same year, 1858.^^^ If that is indeed the case, such discussions vould not have included Edgar Degas (1834-1917), vhom Pbnet met in 1859 at the louvre. Where he, too, had a copy permit issued on July 1. 125 In 1859, the year of Tissot's Salon début, he had five works accepted, tsuro religious works, two portraits, and one snow X26 scene. The influences on his early works were primarily those 127 of the Flemish and Italian primitives. Limet states that he first met lèon Ganisetta at the ftmet housâiold around 1859. Auguste Manet ill and lonely at this time as paralysis had begun to set in, obliging him to live in solitude. Gairioetta, s till a student, and not inscribed as a lawyer until 1862, vas the friend and guest of the youngest Manet son, Gustave. Ganioetta and Gustave bhnet, full of advanced 128 idezm, used to go to the Cafe Prooope and other Latin Quarter haunts together. later, the youngest Manet became municipal counsellor in an "exoentrlc" quarter vhere the majority were 12Q thouÿit to be "radicals." In 1860, Kbnet moved his studio to the rue de Douai. The following yezur he transferred to 81 rue Guyot, Where he remained 130 until 1870. The rue Guyot, to the west of the new boulevard 26
Malsherbes, was in an area of transition. In cxie sector were the gracious homes of the fere tonceau. But, demolished during 1860- 1861 was the "Petite Bologne," one of the poorest and most dangerous parts of feris. 131 132 In Petite Bologne, one found gypsies, vagabonds, and the urban poor, packed together in a sliin/^etto so dangerous that evai the police were loathe to enter it. Rather than streets, one found zü.leys, and beds could be rented for as little 133 as lO centimes a niÿit. fenet found some of his models here. In the spring of 1861, ^^net's Guitarrero, (figure 2) also called Espagnol jouant la Guitarre (Salon of 1861) and le Chanteur Espagnol (1872), was awarded an honorable mention a t the Salon. After the dose of the Salon, Manet's studio was visited en masse by a delegation of important realist painters: Alphonse Legros, Henri fentin-Latour, ferolus Duran, Felix Braquemond, and three important critics: Charles Baudelaire, Chanpfleury and Edmond 134 Duranty. The Guitarrero was Manet's first Sedon success. Pleeising both public and critics alike, it was even said to have drawn ocmpliments from both Ingres and Delacroix, emd draw 6vorable reviews from Ibeophile Gautier in the Moniteur 135 Universelle of July 3. Manet confided to Proust that his sources were both Spanish and Dutch, the "Madrid Masters" and Franz Bals.^^® 27
^bnet's portrait of his parents. Portrait, de M. et Mre. M. (figure 3) was exhibited in the same Salon. Leon Legrange, writing for the Gazette des Beaux-Arts, disliked it enormously, identifying Manet as a mentor of "that scourge to society" realism. 137 Even Mne. Manet complained that she and her husband had been made to lock as "'connon'" as '"a couple of concierges. Ibnet's objective, unsentimentalized presentation of his parents at home (6 rue de dic±y) in rather simple dress de- enthasizes his father's role as magistrate and counsellor to the court of Runs and his mother's society background as a god- 139 daughter to Bemadotte, Charles XIV of Sveden. Just as their new address in the ninth arrondisement physically demonstrates retreat from, the political and financial center of power, so do their activities reflect retirement as well: Madame with her rolled needl^oint and ba^et of vools. Monsieur with the ribbon of the Legion of Honor and his book. Here is the sick, isolated, paralysed man described by Charles 140 Limet. Edouard Mhnet must have been pleased to have a painting of his parentzs in the Salon for his father to see. In an honest strai^tforw ard manner, he managed to depict not only reality, but also an ideal, the epitome of the proper bourgeois.
Cne presvmes that i t \æis submitted with Auguste ftm et's oonseit, notwithstanding the reservations of Mne. *6net. 28
In 1862, ftmet, capitalizing on the success of his Guitarrero, painted the Spanish dance troop vhich arrived in Paris^^^ in th e sp rin g o f th a t year.^^^ E lizab eth Anne MoCauley has demonstrated that Manet worked, at least in peurt, from photographs of the trocç. 143 In addition, he used the studio at 18 rue Thitbout of another "realist," Alfred Stevens (1823- 144 1906). Rdntings on Danish themes were pc^Kdar and appealing. Ihe Danish vogue had originated during the July nonarciy and had continued to flourish during the Second Qtpire, under the fashionable auspices of the Ehpress, Eugenie de 145 Monti jo, the %snish Oountess of Teba. Simultaneous with Manet's emerging career as a painter was the appearance of the woman whose life serves as the subject of this work. Vicrtorine-Iouise Meurent would appear in his most important works, dues to her bacdcground and rise to prominance, or perhaps notoriety, are concerns of this study henceforth. POCmüTES TO CHAPTER I
^Françoise Cfeiciün, and Charles S. Moffet, î Midhel Melot, bbnet:1832- 1883, exhibition catalogue. Galeries Ifeticnales du Grand I ^ la is , f e r ls and th e M etropolitan Musenn o f A rt, New York, 1983, (Henceforth referred to as bbnet 1983), 504.
2 Adolphe Thbarant, fbnet et ses Oeuvres, I^ris, 1947, 7. Paul Jamot, and Georges wildenstein, Manet; Catalogue Critique, Paris, 1932, Vbl. I, 67. 3 I would like to eatress ny gratitude for her letter and photocopy of this nomination to Mne. Isabelle du E^squier, conservator. Misée tbtional de la legion d'Honneur. Auguste Manet's quality or grade is listed as "Chef de Division (Justice)", vhile the date and place of birth, and m ilitary oontnissions are le ft blank.
^le Grand Dictionnaire Uiivereel du Dix-Neuvième Siéhle, X, 328, decree, 29 floréal, year X (Miy 19, 1802), inauguration July 14, 1804. Louis XVIII gave i t a new form, incorporating the fleur de lis, vdiile Louis Riilippe substituted the tricolor. Nàpoléon III modified the order by the decree of Mur. 16, 1852, at which time any nunber of knic^ts could be created. Ihe grand master of the Legion of Honor was the Chief of State. Ihe nunber of holders of the grand-croi:: was set at eighty, with two hundred grand officers, and one thousand oosmanders, and four thousand officers. During peace tdme, civil members had to have had twenty years of distinction in science, the arts, or m ilitary functions. Annual eülocations ' were set at 250 fr. for knights, 500 for officers, 1,000 for commanders, 2,000 for grand officers euid 3,000 for those who held the grand cross. The decree of Oct. 28, 1870 suppressed the order for all but the m ilitary, a ban which was lifted by the Versailles govemnent. At that time the nuiber of knights became fixed at 25,000 and article 5 was introduced, reserving three-fifths of the grades for the military.
29 3 0
^Pierre Daix, La Vie de Peintre d'Rctoiiani Manet,taris, 1983, 11; labarant, 7, the btmets were married Jan. IB, 1831.
^Arthur Bartless Maurice, The E^ris of tiie Novelists, New York, 1919, 69-70; Henry C. Shelley, Old F ^is, Boston, 1912, 55; Alfred Franklin, Dictionnaire hlatorlque des Arts, I^tiers et Professions exercés dans Paris depuis le Trezième Biôcle, taris, lô d ê, éoô.------
^Ehdle de la Bédollière, le Nouveau taris , I^ris, 186?, 95.
^rabarant, 7; Manet 1983, 504.
^Ih&dore Duret, trans. E. Flitch, ^fanet and the French Infjressionists, New York, 1937, 7-8, daims that Auguste Manet amounted to virtually a personification of this type. Jacques H illiaret, Dictionnaire Historique des Rues de laris, ï^ is , 1961, I, 210: the Manet home had been the residence of the ^hrquis dc Persan, first marshall of the Gomte d'Artois in 1789, later occupied by Stenator Mxigue, a count. Mile, de Persan, th e narquis ' s i s t e r owned th e p rop erty which had a courtyard and garden, until her death in 1846. During the 1830's, the btmet's neighbors included E^ul Delaroche and Prosper Meriiriee.
^^^I^barant, 8.
^\jamot and Wildenstein, I, 72; labarant, 7; Manet 1983, 504; EXxret, 8.
^^labarant, 7; Henri Dulac, Almanach des 25,000 AddreMes des Principaux Ih^tans de feris, annee 1840, vi^Tt-sixl&ne année, 421, "Phnet, (followed by the cruciform symbol of a knight of the legion of honor), chef de devis, au royal Minist. de la Justice, r. des PetitsrAugustins 5."
^^Firmin-Didot, Annuaire Général du Oonmerce, % ris, 1842, 36, Tribunal de Ire Instance, Pour de la Sainte-Chapelle, judicial year 1841-2, 7th chantoer, vice-president Durartin, judges ^bnet, Filhon, and Bertrand listed in that order. Ihbarant, 7, states that Manet vas succeeded by Gamier du Bourgneuf. 31
^'^Proust, 1913, 4-5; Daix, 11.
15 Ifeûaarant, 8.
^^Ib id , 8.
^^Manet 1983, 504; Antonin Proust, "BdouEund Manet: Souvenirs,” La Revue Blandie, vol. 12, Feb.-May 1897, 125.
^^abarant, 8.
19 l^baiant, 8; Daix, 12.
2 0Albert Boine, "Dxxms Couture and the * Eclectic Vision, New Waven and London, 1980, 31.
^W iet 1983, 504; Proust, 1897, 129.
^^Daix, 30 and 42.
23 Gabriel P. Weisberg, The Realist Tradition; French Painting ai^ Drawing 1830-1900, e;diibiticn catalogue, Cleveland Museum Art and Indiana Press, 1980, 296: Jeanron's term as director was brief. He was dismissed under Napolaon III, but he managed to show Oardin and the le Nain and reeurranged the galleries historically.
24 / / Charles Limet, Uh Veteran du Barreau Ibrisien: Quatre-vingts ans de souvenirs 1827-1907, Pans, 1908, 208.
^^toreau-Nelaton, I, 7; Jamot and Wildenstein, I, 73; Tabarant, 9- 10; Manet 1983, 504.
208. 32
^^Moreau-Nelaton, I, 11; Jamot and Wildenstein» I, 73; Tabarant, 9-10; Edouard Manet, Lettres de Jeunesse; 1848-49, Voyage à Rio, laris, 1928, Dec. 9, 1848; Feb. 4, 1849; June 13, 1849.
^^Limet, 209; Tbbarant, 9-10.
^^Manet 1983, 504.
^ i x , 32.
31 Alphonse Eaudet, trans. G. B. Ives, Boston, 1899, 126-7.
^^lliaret, I, 535.
Alain îaure, Ibris careme-Prenant: du cam ival ^ laris au XDC siècle 1800-1914, laris, 1978, 18.
^^Sfercier, Tableau de Paris, nouvèlle édition, II, Amsterdam, 1782, 138-141.
^^labarant, 10; Eaix, 32; Jamot and Wildenstein, I, 72, placed th is move in 1845.
^®de la Bédollière, le Nouveau laris, 16.
^^Proust, 1897, 126; Jamot and Wildenstein, I, 73; Caix, 32 puts his entry as Jan-; De la Bédollière, le Nouveau laris, 408, The rue lavoisier opened in 1838 and like other sections of the 8th arrondisement was one of the locations favored by the nouveau riche.
^^Tabarant, 10; Prcxist, 1897, 126; Boime, 39, 64, and 70. 3^
39 , Boime, 429; In 1846, Qiaitpfleury referred to an Eoole Desforges with Oouture at its head. Defbrge was a color dealer on the boulevard Montmartre Who showed works painted by Couture, Muller, M illet, Rousseau, Diaz, Itm teuil, Baron and later Courbet. Baudelaire referred to ah Boole Oouture in his 1846 Salon review.
^Ibid, 134, advertisement reproduced on 135, plate VI, 2.
^4)aix, 38.
^^im e, 39 atd 64.
"^^Ibid, 64.
"^ Ib id , 64.
"*^Ibid, 68.
"^®Ibid, 70.
"*^Ibid, 70-71
Proust, 1897, 126, tells us that Couture visited twice weekly. Rival studios included those officially sanctioned by the Eoole des BeauxrArts, especially Picot's. Boime, 442, informs us of the move to 28 rue Ebntaine, and 457, that "at one point in the 1850's he enrolled as many as sixty students and required two daily shifts to acconodate them."
^^Boime, 444- 445.
So G. A. D. Grauk, Soixante Ans dans le s A te lie rs des A rtis te s {The Memoirs o f Dubose), R uris, 1900, 155.
^^Ibid. 34
^^Tabarant, 14; %oust, 1897, 126-7.
^^Proust, 1897, 131.
^^Crauk, 1-4.
^^Ibid, 15-17.
^^Ibid, 23, 27 and 50.
^^Ibid, 135, 190.
^^Ibid, 45, 242 and 244, n. 1: Hie Eoole des Beaux-Arts bought a plot for Dubose and had him re-interred at Mont-Pamasse.
^^Proust, 1897, 127.
®^Crauk, 120-121.
^^Ibid, 160.
de la Bédollière, le Nouveau Ruris, 310. Belleville was noted for its orgies and knife fi^ ts during this period. Hie places of sweet memory, the countryside and the 1840’s were gone or changed with the new influx of industrial poor.
^^Louis Chevalier, Montnartre du Plaisir et du Crime, Ibris, 1980, 75-77; JaoquesHEtenry Bomeque, Années" d'apprentissage d'Alphonse Eaudet, Ebris, 1951, 126 and n. 72.
64 Chevalier, 76-77: 'Antoine, je vois des spectres ce soir dans votre rue, voilà la maison ou j'a i connu la bougresse dont j'a i fa it Sapho. ' 35
^^Maurioe, 104; WentMorth, Midiael, James Tissot, Oxford, 1984, 170.
^^baudet, Sappho: Peurisian Customs, RiiladelpWa, 1897, 54-59 and 6 8.
^'Daudet, Sappho, 5-7.
^^Maurice, 106, suggests Gerome as the real Caoudel in the novel, while Crauk, 169, suggests Pradier's last work, shwn at the Salon of 1852, Sappho Asise. It is interesting to note that in the Seoond Enpire: Art in France under Napoleon III, e^diibition catalogue, Philadelphia, Detroit, and Paris, 1978, 118, entry by Oolontje Santyault Verlet, a clodc nede by Guillaume Deniere bronze itanufactury, clock-makers for the Tuileries 1852-4, one of 1854 r^resented Sappho.
^^Ibid, 41-42.
^^Beatrice Rirwell, Manet etnd the Nude; A Study in Iconography of ^ e Seoond Btpire; EhD dissertation. University of California, 1973, r^rlnted Garland Outstanding Dissertations in the Fine Arts, 1981, (henceforth referred to as Ehrwell, Nude), 12-13.
^^Daix, 39; The Seoond Btpire, entry of Odile Sebastiani, 278.
^^The Second Bnpire, entry by Odile Sebastiani, 278-280. The painting was donated to the Musee National du Chateau, Gonpiegne by Couture's granddauÿiter, Mne. Moatti, and includes both the iirportant menbers of the oourt and the clergy.
^^Boime, 134.
^^Theodore Reff, "Copyists in the Louvre 1850-1870," Art Bulletin, XLVI, Dec. 1964, 556: Wbnet's permit of January, 1850. In 1852, in the Netherlands, Manet registered at the Rijksnuseixn, Mbnet 1983, 505. 36
^^Proust, 1897, 42.
^®Alfred Delvau, Les Plaisirs de I^rls; Guide Prac±lque des Etrangers, Fhris, 1867, 140-140 (E^vazâ) and 138-139 (Cabaret Dinocheau) v^ere Ibdar could be found as well.
^^Proust, 1897, 131. Ihe class treated ^hnet to punch at the restaurant Pigalle on the night when it was frequented by the easy waien.
’®Ibid, 131-133.
’^Daix, 44.
^ I b id , 47.
®^Proust, 133.
®^Limet, 188-190; Firmin Didot, Annuaire Général du Conrnerce, Kuris 1854, 61, Tribunal de Ire Instance, Palais de Justice, Second Chantaer, judicial year 1853-4; President languidec; Judges; Manet, Ehge de waisonfort, and IXirand de Remonantin. The first five chanbers dealt with ordinary civil a f f a i r s .
®^Hugo, Victor, History of a Crime, trans. T. H. Joyce and A. Locker, Chicago, n.d., 63 and 69.
^Ibid, 349.
®^Ibid, 354.
^^Mgo, 79 and 84, reports that the regiment of chausseurs had been called in from Vincennes to the nairie of the 10th arrondisement vhere the legitim ate government had attenpted to meet and consult. They assured the representatives that they were prepared to arrest them. Daix, 12, tells us that Mne. 37
bbnet's brother, Cblonel Ebumier vas garrisoned at Vincennes. According to Hay*, 98, at the d'Qrsay barracks Where the arrested R^resentatives were taken, regiments of Chausseurs from Vincennes were again in Charge, sending the elected Representatives of the people in vans to various prisons and escorting the vans with lancers; Janot and Wildenstein, I, 68, n. 3: Edmond Ebumier resigned from the army in 1848, retiring to Etsitoelles. Ebumier had only one son Who was killed in the Crimean war at the siege of Sdaastopol, 1854-1855.
^^Tabarant, 484
®^Tabarant, 18, reminds us that mothers were not required to give the father's name.
89 Ibbarant, 84; Daix, 32; Steven Kovacs, "Efanet and his son in Dejeuner dans 1'a te lie r, ** connoisseur, Nov. 1972, 197.
^% aix,32.
^^Mina Oartiss, "Letters of Edouzund Manet to his wife during the siege of Ibris; 1870-1871," ApoUo, June 1981, 389. Ebr the provisions in Auguste Manet's w ill, see Moreau-Nelaton, I, 52, and Jamot and Wildenstein, 77, provision 3, Manet-Leerihoff irarriage contract.
^^Daix, 32; Tbbarant, 17; Kovacs, 19/, believes that Leon was not called Suzanne's brother until 1863 and the narriage of Edouard and Suzanne Manet. I feel that such an alteration of status at the age of eleven. When the child was already in school would have been both andcward and risky. The most logical approach would have been for Suzanne to travel to Holland with the new born and then return to Ebris with Léon and her mother.
^^Mmet 1983, 505, sourœ cdted: J. Verbedc, Bulletin van het RÎÎksmusêirn, Gedehboeck, 1953, 64.
94 Edmond Bazire, Manet, 1884, 10. 38
qc Proust, 130.
^^Limet, 205-8.
Q7 Limet, 205, was a ooUeage of de Jcuy's; Janot and Wildenstein I, 67, Mne. de Jouy's name had been (Xiatremere; Ehoebe Rx)l, and Sandra Q rienti,the Cbnplete fointings of Manet, New York, 1967, 111, No. 277: Jules de Jouy was an attorney and cousin of hbnet's. He owned land at Gennevilliers and was later ^bnet's executor. See also ^bnet, Julie, Journal 1893-1899, Ruris, 1979, 28: M. de Jouy, magistrate and Julie tenet‘s godfather, dies on ftur. 9, 1894, after a two year illness. Ihe burial service was held at the Madeleine and the funeral was at Gennevilliers.
^®Limet, 205.
QQ Limet, 207-8. One m i^t also note that Zola gave the heroine of 1 'AsscCTtoir, the same physical afflictions. But, more ijiportant is lim et's account of a v isit to S^)ain by Manet in the early 1850's, especially in terms of sources and influences, as scholeurs have always presumed that he did not visit that country until 1865.
^^^^^Ihbarant 16; Duret, 15; Boime, 648, n. 3: 'I oonfirm that I have received the sum of 60 francs from M. Mmet for his fee of February 1856. Such a fee added to Cbnture’s policy of advance payment would have covered about 2 months.
^°^%barant, 16, see also Daix, 50: Balleroy, four years older than Manet, habitually wore a monocle, and had gained honors at the Salons of 1853 and 1855.
^°^urice, 69-70.
^°^Boime, 471. 39
104 Daix, 43: "to Manet 'finish* eliminated all traces of the work and also the order...[it] obliterated the constitution even of the image"... as well as the activity of the work of the paint as real in itself. ïhrwell. Nude, 15, states that Manet goes even further than Oouture by stopping with a work still in \^ t was at that time still considered an ébauche. '
^°^Boime, 447 and 648 n. 31: a student of Couture in 1850, *T. H. ' later published cm Couture's method, emphasizing that he 'teaches always the necessity of painting au premier cocp. ' See also Boime 446, Couture's love of fresh color, his preference to remove what is wrong and repaint rather than re touch and 448, the elimination of half-tones in Couture emd Manet's extension of that tendency.
106 Ibid, 454: Couture's method was to drag the lif te r paints over the àauche to create half tones and reduce the amount of glazing. Manet reverses this process, pulling rolor across white ground instead. Daix, 310, states that recent xrays of Delacroix' Liberty Leading The People show a li^ t preparation; the canvas is '^nearly \hite'^ with a sketch done in brown "sauœ" enriched with resin and the principal colors. These procedures coincide with A. C. Hanson's findings on Manet's Study of a Wbnan at the Art Institute of Chicago and the Portrait of George' Moore at the Metropolitan Museum in New York. Proust, 1897, 128-129, reœ rds Btmet's 1855 (?) v isit to Delacroix' studio on rue Notre Dame de Lorette in order to gsdn a permit to copy the Barque of Dante, which had been transferred to the Luxenhourg that y e a r.
^°^Ibid, 445. Couture "inculcated in his pupils the naive belief that a sincere execution would always recieve praise from enli^ttened amateurs." This statanent approaches tbnet's surprise at responses to his Dejeuner Sur l 'Herbe and his claims of sincerity in the introduction to his 1867 Alma show.
^^Alain de Leiris, The Drawings of Edouard Manet, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969, 53-54, feels that Gbuture's influence is particularly apparent in Menet's early drawings which have both strong contours and parallel hatchings. 40
109Discrepancies exist concerning Suzanne's addresses of the 1850's, Thbarant, 17, puts Suzanne at the rue de l'HÔtel de Ville address from the tiiœ of Leon's baptism to 1860. Daix, 32 and 50, places Suzanne on the rue Saint-Louis and then rue l'Hôtel de Ville.
^^%tienne Moreau-Nelaton, Manet Raconte par lui-mane, Paris, 1926, 1, 30, places the move to rue l'HÔtei de Ville in the sunmer of 1860.
^^^Theodore Duret, H istoire d'Edousund Manet et de son Oeuvre, Paris, 1902, 63; Verrier^ M icelle, Eantin-Latour, New York, 1978, 23.
^^^errier, 23.
^^^errier, 8 and 23, Weisberg, The Realist Tradition, 299.
^^^eisberg. The Realist Tradition, 298-299. His theories were published as well in Leooq de Boisbaudran, Bduoaticm de la matpire pittoresque, Paris, 1862, and the Training of the Memory in Art, London, 1911.
^^^Rewald, 25.
^^^feisberg, 29 and figure 43, LVc G irls Biiaroiderinq Near A Window, 1855.
^^^Ibid, 166-7, and cat. no. 140, Portrait of the A rtist's gather, 1856, Museum of Fine Arts, Tours.
118 Ibid, 298-9. See also cat. nos. 83, Ex-Voto, Salon of 1861, and 84, The Vocation of St. Francis, 1861.
^^^Ibid, 273-4.
^^Slidiael Wentworth, James Tissot, Oxford, 1864, 11-13 and 16. 41
17-18.
1 2 2Jean Mhémar, "notes et documents: bbnet et l'Estanpe," NouveU.es 123 Proust, 1897, 168, this was the model for the Bifant aux Cerises of 1859, painted before July of that year. ^^"^Ibid, 427. 1 2K ■'Reff, "Copyists...," 556 and n. 55; Mfeinet 1983, 506. Jfenet met Degas in the Spanish gaUery where Degas audaciously vas working directly on a metal plate. ^^^Ibid, i^pendix 1. ^^^Ibid, 13. ^^®Limet, 249; Delvau, Les Pladsirs..., 95. The grandam of Parisian literary cafés located on the rue de I'Ancienne- CCnedie. Voltaire's table was s till there. 129 Limet, 249, Ihbarant, 358: Gustave ^bnet was a menber of the Municipal Council of Paris, a r^resentative for Montmartre at the Chamber of Dqjuties, and its r^resentative to the National Assembly. ^^^^reau-Nelaton, I, 30. ^^^Proust, 170; Theodore Reff, Manet and Modem Ehris, ejdiibition catalogue, Washington D. C., Chicago cmd London, 1982, 19 and 171. 42 ^ ^ ^ larily n R. Brown, "fW iet's Old M usician; P o r tr a it o f a Gypsy and Naturalist Allegory," Studies in the History of Art, 8, 1978, 77-87. 133 Reff, Modem Paris, 172-173 with quotations from Balzac and Eugene Sue. 134Daix, 68, includes Zacdiarie As true, Jules Castagnary and Fernand Desnoyers as w ell. Fernand Desnpyers, Salon des Refusés: La Peinture en 1863, Paris, 1863, 40-41; Manet 1983, 506. ^^^bfanet 1983, entry ty Charles Moffett, 63. ^^^Proust, 1897, 170. 137 Mzmet 1983, entry by Francpoise Cadiin, 50. 138 Ibid, 50, quoting Mne. Manet to Jaoques-Bnile Blanche. ^^^Ibid, 50. ^^°Limet, 249. ^^^Joel Isaacson, Manet and Spain: Prints and Drawings, eidiibition catalogue, Ann Arbor, 1969; Fhrwell, Nude, 163-4; Alain de Leiris, "’Mile. V. in the Costume of an Espada': Form Ideas in thnet's Stylistic R^>erbory; their Sources in Early Drawing Oqpies," Arts tfagazine, Jan. 1979, 112. Elizabeth Anne McC&uley, A. A. E. Disderi and the Chrte de V isite R ortrait Rjobograph, New Haven and London, 1985, 179- 181 and n. 84: citing Ivor Guest's Ballet of the %ocmd Etrpire, 1956, I I , 147, corroborated by McChuley w ith announcements in the Journal des débats, /^ ril 27, 1862. Scholars had formerly believed the performances given in August were the only ones that year by this troop. 43 ^îcCauley, 172-100, figures 168-176. On 173, the troop appeared in "la ELor de Seville" in the first act of The Barber o f S e v ille a t th e Odéon T heater in i ^ r i l , 1861, re appearing at the Hippodrome in August of that year. ^^^t)reau-Nelaton, I, 35; "Ribarant, 52; E^urwell, Nude, 97; Msinet 1983, 507. 145 Boime, 73, "The writers and artists of the Restoration eind July Monarchy were obsessed with ^panisli imagery. " CHAPTER I I VICTORINE MEURENT Our attention now turns to Victorine-Iouise Meurent. Who was she? From vAiere d id she come? Along w ith c h a ra c te riz in g th e ro le she vas to play in ^tlnet*p. art, these are the questions this cta^ w ill attenpt to answer, or at least provide more in sist in to . She was bom on February 18, 1844 in the Popinoourt quarter of E%iris at 39 rue de la Eblie-Mericourt (today rue Popinoourt), in a six story building containing the Brasserie du Prince Bu^ne and apartments of one or two rooms. Her parents, Jean-Louis-Etienne Meurent (bom 1808) and Louise-Œhérèse Lemesre Meurent had been narried in a civil ceremony. Victorlne-Louise was baptised at the Chtholic parish church of Sainte-Elisabeth the day after her birth. ^ Victorine's paternal grandparents, Etienne-^colas Meurent (1777-1854) and Louise-Chtherine Froment Meurent (bom 1799), lived at 150 me Saint-Maur. An uncle, louis-Jean Meurent 44 45 (1809-1889), lived in ttontrartre at 7 rue Burq. His death 2 certificate indicates that he was a sculptor. In order to conprehend vho Victorine was, i t is necessary to understand the social class and the neighborhood in which she was bom as well as the one in vhich she resided vhen îfenet first began to paint her. The Popinoourt quarter was named in honor of Jean de Popinoourt, the first president of the E^liament of Paris (1403r 1413). His country house at one time occupied this area. Ihe3 Rue de la Pblie-Mericourt linked the rue Mâiilirontant with the rue Eontaine-au-Roi, neeur the Chnal Saint-Martin and its Oaai de Jennapes.^ It was a quarter of laborers burdened with numerous children, living on insufficient wages, who had no resources to protect them from unenplcyment or illness. The main fountain in the district near the church of Saint-Airbroise appropriately exhibited a figure of Chsurity.^ Houses and tenements were “stunted", with caoacking black walls, existing side by side with tinheryards and iron foundries. Here in meager manufacturing and commercial boutiques emd ateliers were Paris' mechanics, ccpper and bronze-workers, mounters of jewels, spinners of cotton, printers of febrics, pavers, potters, metal glazers and polishers, vool- thdsters, carriage makers and decorators, narble- cutters, blacksmiths, mirror polishers, lead workers, plunders, furnace makers, laundresses, cabinet-makers. 4 6 fur skinners, gilders, hide tanners, bronzers, piano- case manufacturers, paint and color makers, crinoline stitdiers, wall-paper makers, eye-glass framers, button makers and constructors of India-rubber clothing. Ihis veritable beehive of small manufacturies and their employees were concentrated between the Boulevards du Temple, Filles-du- Calvaire and Beaurrarchais.^ Victorine's father's metier (trade) was listed cis "ciseleur" in the Sainte-Elisabeth baptismal record.^ Unfortunately, there was never officially a corporation for ciseletrs. Different societies such as orfèvres (goldsmiths), fburbisseurs (sword m ^ers), armuriers (armourers emd gunsmiths), ^aeronniers (spur makers), fondeurs (bronze founders and casters), graveurs (engravers) and doreurs (gilders) had their own ciseleurs. In addition, workers who took hot irons to make a Q honeycomb tiextured cut-velvet were also called ciseleurs. So, too, the ciseau (chisel) was used not just by those who worked with metals, 9 but also by stone masons. lo Although no one has been successful at finding M. Meurent's name as an independent or that of his employer, it seems most likely that he was employed. By 1848, only nine percent of aurtisans were indq>endent, the majority were employed by small shops as, metals and raw materials being expensive, trades began increasingly to rely on capital investment. 47 According to 1847 statistics, three years after M. Meurent's name had been inscribed on his daughter's baptismal certificate as a ciseleur, the nutiaer of artisans working with precious metals (16,819) outnonbered those working with industrial m etals (14,894)- I h is s itu a tio n chemged ra d ic a lly by 1860, however, vhen the Paris chanter of ccnmerce statistics showed 18,731 in precious material work and 28,866 in industrial m a te ria ls.' 12 As a result of increasing industrialization, new distinctions arose which sqarated artiseui from proletariat.^^ Aided to this weis an increase in the cost of living unacccirpanied ty an equal increase in wages.The insurrection of June 1848 marks a time which has permitted scholars to draw with some precision the demarkation or frontiers of bourgeois Paris and laboring Phris. Ih til early in the reign of Napoleon III, bourgeois and worker could be found in different parts of the same house and neic^iboxhood. Ihe h i^ er one lived, the poorer one vas. 15 IXiring Baron Ifaussmann's reoonstruc±ions, richer and poorer separate neighborhoods were created with certain trades congregating in specific arrondissements such as the mechanics of Ibpincxjurt.^^ In additicai to a shrinking income and more definitive social stratification and classification by quarter, the mittoer of eligible voters was reduced as well. The law of ffay 13, 1850, 48 increased the residence requirements from six months to three years, dropping the nurtoer of voters in France from 9,600,000 to 6.809.000 males. Only 63 of every 100 voters in the department of the Seine remained. In other words, of 220,000 R&risian voters, 144.000 were now excluded. 17 This was followed by the law of May 19, 1850, which dissolved the Urdxxi des Associations ouvrières, considered to be a "repair for dangerous conspirators to public security." Workers begsm to sense that the new Republic was like 18 every other regime, and that they were agadn the vanquished. Living under atrocious conditions, subject to police surveillance, having no r i^ t to coalition or association, and treated as social pariahs 19 made the working quarter become hopeful when, on the morning of (by 2, 1851, Rrince-President louis-ibpoléon dissolved the rational Assembly, abrogated the law of May 31 cind proclaimed universzü. male suffoage restored.^ Workers in the Saint—Antoine quarter "so fomous for its democratic passions" seemed not to care about the dissolution of the Republic, and resistance to the coup d 'etat was "more bourgeois than worker." 21 Yet, ais the outlawed, elected representatives were to meet once on the rue du Mont-Thabor (ffanet's father's neighborhood) they also met at Obumet's at 82 rue EOpinoourt (Victorine's fother's neighborhood). 22 If we are to believe popular literature, we aure told that the typical worker practiced a metier, did haind work, wais 49 honorable like a soldier, lived in a huiible mansard like a bird, attended parish church, had no childhood, went to the guinguette on weekends and, although not innocent, was bom armed for work and good at judging hiznan nature. Ihe worker's education was religious, therefore cost were Christians vhose motto amounted to ‘"suffer, but hope.'" Ihe worker, like the ocinion soldier he once may have been, was szdd to have a need for a master who dispensed discipline from above, and spent every Sunday with mother, whom th e worker caured fo r a f te r h e r husband held d ied . 23 At the same time we also find: Living close to an industrious middle class and within view of a sybaritic bourgesisie, the worker was constantly confronted with the evidence of his inferiority, both economic and cultural. In a society that placed great value on upbringing, dress, manners and literary culture, even the elite worker might tove difficulty passing the class barrier. The first r^resentation of the worker typifies an established literary ideal and is a romanticized unthreatening view of the working man's acceptance of his lo t. The second evidences class riveOry and worker discontent. Nevertheless, both descriptions demonstrate the curious fascination each had for the other. This interest in one's self, one's own class and its difference facm "the others," both above and below on the rungs of the social ladder became, if not an obsession, at least a preoccupation during the Second Ehpire. 50 Indeed, a significant loss of caste and mixing of layers distinguishes the nineteenth century in general and the Second Bipire in particular from earlier epochs as "la nasse ouvrière, 25 comme la bo u rg eo isie e t cctime 1 'a r is to c r a tie , s 'e n c a n a ille ." Perhaps out of a taste for the picturesque, or for the pleasure of lowering one's self, nany bourgeois, auristocxcats and artists of a ll kinds attended the public dancing establishments, the bals.^^ It is in this sort of place that Itmet might have encountered Victorine and out of vhich he selected the subjects for which she was the "natural" grhodiment. Bals were the neutral territory cn which different classes mixed emd observed one emother, and cmpeted for the attentions of the best dancors: dancers whose fame oould equal that of the greatest ballerinas and actresses, and vho were more easily seen and spoken to as they were less sequestered, less busy with the work of râiearsals and training. Available, taunting, charmingly impudent, carefree, laughing at the world and mocking its ccxiventions, with ^ith ets like Ihuvette, Souris, Maurguerite la Hugerote (later called Rigolbcxhe), these cxximoners seemed to most flagrantly typify the changing character of contenporary Ihris. Indeed, if streets, quarters, arrondissements and the liberalized government Itse lf was subject to radical change and transform ation, why not socdefy? And if venture and speculation were the o rd er o f th e day, what b e tte r gcxsds had some to sp ecu late 51 The lÉ tel de l'Averyon was ot th e same s t r e e t in (a real hovel) where one paid 60 centimes for the first night and 30 for the follow ing ones. The beds weire in fe c te d with syphilis, rotten linens and zinc washbasins, a bucket eis a urinal, no chair, no tables, no soap, and no towel. Gn the wall was a notice to leave the key in the door. Police burst in before dawn here. Agents would grab a sleeper ty the hair, shine a lantern on them, throw the head back onto the pillow, awaken those pointed out to them as those who seemed good for the taking. Resistance resulted in getting beaten qp ... The streets around Place ^hubert, the rue des Trois-Portes, rue Zacharle, rue de la Bucherie and rue bbitre-Albert have been 43 chzuracterized as open sewers (cloaques) above the ground. Ihe ragmen and ruffians of the district frequented the Château Rouge and Pere Lunette's.^ lère Lunette's (figure 4) was on the rue des Anglais, a street built in 1190 under thillipe II 45 Auguste. Lunette's was a haunt of the vice-ridden and the notorious. It's decor included obscene prints and inscriptions on the walls. Its &ont was painted scarlet and its sign was a pair of wooden glasses. Its "motley cliaits, men and women of pallid and evil mein fresh from a prison cell or on. th e i r way"^® were "boozers ... hope[ing] a kind stranger w ill give them tobacco or buy them a glass of wine." 47 The wall frescoes consisted of a nude female g&stride a fish, portraits of Ganbetta, Plon-Plon (Prince Jérôme Nàpoléon) with his pants down, Louise Michel and out-of-date celebrities. TVo of its habitues were a poet who 55 recited gütiberi^ in the streets and a rale street guitarist, street arabs and filles (girl prostitutes) vho wore fanchons (kerchiefs named after a legendary street singer), painted vonen, alcoholics, the sordid, pirps, street urchins and wicked grandparents went there. Pere Lunette's vas a regular pavement for a ll but bandits, vhere customers vauld be exploited and pick up fleas, but not be robbed. Of the places in the area, it was the most beastly, but the least dangerous. 49 L u n ette 's was tru ly famous, named fo r th e immense p a ir o f copper spectacles of its founder and first owner, vho died rich enough to buy himself a pair in gold. It had two rooms, a front one for "clients de passage" and the back one for habitues. Ihe latter had two tables and was called the "museum" because i t had drawings all over its vail - a fille handing la galette (her iron^) to her pimp, a drunk, a pickpocket stealing a handkerchief from a provincial. In the place of honor were the main scenes from I'Assonmoir. 50 Some of these Aresooes had been done by a woman vho had some talent and worked for reviews and illustrated journals. Later she went to cabarets selling her drawings, sometimes in exchange for drinks of absinthe. By 1882, vhen she was pointed out to Georges Orison, she spent her time smoking, drinking and paying with drawings vhich her trembling hand cxxild hardly trace out.^^ 56 Vfcmen vere allw ed to sle ^ at Pere Lunette's; but not men, they had to return to the street. At the front was the shop, described as a long passage with a zinc counter along its length. Customers sat on a "bendi nezur the wall on the condition that they hold their glasses in their land and remain upright." It was a cabaret, too,^^ having performers vho were habitues rather than a 53 regular troupe like theaters had. And it was celebrated in song and verse 54 as well as in the literature of Guy de Maupassant. 55 Ihe Chateau Rouge at 57 rue Galande (figures 5 and 6} was closed after a series of murders took place there. It was also called "la Guillotine," and its owner, Pierre Trolliet slaughtered two eissailants vho attacked him with a bull-whip.^^ It vas located at the back of a courtyard and its façade was the brcwnish- red color of the guillotine. Inside it smelled of rancid fat and mould, like a steamy barracks. Men, women and children ate and slept there. Maiy brought their cwn food and the equipment to eat it with as well.^^ Ihe men and vremen of the secxnd room were mostly prostitutes and good for nothings. Men v/ith rings of copper vdth glass cameos, vomen in chains of pinchbeck (an alley of copper and zinc), vdth pendant earrings and plated bracelets or the new American simulated-ooral, were sprawled in used-up debauchery. Old ladies in open gowns and fourteen year-olds vdth oonsvnption went from table to table offering themselves, drinking from 57 available glasses, not even retreating from blows and rebuffs. laug^iter mixed with obscene songs or old ronantic ones like la Mort d'une hirondelle. In the la st room was the "Senate" where an old wonan who modeled in the latin ttiarter claimed to have known the Bohemians and mostly on Saturdays, a "monsieur" in a yellowed redingote and silk tophat, an actor beuglant (bellowing singer) came in to study popular types and always got dead drunk. In the last two rooms one found the antechantser to the deleriim tremens and the Saint- Lazare or la Roquette prisons. 59 More thctn th rills awaited visitors at the Chateau Rouge. Here, there was dzmger.^ One could pass from police informants, vagabonds zmd ruffians on to pinps and criminals. At about 2 a.m. the sleepers vould be evicted ty the proprietor who had two bull vhips, a revolver, an ogress wife and strong bully boys to do his fighting. The sleepers with no rooms would have to wander until 5 a.m. when the churches would open and they cxxild warm themselves in w in ter. Ihese were the areas vhere Victorine, or "Louise Meuran" as Manet notes, could have been found in 1861 and 1862. Might rhnet himself have met her cxi rue Mbître-Albert a s e a rly as 62 1861, before or after Oouture's studio had closed? Did Manet 63 take pity on her and bring her to his studio from Couture's, or meet her through her father, or at the Rilais de Justice in 1862, 58 Where her iitfxiâent manner is related to have struck him so, according to Théodore Duret?^ We do not really know precisely vhen or how rtmet met Victorine. We do not even know if he called her Victorine or Louise or knew the correct spelling of her last name - Meurent. We know only that in his notes she is "Louise Meuran" of "17 rue ffeitre-Albert, " on the lower borderline of existance, out of vhich she ocmes. Adolphe Thbarant in 1947 and Pierre GOurthion in 1953 added that she was not unknown in the Latin CXarter^^ and her life seems, in her identiflability, to seme, to be a part of the content of the ffenet paintings in vhich she appears.^ Often descriptions of paintings in vhich she appears lapse into descriptions of the life she is presumed to have lived: She lived in the most evil places, or she would be a free Bohemian, model for painters, libertine of the brasseries, lover for a day, she of course claimed herself to be of illustrious parentage ... a product of a great crLty, the street errant, fatigued from the pavement, dirtied from the gutters. In her short childhood, she knew cxxttrary fortunes, the highs and lows of existance. Worker for meagre pay, badly nourished, loving vhile on promenade in the suburbs on Sunday, knowing women of the flesh a t sixteen, beaten by brutes, adored for her madness and delicacy, this is one stray of cdvilizatign destined for misery and the h o s p ita l. 59 But, sudi descriptions are spun from a general conception. Are they accurate, or can she be provided with a more individualized portrait and biography? This girl, whose existance had been so uncertain, most certainly came to Itm et's studio to pose, perhaps as early as 1861,^ and seemed to have been a fixture in the rue Guyot stu d io . If I'Janet's model vas well known, as seme claim, it follows that she may have been one of the celebrities at the bals. Among the Louises of the early 1860's are several who may, or may not, have been VictorineHLouise Meurent, as the vague women of the bastringues and bals adopted and acquired soubriquets. Nevertheless, a knowledge of them, at least, helps us in more firmly establishing a type. The most &irous "Louise," acoording to surviving literature, seems to have been Louise Voyageur. In Argot, "voyageur" can mean "a perasitic insect" or an "anateur saltiirbanque" (street entertainer). Mile. Voyageur was famous enough to have her own a ir to the tune of Oormissaire in 1863, which pxortrayed her reading: La le c tu re (b is) Rxnan, journal, adventure, la lecture (bis) Oui v o ilà Son grand dad Elle lit, le jour, la nuit. Elle lit quand elle mange. 6 0 Oand oe besoig la daiange. Elle dansant mema elle lit, de Ifeiul de Koch à Senèque, Elle lit dans tous les lieux. O fenme bibliothèque Iis tu nâne dans les yeux! This particular Louise Voyageur oould be fcund in the latin COarter at the doserie des lilas, 171 boulevard Montparnasse, near the Luxenhourg gardens. 72 The doserie des lilas and Mabille were left-bahk places especially popular for several generations of students.'*' Outside the student district, she was also seen at the ^ 74 Elysee Mxitnartre on the boulevard Rochechouart, at the Prado near the I^lais de Justice, at the Grande Chaumiere^^ and, eis 77 late as 1867, at the bal Bullier. She \®s even mentioned in the 78 Almanach Ibrisienne of 1862. 1V*o other "Louises” who attended the same haunts and seem to belong to the same oircle are Louise Ealcxdieuse (of the town 79 00 fair) and Louise Sauvageon (wild briar). Others, still, or perhaps one o r t w o f th e previous ones known by another soubriquet, include Louise la Blonde (the feiir) and Louise Guipure (a type of laœ ), who attended the Salle fhrkouski, cafe de Paris, ^ 01 Grande Chavsidere and the fbbille and the Vhlentino bals. Louise la Blonde and Louise Guipure were classed among the lionnes, or la garde, the twenty or so most desired and expensive courtesans of the Second Bipire 82 6 1 Yet another "L ouise," one Louise Mezret, an actress, as most of the demi-monde were (at least temporarily)^ inspired through her behavior at a wild dinner party, a scene \Aiich later appeared in Dnile Zola's great novel, tbna (1880), the archetypical naturalist novel of the rise and fall of a 83 (xxurtesan. Even more astonishing, in the same year that Zola 84 and bfanet met, 1866, vhile Vichorine-Louise was s till posing for him, Zola first conceived the idea of writing Nana, whose name was to have been Louise Duval, not changed to Anna Ooupeau until QÇ 1876. could Louise "Meret" amd Louise "Meuran" (Meurent) be one and th e same? And, there were "Victorines," too. One is noted by "mars" and an address on the rue Fbntaine in Manet's notes. NLmber86 28 Rue fbntaine was the address of Couture's last studio in Paris. 87 Most likely one should interpret the "mars" beside this Vic±orine's name as another address used by "Louise Meuran" and March (bbrs) of 1862, the period when she posed for and appeared In Couture'S acocunts* 88 Manet noted cjuite a few oüier addresses for "Louise" in his 1861-1862 notes. On the rue labruyere, on the rue Vànneau and on the rue du Poteau, in addition to the "Meurem" on the rue toître-Albert.®^ Most likely a ll are for the same Louise, moving day to day, week to wedc and month to month, Victorlne-Louise Meurent. 62 The nore well-loxxn "Victorines" of the period were Victorine Gobelotte (the drinker), vho attended the (hauniere and 90 the Prado bals, and Victorine legrain (the tipsy), a ballerina 91 at the opera frem 1852-1857 , vho appeared in la Poudre Perlimpinpin at the Théâtre Impériale du Qiatélet on June 8, 1869,^^ anl/or September 4, 1869.®^ A "Victorine" væ is also the oorpanion from time to time of the famous Rigolboche, the veritable queen of the chahut (the 94 can-can) and bals of this period. Rigolboche, earlier kncwn as Nbrguerite la Hugenote, and actually Marguerite Badel, learned to 95 dance at the salle Maroouski, at the age of sixteen and debuted in the bals and bastringues of the exterior boulevards tricked out here in a six sous bonnet. At the beginning of the 1859 czumival, Ae attended the masked balls of Ebris in an old vivandière's oostume from the ballet Les Huguenots. 97 She smoked like a trooper and drank like a fish. She smacked her fanny in the midst of pnrudes, her speech was punctuated with slang and swearing. She wasn't affected at 96 a ll - she was "nature" (natural). Her first lover was a hat-maker from the boulevard du Taiple, vho escorted her to the Jardin tfahlUe on Tbesdays and . Saturdays and to the Chateau des Fleurs the rest of the weac, vhere the painter cabanel, Rrinoes Nhrishkine, Oemidoff,of Orange and of wales, Duke Hamilton-€)ouglas and a ll of Airis would ocme to 6 3 see her, along with Chaitpfleury, Baudelaire, Arsene tkussaye, Ifedar, Cham and others of the literary and aurtistic world. 99 Chitous for her hiÿi-kicks, she would become caught in the music, throw herself against the walls, kick qp her legs, waggle her hips, laugh and nake jokes without losing her breath or a beat. Her voiœ vas a croak, oonpletely unique, ffeny actresses scxight to imitate it by sleeping a ll n i^ t with-cold ocnpresses pressed on their th ro a ts .O n the boulevard Haussmann and near la Madeleine, her photos, seen everywhere, were set between those of Garibaldi and the Pope.^®^ Her ^ ith et, Rigolboche, was given to her at the Prado. 'Two figurantes (walk-on-part actresses) were fighting over a ocmic. People wanted to sqerate them, sending for the police, but rwrguerite said " 'laissez-les done, c'est bien plus rigolbochel ' '* And the crowd baptised her immediately. She became famous and could cover herself with diamonds. She had a g ilt carriage. Men ruined themselves for her, students and young men became "rigolbochienncs" (Rigolboche*s dogs), but she reserved most of her heart for the fast young men of the feubourgs.^®^ Rigolboche had a rival: Aliœ la Provençale, vho cilso came from ^hroouski's. Alice vas much more of a fille des rues (street- valker) vho arrived in % ris in rags and vdthin months was dressed as one of the elegant biches of Ibris. Alice presented herself to M. Pellagot, director of the Casino Cadet, covered in lace and 64 diamonds saying "'I owe all of this to you for letting me lift my legs."’ But Alice, more sensued., danced too lasciviously, and was barred from the ttebille and Chateau des Fleurs, taking "refuge" in the more suburban casinos. Rigolboche became an actress for a brief period at the Délassements Comiques. Ihere crowds flocked to see her, so she demanded a salary raise from the director. When he refused, she gave up the theater. 104 She was smart, and after her brief dancing career, took her money, retired to the dote d'Azur and opened an honest boarding-house for women. 105 A "Victorine," as ocnçanion and occasional rival to Richolboche, is mentioned only by one source, and with no other name, but, it is possible that she may be one of the 106 aforementioned "Victorines, " Gobelotte, Legrain or Meurent. In addition to tbna, JEhiile Zola's great series of novels on les Raugon-Maoquarts: The Natural and Social History of a Ecmdly under the Second Brpire, in vdiich Ifana treats the theater and the demi-monde, one finds 1'Oeuvre, the novel about art, artists and their world. L'Oeuvre, published three years after fbnet's death in 1883, vras iiunediately recognized to be, like so many novels, a rcnan à clef, in vhich Manet was believed to have been one of the inspirations for its artist - hero, Claude lantier.^®^ 65 Zola's cwn ébaudie (outline and rough preliminary sheets of notes) confirms this, describing lantier as, "a ftenet, a draitatized Cezeinne."^*^ Ihe ébaudie had one heroine, the model, vhose personality vas later fragmented into two opposite dieuracters called Christine Hallegrain and Irma Beoot, who came to rep re se n t, on th e cxie heind, th e good g irl/w ife emd, on th e o th e r, the naughty girl/firee vroman/ndstocess as types. IVro Zola scholars, E^trick Brady and Robert J. Niess, have alreac^ suggested Victorlne-Louise Meurent as a model for Zola's Christine chcuracter, since a parallel exists between her appeeurance as a nude in Lantier's masterpiece Plein Air, and Victorine's appearance in Manet's Dejeuner sur l'Herbe. Never th e le s s , in term s o f What we now know o f h e r l i f e eind What we m i^t surmise in general about her background, Victorine Meurant would appropriately appeau: as the source for the other kind of vman in I'Oeuvre ais well, Irma Becot. Zola's âaaudie indicates that he originally intended a singular heroine, an a rtistic and amorous rouleuse (trollop) Whom Claude would pick up, drunk, at a carnival, and turn into his model and mistress. Ibken only that far, the plot actually resembles Alphonse Daudet's earlier novel, Sappho (1S84), in Which th e sc u lp to r C&oudel i s S 2dd to take Ehnny Legrand out of the gutter at the bal Ragache at the age of seventeen, and use her as model and mistress.Zola describes Irma as being sixteen years 6 6 old, and "Une figure diiffonnée de parisienne ... a 16 ans elle a déjà eu trois amants, avant de débuter dans les bastringues, passe des uns aux autres ... Elle deviendra une cocotte chic, s 119 une Valtesse."^^^ In the published novel, Claude Lantier's first impression of Irma is that she is "a trollop. But Irma also "radiates intelligence of a particularly I^risian kind, and emanates a b rittle charm acquired in her hard youth. She is sharper than Christine,and th ^ are rivals. "She [Irma] was squandering her youth and beauty right and left in one studio after another, packing her three chemises every and moving cn, but prepared to go back for the odd night if 116 the fancy tocdc her." Such a description so closely resembles the one by Gustave Geffrey of Victorine in Olympia, that one concludes that the same person is being spoken of.^^^ These conflated descriptions and portrayals, ccmbined with the many notations of VicAorine and Louise eiddresses in fhnet's 118 notes and the fec±. that Manet and Zola knew each other at the time vhen Zola could have met Vic±orine in Manet's studio, or learned her history from btmet and other artists, lead cxie to the conclusion that Vic±orine could as easily served as a model for Zola as well as for Manet, in the same way that Marie Rieu had eeurlier served for COuture and Daudet. 67 In addition, when the friends of Zola's lantier see his sketches, th ey demand to know th e m odel's address and ask "vhere had he picked her \xp7 In a low dive in Montmartre, or in a gutter of the Place bbubert," Victorine's old neighborhood. lantier'8 reclusive studio habits, permitting few and only intimate visitors, parallel Theodore Duret's descriptions of Manet in his rue Guyot studio, as a rather poor house on an obscure street, a "large dilapidated room" where bhnet "kept very much to himself. Cnly his intimate felends used to visit him."^^ Zola's lantier rents a studio on the rue de Douai, the same street vAiere Khnet had one during 1860. 121 The Place Mhubert, the rue de Douai studios, the descriptions of Irna and Victorine, the nude models who are posed with clothed men in the two aurtists' works, the multi-addressed Victorine-Iouise all reinforce the same conclusion; Vic±orine becomes the most appropriate model for the Zola âaauche, the vonan who later became Ima Beoot. Generally, btmet's notes have been presizned to date from 1861 o r 1862. N evertheless, we know th a t hbnet most lik e ly visited the rue tbitrerA lbert as early as 1860, vhen he first took qp printmaking. 122 In addition, Antonin Proust tells us that the Guitarrero and btmet's Portrait of his Parents were on easels at the time Manet first considered painting his Chanteuse des Rues which scholars have dated only approximately eis c. 1862. ftmet 6 8 told Proust, when the first model he had diosen refused to pose, 123 "I have Victorine." The Guitarrero and the R>rtralt of btmet's Parents, although not shown until the 1861 Salon, were painted in 124 1860. If they were "on the easels", Victorine could have beoome the model for btmet's first great nude, la Nyn#ie Surprise, which was ocnpleted in .1861. Ih is stu c^ nov tu rn s to em examination of these questions. FCXriNCrrES to chapter I I ^Jao^ues Goedorp, "la fin d'viné légende: I'Olytpia n 'était pas une Montaartroise,“ Journal de l'Amateur de l'A rt, Feb. 10, 1967, 7. Denis Bouart and Daniel Wildenstein, Edâ^rd (tmet; catalogne I^isonné, Lausanne and Paris, 1975, I, é6, no. 5?, "neé a*Paris en 1844." 2 Goedorp, 7. ^de la Bedollière, le tfouveau Paris, 420. ^Ibid, 400, and map. The rue ïbntaine-au-Boi is the street where Suzanne Leerihoff lived in the early 1850's. ^Ibid, 176. ^Ibid, 176. 7 Goedorp, 7. ^Alfred Franklin, Dictionnaire des Metiers et Professions exercés dans Paris depuis le Trieziàne Siècle, Paris, 1906, 174. ^J. A. Dulaure, Histoire de Paris, Paris, 1858, vol. 8, 170: ciseleurs, graveurs et guillocheurs. ^^Bnile de la Bedollière, Les Industriels: Metiers et Professiais, Paris, 1842, 218, 220 and 226: maçons included joiners, csuzpenters, locksmiths and stonecutters. 69 70 H. Mass, The Origins of The French Labor Mavement 1830- 1914, Berkeley, Los Angeles and london, 1976, 18. ^^Duveau, 212 and dhart based on cbanfoer of oormerce statistics, 213. ^^Ibid, 229. ^^Duveau, 358-359: In 1860 the rule on the average was calculated as an ideal that rent vrould cost one tenth of a wage earner's total inoome, but in Kiris the average was one-seventh or one- e ig h th . ^^Ibid, 206-207. 16Ibid, 210; Burchell, S. C., Infjerial ftisquerade^ The Paris of Napoléon III, New York, 1971, 149. ^^Ibid, 59. ^^Ibid, 61. 19 Albert Ihonas, Histoire Socialiste, vol. X: le Seccmd Bnpire: 1852-1870, K ris, n.d., 196. ^%uveau, 68, Louis Napoleon further invited citizens to approve a new constitution ty plebiscite . 21Ibid, 68 and 71. See also 43: In 1848, this was the same area vhere barricades had been set up to oppose monarchy and these quarters were traditionally nests for uprisings against the government. Ihe Popincourt quarter barricades were so well ' constructed that even the amy generals \*)o ocnrmnded the assaults on them were struck with admiration for them. Among the best defenders of these barricades were ciseleurs and the brmze workers of the Filles-du-GilvEdre. Ihe bronze workers 25 years later were the first chiefs of the Internationale. 71 The History of a Crime, 132-3, Cbumet's was a building sv^ly house. 2 3M.J. Brisset, "L'Oivrier de Ruris," Les Français Peints par Eux-Mânes, % ris, 1861. This type appears in Bnile Zola s I ’AsscroIr in the person of Gouget, vho makes hexagonal rivets, but alreac^ the wages of the thread-cutters (wcmen) had been cut from 12 francs to 9 as machines took over their manual jobs. ^% bss, 17. 25 Djveau, 485. ^^Ibid, 491-2. 27Ibid, 516: In Ebpincourt and in Raucourt in the Ardennes for example, there were proportionally more drunks among the m etallurgists than in the extablisbment at Creusot. Vfcmen drinkers became more connon, too, in working populations in industrially conoentzated areas. Rsr leCreusot and its cwner Schneider, see Weisberg, The Realist Tradition, 76 and figs. 42- 43. Goedorp, Feb. 10, 7 and Mar. 10, 7. 29 Art of The Second Btpire, entry by Daniel Aloouffe, 114, no. II- 34% Fallu et d e. vrais established in 1858. The euirtist of this bowl was Ferdinsmd Barbedienne. ^%oime, 291. Art of The Second Bipire, 778-279. Until 1862 Couture continued to work cn The Baptism of The Rcince Imperial. ^^Thbarant, 47; Rouart and Wildenstein, II, 239, no. 9; P. Oourthion, Manet raconte par lui-mAne et par ses amis, Geneva 1953, I, 120-121; Goedorp, Feb. 10 and Mar. 10, 1967, 7. Boime, 291. 32de la Bedollière, le Nouveau Ihris, arrondisement V, map. 72 33Jean-Ehdle Bayard, trans. P. Mitchell, The Latin Quarter Past and Present, New York, 1937, 34. ^Théodore lavillee, "Géographie de Paris," Le Diable à Paris, % ris, 1846, Iviii. ^ ^rq u is de Rochegude, Promenade dans toutes les rues de Paris, V, a r r . V, 26. ^^Lavalée. Iv iü ; Rochegude, V, 25; Linda Nôchlin, Realism, Baltimore, 1973, 108 and 257, fig. 55: Anon., Storming the Barricade, nie Perdue, 1848, series of lithographs, chez Aubert, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale. Fracide (slingshot) and frondeurs (street urchin throwing mud at the rich) described those opposed to the government, the last serious effort by the Ftench nobility to oppose the ManarcJy; the civil wars beginning in 1648 in vhich the nobility and upper middle class opposed the Monarchy (The regency of Anne of Austria for Lewis XEV, s till a child). Periodic outbreaks ensued for about twelve years and fziilure was blamed on noble factionism. The frcxode was one of the reasons vhich contributed to Louis XEV's belief that cibsolute monarchy was the alternative to anarchy in the Realm. 37George Grison, Ehris Horrible et Ehris Original, Paris, 1882, 144 and 195. ^^^Prançois Carzadec, and Jean-Ibbert Masson, Ics Guides Noirs: Guide de Paris Mystérieux, entry by Pierre Destanque, Paris, 1976, 472-474. See also~Vic±or Hugo, Les Misérables, Part 3, Book 4, Chapter 5, The Back Room a t The café MusainT and 574, Place Maubert as the headquarters of the scavengers whose drinking holes are called bibines. 39Destanque in C^rradec and ^sson, 472. 40 Goedorp, May 10, 7. 41 x J. K. Huysmans, Oeuvres Completes de J. K. Huysmans, vol. XI, le Quartier Saint-Severin, Ehns, 1928, 81 and 84. ^^Huysmans, Oeuvres C bnpletes, XI, 83. 73 ^^Griscxi, I^ris Horrible..., 145. ^Henri Aimeras, "Les Cëifés et les Restaurants," in Sinond III, 176. ^^de la Bedollière,le Nouveau Paris, 379. ^^Shelley, Old Paris, 95. 47 Huysmans, XI, 96. "^^Ibid, XI, 96. "*^Ibid, 96-98. ^Grison, 149-150. ^^Ibid, 149. ^^Ibid, 149-50. ^^François de Ckoisset, La Vie Ririsienne au Ih^tre, I^ris, 1929,15. ^^ciiel Herbert, La Chanson è Montmartre, Paris, 1967, 17, I^re Lunette's described in verse by Ferdinand Pantin: 'liguer qui tue, amour qui perd. Prostitution, poison vert, la mâne é tr e in t Serbie vous avoir confondus. Vous par lesquels tant sont perdus, Ritain, absinthe 1 74 Chevalier, 136, and 191, in Ifevçassant's Bel Ami, 1897, 'Elle reconriâit que le cafe-ooncert est d’un canaille bien special E^is, nais elle s'en lasse. Elle voudrait un soir circuler sur les berges de la Seine et visiter leurs cabarets î'^Eère lunette's and Château Rouge were in this category; Maurice Barrés, Les Déracinés, E ^is, 1819, 369: Mne. Aravien vanted Mouchefrin to be her^guide to 'le ïère Lunette's' or 'le Château Rouge.' ^^Huystnans, Oeuvres Cbnplet^, XI, 84 cmd 95-98. ^^Grison, 145-146. ^^Ibid, 147. ^^Ibid, 147-8. ^^illiara Rothenstein, Men and Memories, Londcxi, 1931, 93. ^^Huysnans, Oeuvres Oonplètes, XI, 105-107. ®^See I I I n . 33. ^^Goedorp, May 10, 7; Boime, 465 and 291. ^^Théodore Duret, quoted in Ibbarant, 47, in C. V. Wheeler, Manet, Washington D. C., 1938, 8; in Oourthion, I, 120-121; in Ihbarant "Celle qui fut I'Olynpe," Bulletin de la vie artistique. May 15, 1921. ^^Dabarant, 1947, 47 "elle n 'était pas un inconne" &ur la rive gauche;" Oourthion, fbnet raconte.... I, 120-121. ^^Gustave Geffrey, la Vie Artistique, III, 138, Manet Paralleled Balzac, Flaubert, and the Gonoourts showing life as it is. Phrwell, Nude, 162-163 and 158, Victorine aa the aimiable prostitute and Manet as the Ehrisian dandy. 75 6V G effrtjy, 1, 19-20, a description of Olynpia, dated Feb. 10, 1890 on the presentation of the painting to the state. ^^Jheeler, 11, says that Manet brought Victorine to the rue Lavoisier studio across from the EWais de Justice. He occupied that studio during 1859-1860. 71-72? Duret, trans. Flitch, 1910, ^ 5 >endix I, 214, no. 31, "she became his favorite model, and a ll those \ho knew Manet and frequented his studio between 1862 and 1875 became acquainted with Victorine": Duret, 1937, 60, describes tlie 1852 rue Gcyot studio a rather poor house on an obscure street behind the Ebrc Monceau. Ihe area was not very populous then and the studio, "a large dilapidated room" vhere bbnet "kept ver,* much to himself. Only his intimate friends used to visit him." 70Alfred Delvau, Dictionnaire de la langue verte; nouvelle edition augmentée d'un supplement par G ustavel^tier, Ebris, 1883, 473: vpyageur-anateur (in the argot of saltdnbangues), those among the spectators vho serve them in a tcur-de-force or address them. ^^Emest Bltm, Les Pieds qui R'Mûrenti Bals, Danses et E&nseuses, Paris, 1863, 120-121. ^^Alfrod Delvau, Les Cyth^res Parisiennes, Ebris, 1864, 59. Ihis was the famous haunt of Déranger, the patron saint of qr^ettes (working-girls vho were the sweethearts of students). Béranger wrote many populsu: romantic songs which everyone knew. Jacques H illiaret, Dictionnaire Historique..., II, 157-160, no. 171 boulevard Montparnasse: Philippe Jullien, Montmartre, 41. 74Delvau, 1864, 144-145, information from the Alnanach Parisienne o f 1862. 75 Ibid, 15-23. An Olyirpe went there too, but she died of apoplexy in a student's room. 76 ^^Ibid, 64. ^^Ibid, 3; Jules Valles, director Daniel D^vy, la Rue; Paris pit- " :torec[ue e t P sp u^ire, Vol I , no. 11, Aug. lo, 1867, 4, entry oi June 1867, louise Voyageur reminded people of Marguerite Gautier. "^^Delvau, 1864, 145. 79 Ibid, 18 and 21, she too was sung about "like Angelina ÎTÂnglaise and Clara fbntaine." ^ Ib id , 18. ®^Raul d'A riste, la Vie e t le Monde du Boulevard, 1830-1870, Paris, 1930, 35, vAien the fb b ille was re-opënëd, i t s sponsor was Arsène Houssaye, tmd 81, as the café de E^ris. See also Proust, 171, Manet lunched at Tbrtoni's, vhich was next door to the café de Paris, every day, returning there in the late afternoon between 5 and 6. Tbrtoni's \as a fevorite haunt of the demi monde. 8 2 d'A riste, 255: Ihe l i s t includes Esther Guiitond, Blanche d'Antigny, Cbra Pearl, "Chrabine," Ehuline ELeury, "la grand Saiomé," terie Sargeant (Peine Ponaré), Rigolbcxhe, Adèle Courtois (la belle Hollandaise), Anna Deslions, Hortense Schneider, louise la Blonde, Louise Guipure, and 94, Alice "la Provençale" a student of Maroouski's dancing school, 'heme of the haute-bicherie of E^ris. ' QO Henri Mitterand, notes to tfana, Pleiades edition, 1675-1676: Henri Geard gave notes to Zola about a dinner party he attended at the achress Lucy lèvyk» a grue (bit player) with a salon on the rue Monnier (formerly rue Breda). Not only did a mix up of names occur, as in Nam's dinner party, but 'II y a louise Meret, une vague actrice dont un secretaire de directeur dsuis un ministère ectharasse les siens déboUétés. Elle le repousse avec des 'tu m'eibetes' et des grands cxx^ d'eventail sur la tete. ' ®^Daix, 103, cites their meeting in February of that year vhile tenet 1983, 509, and appendix by Colette Becker, letter of May 1, 1866, puts it in spring. Ihe letter contains Manet's thanks to Zola for em article and eisks for a meeting at the café de Bade. 77 Mitterand, notes to Nana, 1654. See also George Holden, introduction and translatio n of tfema. Middesex, Ehgland and New York, introduction, 6-7. ®^Rouart and Wildenstein, 679, no. 238, item 2, reproduction of the Manet notebook owned by Ttabarant. ®^Boime, 422. QQ Goedorp, Feb. 10, 7. oq Rouart and Wildenstein, II , 239, plates 679, item 9 (the top two) and items 11 and 12. ^%elvau, 1864, 20. 91 Ivor Guest, The B allet o f A e Second Brmire, London, 1874, 93, Victorine Legredn debuted in Lucien Petipa's divertissement for the (ÿera, les V^res Siciliennes, dancing "winter" on June 15, 1855; lo l, in Scottish costume representing "Ehgland" one of the slaves from different countries, in Act III, scene 1 of "a pas des éventails" by Bosati in le Cbrsaire on Jan. 23, 1856; 104, as queen o f the elves in les Elfes on August 11, 1856; 107, leaving the Opéra, b a lle t by December 1857, qo d'A riste, 151. ^^Guest, 262. ^Anon., Ces P e r te s Dames du Théâtre, % ris, 1862, 122: ^ "Mlle, victorine est une protégée de Rigolboche. Elles ont été brouillées quelques tenps, mais elle se sont arrangées depuis." 95 Rigolboche, Memoirs de Rigolboche, E^ris, 1861. ^^Paul Mahalin, Au Bal Masqué, Ebris, 1868, 87. ^^Ibid, 89. 78 ^^lemchzüTd, Claude* Daines de Coeur, E^ris, 1946, 62. ^Ibid, 57 and 64; Mahalin, E^ul, Les Mémoires du bal Mabille, PârTs, 1864, 75-76. ^*” lbid, 61. ^°^Ibid, 62. ^°^Ibid, 63. ^°^Ibid, 65-66. 104Rigolboche, Memoirs, and Blanchard, 64. 105 Blanchard, 67. Zed, le Demi-ttonde sous le Second Empire, Paris, 1896, 69, described Rigolboche as “frankly ugly, with a death's head, a voice like a drunkard's, speaking with frightful realism, but lots of ^ irit, verve, and a rare, perfect body." Her can-can was felt to have been the cost perfect, classic, spirited and brazen, but not vulgar in oonparison to the can cans of the iô9û's danced icy the then famous “la Goulou" (Louise Weber) of Montmartre. ^^See Guest, 107, and 262, d'Ariste 151, and les Petd.tes Peines du Théâtre, 122. ^^^Robert .T. Neiss, Tola, Cézanne-and tenet, Ann Arbor, 1968, 113, those who saw Manet as Lantier i'v'hided van Gogh, Monet, Edomond de Gcncourt, “Charles" of Figaro, “Parisis" of Figaro, Bnile Soleuri, Ehilippe Grille, Armand de Bontnartin, Ernest Vizetelli, John Rewald, Vinchon, Paul Jamot, Georges Wildenstein, Georges B ataille, Etienne Moreau-Nélaton, P. Bradÿ and Henri Mitterand. ^°^iss, 113. ^°^Neiss, 59. 79 ^^^fetridc Bréuty, 1*Oeuvre d'Emile Zola: Roman sur les arts; nanifeste, autctoiographie» roman à clef, Gene\^, 1967, 122» 153, 174 and 187. Brac^ as well defines the span of the novel rrotn 1862-1873 which is the period in which Vic±orine posed for Manet, B ra^, 235 and 142s Niess, 59. Zola, I'Oeuvre, Les Itouqon-Maoquart, vol. IV, % ris, 1966, with notes by Henri M itteràid, 1428, n .l fo r p. 78, and 1371- 1372 Zola's descxiption of Irma; Daudet, Sappho, 59. ^^^Mitterand notes to I'Oeuvre, 1371-1372. ^^^BnLle Zola, I'Oeuvre, trans. Thcnas Mhltcm, Ann Arbor, 1968, 77-78. ^^"*ifeiss, 223 and 227. ^ ^ ^ i s s , 59-60 and 60: the younger Irma, a "flower of the streets" he believes to be almost ocmpletely fictional, and based cn no particular person. 11 6 Zola, trans. Whlton, 107. 117 Geffroy, I, 19-20, as cited before. ^^^Rouart and Wildenstein, II, 239, plates 679, nos. 9, the top two, ; 11, and 12. ^^^Zola,^trans. W ^ton, 52 and Les Rouggn-Maoquart IV, 50: "et où a v a it-il ramassée? Dans un bastringue de Montmartre ou sur un tr o itto ir de la place Mbubert?" ^^°Duret, 1937, 60. 121 Zola, trans. Whlton, 170. ^ ^ ^ u a r t and Wildenstein, Vol. 2, 239, p is. 678 and 679. 80 123 Proust, la Revue Blanche, and ^anet c a t., 1983, 106, but Proust once thought The Chanteuse des Pues vas from 1865. CHAPTER I II PAINTINGS 1861-1862 Manet realized that eurtistic mastery was judged partly on the execution of an heroic nude.^ la Nynfhe Surpris (figure 7) 2 evolved beWeen 1859 and 1861 from an earlier study called Moses Saved fran the Waters» (figure 8) whidi was begun in the rue Lavoisier studio and never completed.^ Théodore Duret brouÿit attention to the shift of ençhasis vhich occured vhen a religious history painting with a nude was transformed into a nythological one. He felt this to be "an exceptional experiment in the nomenclature of fbnet's pictures."^ Even so, Duret did not knov that this transformation, evident in the altered titles, vas acoonpanied by the addition and subsequent elimination of secondary figures. Their absence in the final product resulted in a so lita ry sta rtle d nude vho, from w ithin the eurt work, reacts to the viewer's presence outside it. Renaissance and Baroque works cited by a r t historians as influences help to trace the picture's secularization and 81 82 orientation toward its final paradoxical situation. Suggested sources include Tintoretto's Suzanna at the Bath (figure 9) first presented by Bazire in 1884 and Julius Meier-Graefe in 1913,^ Rembrandt's Suzeinna (figure 10) at the Ifague suggested by Germain Bazin in 1922,^ a Vostenran engraving after Rubens (figure 11) presented by Charles Sterling in 1932 and Theodore Reff in 1970,^ and Raimondi's Pan and Syrinx (figure 12) suggested by Beatrice Q Farwell in 1973. In addition, numerous portrayals o f female bathers appeared in the aurt o f the Salons between 1850 and 1861, 9 which demonstrates the popularity of such a subject. The m ajority of commentators favor the theme of Suzanna a t the bath, a subject which provides viewers with a moral ideal and a female nude at the same time. In 1967, Rosalind Krauss gathered and traced the compositional and iconographie alterations which occur from the preliminary sketch (figure 8) to the final product (figure 9). In this series, a variety of servants and attendants appeared as they would again in the final painting. At one time, a satyr, was added in the foliage surrounding the nymph. Krauss feels that the intzoduc±ion of this figure introduced an added a note of voyeurism, vhich, once the saty r was removed, was transferred to the viewer. Krauss also prcposed a terminus date, summer 1861, for la Nymrhe Surpris, a datze oonfirmed by D. G. Barskaya, vho in 83 1961 docunented the eidiibition of the painting in the annual EbAibition of The Inperial Arts Acadeny in St. Petersburg during S^itentoer and October of 1861 under the title Nymph et Satyr. Scholars have not questioned Leon Koëlla Leenhoff's assertion th at Suzanne Leenhoff posed for th is painting. Ehrweli even refers to i t as "Suzanne Leerihoff as a nymph surprised by a satyr, " maintaining that it is a nude portrait of her. 13 Scholars also agree that this work daronstrates Manet's desire to execute the "necessauy" nude^^ as a variation on an established Old Master Ihernie^^ and as an overt use of mythology and allegory in his art. 16 At the same time, Krauss and Ehrwell go further, believing that Manet is attempting a "radical" treatment of a modem subjec± in its voyeuristic imnplications. 17 A voyeuristic spectator cast in the role of a satyr, the response of the nude and the "surpris" in ftmet's title discounts the fact that an accidental encounter is also permitted, one vdiich surprises nymph and viager alike. Voyeurism anticipates premeditation, and forces shame and guilt upon the viewer, resulting in a victimized bather. Such implications insist vpon licentious in ten t. By removing the satyr, Manet permits the viewer to respond in whatever manner su its h is tru e character. Cne segment of the audience may as Krauss suggests, react as a satyr, or as a voyeuristic elder vho spies on an innocent bather. But, another possibility arises within the context 84 "surpris," vMdi affords more ocmfort and absence of malioe- fbrtuitous chance, an unexpected and innocent encounter in nature with a beautiful nude bather vhcm the spectator has no intent to spy upon or to take advantage of. Manet's painted figure certainly reacts to the viewer as a live person would, by shrinking and covering herself as modestly as possible. When the satyr disappeared from the 18 vrork, so, did, all insistance for the viewer to identify with or imitate his behavior. Ihe same occurred with another figure who was removed: a servant, whose disappearance does not force 19 the viewer to asstxne her ro le. In the final painting, thnet placed the bather on emotionally neutral ground. Althou^ her response had been predetermined by the painter, the viewer's vas not. tenet chose to permit his audience to reconcile a confrontation with a re a lis tic a lly p>resented nude and to deal with the resulting dilenma in aiy manner the audience chose. Ultimately, the viewer must confront, not the nude, but himself, discovering in that response his own true nature. In 1983, Françoise Cachin suggested th a t a Bathsheba (figure 13a), engraved by Cbmeille the younger after Guilio Bomano, inspired a Manet drawing dated between 1857 and 1860 20 (figure 14) and vhidi is related to la Nymphe Surpris. The tesporary additions of the maidservant and satyr may edso stem from 85 sources by yet another great raster: Rubens' Bathsheba Receiving David's Letter (figure 13b) and Nynfhe and Satyr (figure 15). Ihe use o f s ty lis tic trad itio n s Whidi include Suzanna and Bathsheba oonbined with Manet's f i r s t theme, Moses Saved from the Vfaters, a subject painted by Nicolas Doussin, "Ihe French I^phael" 21 ai«I Antoine Watteau, a Rubenist, 22 demonstrates ^hnet's conplete understanding of the nude's traditional contexts and the varying sets of responses to nudes e lic ite d by the works of the great masters. In the evolution of a single image. La Nymphe Surpris, 23 bhnet seeks to reconcile the heritage of Poussin and Rubens, as v ^ l as that of the bather as a syrhol of chastity personified by Suzanna^^ and adultery by B a th s h e b a .T h e s e opposite ideals were manifest as well in the realities of the Second Ehpire, its art, and its personifications of the ideal feminine opposites: wife and oourtescin. As the subject, title and appearance of Manet's painting and i t s presumed sources began to change, so did, I believe, i t s associative content and its model. Regarding the accepted view that Suzaume Leenhoff was the model for La Nymphe Surpris, one must consider the source for such a view, Léon, vho was about ten years old at the time of its execution. Althouÿi the face may resemble Suzanne's, the auburn h a ir does not. Nor does Suzanne, vho seems to have practiced 86 middle class conventions of public propriety, especially in the instance of Leon's true paternity, seem to have been the sort to have posed in the nude. Indeed, this is the only nude portrait that scholars have associated with her. Studies dated to the same period, and drawings related to la Nymphe Surpris, o ffer no indication th a t Suzanne modeled for them. Ihe study at Oslo, the black and white crayon drawing at the Bibliothèque Ifotionale and the India ink wash drawing in îxxiâon have no specific ^cial features of any sort. In addition, the red chalk drawing at the Art Institute of Chicago, the red chalk drawing at the Oourtauld Institute and the etching la Toilette of the same period, althou^ cxirplete with faces, again do not strongly resemble Suzanne. 26 Perhaps the citation of source material like Susemna and the Elders, a popular subject for Old bbsters and oontenporary Salon painters, coupled with the longstanding belief that Suzanne Leenhoff was the model hzts encouraged scholars to find in the work a visuail pun implying a personal Suzanna p r e s e t in btm et's work. Proust, recounting its evoloution, never named any model for it, nor did Manet ever exhibit it with Suzanna as part of its title , nor, one assumes, would Suzanne Leenhoff, having becxme bbdame Edouard bbnet in 1863, have appreciated its exhibition in 27 the 1867 Alma show if it were truly apparent that she was the nude. 87 Who, then, if Suzanne did not nodel for the entire vrork and i t s preparatory studies, was the nodel fo r the nude? We now "know th a t Manet oould have met Victorine as early as 1861. We also know that Victorine was nodeling for Couture late in 1861. And we know that ^bnet discovered nodels Whom he brought to 28 Couture’s. The nude nay be Victorine-Louise Meurent. Ihe neutral title, la Nynphe Surpris, used in 1867, tends to remove the painting from strict categories. It is not strictly classical or biblical history painting, nor is it sp ecifically synbolic of chastity o r adultery, nor as a nynphe simply a bather and thereby a purely realist subject. In short: it is this very neutrality which permits Nfeinet to create an image which can be interpreted and reac±ed to differently by different spectators having differing motives. In La Nynphe Surpris, Manet discovered a new realist ideal: the presentation of something "natural” in the presentation of the model vho, will confront and in future works, challaige the viewer directly. The employment o f more than cne model for a single figure is dcxnxnented in Bnile Zola's I ’Oeuvre. A chance encxxinter results in Christine’s ovem i^t stay in Claude lantier’s studio. On awakening, Christine discovers that Claude hsis used her as his model. Crying in fri^ t she covers herself with the sheet. Claude insists that he was owed this pose because ’’after a ll, I did pick you up in the stre e t, and I l e t you s l e ^ in ny bed .”^^ 88 Claude ultimately becxxnes frustrated with this figure, oontkining various nodels ' bodies with a head for vMch Christine agrees to pose, 'only for the head, of oourse. ' 30 Christine only relents when the surtist e^^nresses an intention to use her "rival" Im a Beoot. Such coincidences are interesting sis they chsuracterize the rivalry of wife, model suid mistress, rivalries which existed in real life as well. More inportant, such a situation permits us to believe leon's assertion that Suzsume functioned as btinet's model, especially during the period pirior to her appearanœ as Mne. Edouard b6net. Nevertheless, Suzsume, never an sirtists* model by profession, sQ.ways maintained sm appesuanoe of decorum smd respectabi, 1 Ity , a situ atio n which was not available to Victorine. Claude Lantier*s multiple models demonstrate that such a practice was neither uhhesurd of nor unknown, although "lig h t vonen" and professional models tended to pose nude, and for more than cne artist and lover. 32 The P o rtra it of V ictorine Meurent (figure 16) is signed at the vpper ri^rt, and dated by scholars to ra. 1862 so as to oorrespcod with Ihecsdore D uret's acoount th a t Mmet met Victorine 33 in the spring o f th a t year. Even assuning th a t Manet met Victorine six or nine months earlier, ^ e vould have posed at the rue Guyot Studio vhich Manet rented in the ^ r in g o r simmer of 1861.^ C. V. Wheeler dated this portrait to that year in 1931.^^ 89 The portrait was not e^diibited in the 1867 Alma shew, nor was i t in Manet's posthtxnous inventory and subsequent sale of 36 works. It appeared at the end of the nineteenth century in the collection of Sir William Burrell (1861-1958), a Glasgow shipbuilder, and i t is presumed th a t i t s o rig in al owner may have been Victorine, who would probably have recieved it as a gift 37 from Manet. Scholars have noted the economical means and realistically impersonal presentation of the sitter, vhose grave expression conveys a singular presence and a guarded reserve. Jacgues-Emile Blanche called particular attention to the red- blonde h a ir and miHc/ skin o f th is model, adding th a t Alfred Stevens, bbnet's friend, shared his predilection for red-haired models, implying that Stevens, too, may have employed Victorine. Pierre Daix and Anne Cbffin Ifenson find in this painting a g irl who is already "professional, " beyond her gamine days, even "marked for life" and the female equivalent of the Parisian 40 dandy in knowledge and esqperience. Nevertheless, in th is work scmething youthful remains, something of the "grisette." Grisettes were the "oourtesans of the people, who "gave tone to the Bdhemiian class [because they] lived for love and on it."*^ Grisettes, acoording to their major chroniclers, Alfred de Musset and Henri Murger, were o f Icxvly parentage, wore 90 cotton print dresses, little caps, goat-sTcin shoes and "nade love in vulgar fashion with the heart, sonetimes throwing themselves out the window" in despair or from abandonment.^^ A grisette vas part of the rite de passage for artists and students of the Latin Charter. Acoording to Alfred de Musset, F irst, to secure lastin g happiness in matrimony, it is desirable if not necesssury, to have lived for 18 months antenuptually with a charming g rise tte — aimiability, retrousse nose, garret and inilinery all ccnplete - or to have been yourself this grisette.**^ De Musset's heroine, Mimi Pinson, represents the raiantic gitane of the ideal grisette even to the pun contained in her name, as "grisette" applies to a E^risian bird, the fauvette, or vhite-throated warbler, a type of finch, pinson. John Sanderson, described the devotion of this type in 1839: If a student is ill, his fadthful grisette nur^ses him and cures him; if he is destitute, she works for him; and if he &dls into irretrievable misfortune, she dies with him. She is the most ingenious imitation of an innocent wonan that is in the world; and never was language more happily for the concealment.of thought than in the mouth of a grisette. Grisettes, partly because of their freedom and gaity, although charming, still were "lost." Their low ancestry and quaint speech rendered them urvorthy of marriage to their bourgeois, a lb e it bohemian, paramoors, an unhappy instance o f the dual standard of gaUantry. 46 Grisettes were romantics because they were young. Some had career ambitions: to become a 91 chanteuse, dancer, comedienne, Some became merrbers of the chorus, corps-de-ballet, or became figurantes, with walk-on parts in the theaters. But, sooner or later, those who had &iled or remained unmarried and had not acquired wealth, or died, usually of tuberculosis, would be forced to either re-assess their situation or even return to the porter's lodge from which they had so often issued. The fickle students to whom they were attached would callously leave them 64 played guitars. But, because of the literature associated with i t , the Deroy is also a source for tb n e t's Chanteuse des Rues just as Crepet, Pichois and Souffrin stated. Ihe Banville poem was set to nusic under the title Zingarella, in^iring other offshoots such as Adèle Esquiro's Une petite chanteuse des rues published in l'A rtiste in June, 1849, and Pierre Dupont's la Joueuse de Guitare in his Chants et Chansons, vol. I , 1851, vAiich reads: 'je ne sais où je suis née. sous quelle étoile, en quelle année, ma mère est morte et a lla ite n t, je gagne ‘na v ie en chantant. Other immediate precedents for paintings of street entertainers include Cbuture's student Johann Bdklund's Savoyard Boy(1855),^^ Mne. Rougement's Une Chanteuse of the Salon of 67 1857, Eugene E lchel's 1861 Salon piece. Chanteurs Anhulants 68 dans un cabaret, Jean-Fierre Antigna's la Petite Chanteuse des Rues of 1855-1860,^^ and Alfred Steven's la Mendiante Tblerée (figure 19) which was well-recdeved in the Salon of 1855, eis pointed out by JOhn Richardson.^ ïhat the subject of street entertainers was adopted in realist literature, theater and song is further demonstrated by Glatigny's Les Vignes Folles, "1 ' Insouicence, " Bu^ne ttenuel's Poanes Populaires(1872), Masson de Bourdereau's Les Chanteurs 71 Anhulants, a ocnedie-^vaudeville, Chanpfleury's Les 72 Exentriques(1842), Charles %riarte's Riris Grotesques: Les 95 Célébrités de la Rue(1864),^^ Jules Vbllés* newspaper la Rue(1867- 1869),^^ and Ir>uis-Fran Jules Vallès, writing on street singers, claimed that they were the Muses of Errant Life, sisters to Boetry eind Ebverty, 93 eind Ebumel, too, referred to street singers as 94 populcu: muses. At Sotheby's in New York, Oorot's Wtanan in a Toque with a Mandolin (figure 20) of 1850-1855 recently came up for auction.Her toque an3 stringed instrument stem directly from the emblematic array of Terpisichore, the sixth Muse, who "delimits in bals," presiding over the dsmce and its accompaniment, l i ÿ i t music.Ihe guitar often replaced Terpsichore's lute, as we see by ocnparing Heindrik Goltzius' Terpsichore (figure 22) and the figure of Plaisir in J. B. Boudard's French edition of Ceseue Ripa's loonlogia (figure 23). Lutes and stringed instruments were associated with Venus, Eros, their astrological houses, and amorous activities, which included dancing and music-making as well as light meals to acxxxtpany them, like f r u it. Cherries have associative meanings, too. Gubematis informs us that cherry branches were placed on the houses of go iitmodest and shameless women. Pliny thought the cherry was unwholesome, but they cure often used to r^nresait d e licts and eternal life. 99 Cherries had a long association with love and revelry, eind coupled cherries, like those at Victorines lips, had obvious associaticms for lovers.Victor ftigo claimed that cherries were a favorite food of the sisters of the street 99 urcàîins. 102 George Mauner recognized the cherries as emblematic of the sensual life, and directly associated twice with Victorine herself, as they vrould appear again beside her in the Dejeuner sur l 'H e r b e . Cherries can also refer to naivety, as in Chntagrel's Ecu de Allais of 1845 and Ocxiture's Le Ecu of 1860, vhere thc^' are placed next to the inprisoned innocent madman. 104 Beatrice Ehrwell maintains that Victorine herself was a part of the content in Manet's art, implying that the paintings in which she appears could have biographic meaning. OOmbined105 with vhat we know generally of the vague dance-hall Ionises and Victorines, that one vas an associate to Rigolboche, herself a popular equivalent to Terpsichore, the importance of the toque, Victorine's hat, her guitar, the grey gown zmd the drinking cissociated with grisettes, 1 0 6 how can one not find the juncture between the classical Terpsichore, the romantic ideal Ehntiion, and the real Victorine in this work? In short, Manet has again linked the classical and the romantic in a real and identifiable person. Ihis represents a new kind of painting which expands and develops Couture's and Corot's realism, placing it in the streets of modem leris, perhaps at a specific site like 1ère Lunette's or the Chateau Bouge. As the Chanteuse des Ries apparently follows the Boston Portrait of Victorine Meurent in date, so does the clothing and 100 setting of the chanteuse nark the young watan's professional progress and notoriety, from grisette to lorette, from teginner to accorplished amateur, from vague settings to more specific ones and from amateur soubrette (beginner) to figurante (bit player) in his next work: Mile. V. en CJosture d'Espada, signed and dated 1862 (figure 24).^®^ As noted eeurlier, Spanish themes were popular in £%iris during 1861 and 1862. On March 25, 1861, Louise Marquet danced 108 the role of the espada in Gra%iosa at the Opera; on April 27, 1862, menbers of the dance troop o f the Teatro Royal bbdrid danced "la Elor de Seville" in first act of The Barber of Seville at the Odeon,^^ a number which they performed again during August a t the Hippodrome. On June 15, 1862, Herve's Les Ttoreadors de Grenade, an excentricité-nusicæil in one ach appeared a t the la ia is Royale^^^ emd, in August, 1862, Sauvage *s Le ibréador ou l'Accord la r f a it was remounted a t the Opera Oomique. 112 Acoording to Ehiile Zola, Manet œlleched %ianish oostumes^^^ and the address of a S pani^ ta ilo r was found by 114 Ibbarant in bbnet's 1861-1862 notes. Among Mhnet's vorks of 1862 and 1863 axe seveiral vhich are Spanish in theme or by cxjstime: Jeune fenme cjouchëe en Lola de V^lenoe,^^^ recently identified as Lola Mel^;^^^ and Mile. V. en cos tune d'Espada (figure 24), painted in 1862, but eadiibited later at the Salon des Refusés in 1863. A ccnbination of varied sources hais been suggested for Mile. V. en costume d'Espada. Among these are the Rubens Venus or Ibrtuna a t tlie Suermondt Museun, Japanese p rin ts with similar differences in scale between fore and background, 121 122 123 Titian's Girl with a Fruit Dish, Goya's Tauroteguia, Andrea del S arto's Punishment o f the Ganiblers^^^ and a Itedmondi p rin t 125 after Raphael, Tarperence. Recently Elizabeth Anne McCauley has confirmed the views of other scholars that Manet used photographs for source 126 material, sp)ecifically presenting new in sist in the form of cartes de visite made of entertainers from the Teatro Royal Madrid in the poses and cos tunes which Manet used, and images of Henriette Schlosser and Louise Marquet dressed as b a lle t espadas. 127 Such images of Louise fhrquet appeared in Ivor 128 Guest's B allet of the Second Etatoire of 1954 zmd 1974. (Oonpare figures 25 A and B) Ihe p>roblem of the painting's content is apparent in its title vhich includes "en cos tune." Beatrice îhrwell concludes th at here Manet employs "persiflage," a parody and mockery of 129 h i^ art and its sources. Ibnson, Cbcper, Sandblad and Ehrwell have edso interpreted the work as a reflection on the 102 courtesan's use of fancy dress and "naughty" behavior through the adoption of nale attire, popularized in Gavami's images of lorettes, especially for fancy dress b a lls,P a u l Jarot, on the other hand, held that Victorine could "transform" herself into any sort that bbnet needed to pciint. 131 Ehrwell links all of these views, agreeing with Sandblad that this is an elaborate portrait, but finding a mixture of Espagnolism, Goya, "low life" 13*> subject matter and mockery of high a rt, especially classicism. While one cannot deny the layered content and increased sophistication of the work, the title, as Sandblad noted, is our surest clue to its meaning: a portrait in oostixne. 133 Ihe costume may suggest caste, as bull-fighters were cold blooded Icw- lif e heroes paid a t a h iÿ i ra te , 134 as espada (swordsman) was a 135 term used for the one who k ille d the b u ll. Even the owner of the sword used in th is painting has been traced by scholars. Accurate in some respects to what is Spanish, the painting differs in others. As Gautier noticed and McCauley aiphasized, the espada wore a more colorful cost une, the pose seems th eatrical and the model i s not a la n ia r d . 137 V ictorine's footwear resembles buskins for the stage eind the distant view a 138 theatrical painted backdrop. These departures, taken with the contrived pose, lead one to suspect a performance portrait akin to that of the îpanish Dance Troop, Lola de valence, the Old Musician, the etching of the Street Singer and the 103 Guitarrero - a l l from the period 1859-1S53. In additlcm, each of these performers has been at least tentatively identified as an actual person: in the Danish Dance Troop one finds C&irpnjbi partnered with Anita Montez, while Lola de Vhlence was Lola Melea.^^^ The Old Musician was Jean Lagrene.^^ The Guitarrero 141 is thought to be Huerta, or Bosch, and the etching The Street Singer depicts Bourdon, vhom Theodore Reff guessed i t might typify. (Oonpars figures 26 A and B) Although the sword, muleta and pants suggest the turn about of sexuad. roles in which one finds the ageless theme of "La 143 Dispute pour la Culotte," and débité the fact that breeches 144 were worn by women to nasked balls for their seductive pcwer, the background denies such standardized blocmerism. More likely, the "Spanish craze" was adopted by every sort of theater and music hall in E^urls. A "Theatriculet, " the I'Eoole lyrique founded by a M. Ricourt, existed especially for lorette "debuts. ' Alfred Delvau described this place in 1867 as a special cxx’.servatory for "les petites dames du lac et du troittoir." When in need of distraction, admirers or a "legitimate" cxx%ipation, the "sta rle t" would arrange a ddout wdth the briefest of lessons in declamation and deportment with Ricourt, who wrould persuade her "Arthur" (paramoor) to rent his 145 hall for her grand unveiling. 104 Sicu-bic.*^ (la; theaters, cheap nasic-halla) provided loose women with more than an opportunity to capitalize on their "theatrical skills." It gave them a hundred valid reasons with vhich to dupe their foolish nonsieurst lessons, costune fittings, set te s ts , rehearsals, vAiile the débutante is ravished by director, comedian, musician, advance press, emd appreciative box-holders,^^^ for, to have a famous mistress, was to be a famous man. For some, real careers followed, but while in the "theatriculet, " or the biou-biou, everyone knew that the production vas concurrent with "les maisons toleréés et patentas.Ihus in Zola's Nana we find Bordenave insistin g that his theater is really a "brothel, a statement vhich was actually a quote from the Concourt journals of May 20, 1854: M. Hiltbrunner, director of the Theatre des Délassements to the 149 architect ChaboaiUct, 'Monsieur, mon theatre est un Bordel. ' Everyone knew th a t poorly pedd actresses especially had to supplement their incomes, and that the women of the popular stage had arrived there most often by means of a bedroom entrance. As Clzurion o f the Comédie française to ld an expiring actor: 'First of all, do not call me ^tidame - call me Mademoiselle; that is the title given to actresses. Bor Victorine, the use of the words "Mile." and "in costume" is sig n ifican t. At oaf enchantants, like th e one used in 105 la Chanteuse des Rues» oostixnes were strictly forbidden, and payment was in the form of la quete, a hopeful tour of the 152 audience with hand extended. In Mile. V. en Cbstune d'Espada, Victorine is depicted advancing fron amateur to professional, from entertainer to actress. In si«t»T«ry, -Oie costune, s e t, background and t i t l e p o in t to Mile. V. en Oostung d'Espada as a "theatriculet" performance portrait which indicates Manet's interest in all forms of theater in Ruris from the Cpera ballet to the lowest street type. It is in this costume-portrait that Manet begins to embrace modem reality as a separate and aiduring distinct en ti^ from elevated tradition. Victorine, as a reality, cxantinued to be the "natural" enhodiment of this for Manet. Although I have been unable to find a program bearing Mile. V. s name to this p>eriod, such content seems plausible as an e3q>lanation for the hostile respcxises Which would often be inexplicably directed a t those works in vhich Vicrtorine appeared eis herself. "Iheatriculets" were generally not reviewed by legitimate critics as their acting pretenses cxould not be taken sericxisly. Nevertheless, they were known eind visited out of c u rio s ity , o r fo r th e fun o f seeing th e cxxnton and c a rn a l Venuses vp close in interesting oostvxnes. As Delvau and Guest point out, they provided a milieu for the scxzial clinbers and the chic to launch and advanœ their careers. Thus one finds menbers of the 106 Jockey dub raving over the dancers and perfonranoes of Graziosa, in vhich their president had taken a hand. 153 PLEASE NOTE: Duplicate page numbers. Text follows. Filmed as received. University Microfilms International FOOmOTES TO CHAPTER I I I ^Proust, 171; Farwell» Nude, 28, 30 and 71, traces the introduction of great nineteenth century nudes and its develppnsnt from Ingres. ^i^ et 1983, 83; the painting is dated 1861 on a leaf and signed in the lower left. Other than its exhibition at the Aina shew in 1867, the final work as we know it today stayed in btmet's studio. 3 Proust, 1897, 168. bbnet's address in the 1861 Salon Catalogue was 69 rue de dichy, vhere his parents lived. Other infomation on the M^es Saved from the Waters oan be found in Rouart and Wildenstein, I, no. 39 and in Maniât 1983, 86, n.20. ^IXiret, 1937, 17, "After the Buveur d*Absinthe comes the %m#ie Surpris...It discovers Ôie influence of the Venetians. Moreover, the irythologioal title , an exceptional experiment in the nomenclature of his pictures vhich he never repeated, shows that at this time (bnet was living among the artists of the RensuLss^ce, even in his admiration of them by borrowing from their woabulary." ^Bazire, Manet, 1884, 12; Julius Meier-Graefe, Bdousurd bbnet 1913, 42: ^Georges Bazin, "bhnet et la Tradition," 1*Amour de l'A rt, May, 1932, 157. ^Charles Sterling, "bhnet and Rubens," 1*Amour de l'A rt, SQjt. 1932, 90; Reff, "Manet and Blanc's 'Histoire d(^ Peintres, '" Burlington Magazine, CXII, July, 1970, 457. For reproductions oi these see Rosalind E. KTaus, "Manet's Nynçh Surprised," Burlington Magazine, dX, Nov. 1967, 622-627. 1 0 7 107 ®Farwell, Nude, 75-76. O Paris, salons, 1850: 119, no. 231, Girard, Mile. Henriquetta, la Chaste Suzanne, study. 216, nos. 2268 and 2630, RLoult, Louis-Edouard, Diane au bain and Leda au bain feris. Salons, 1852: 118, no. 691, Jeanron, Riilippe-Auguste, la Suzanne au Bain feris. Salons, 1853: 62, no. 167, lavoir à Sevres, la Suzanne Moderne au Bain % ris. Salons, 1857: 314, no 2475, Shiits, Eugene Suzzmne e t le s V iellard s 246, nos. 1937 and 1938, QTêu:les-Victoire-Eredeid.c, Une Niade and Suzanne Surpris au bain par les deux viellards 263, no. 2071, fetri', Alexandre-Louis, Une baigneuse laris. Salons, 1861: 348, no. 2843,2843, Schopin, Henri-^T^erlc, la Chaste Suzanne ■'•'“Krauss, Burlington ffaqazine, 1967, 624. A photografjh in vJhicdi the satyr figure oould be vaguely seen whidi was taken by Godet, is at the Bibliothèque tbtionale, was used by Mbreau-Nelaton and Jamot and Wildenstein in catalogues. Eaix, 66, feels that this photo was taken at a time Wien the earlier servant figures and, acoording to him, a spaniel dog, had been removed. 108 ^^Krauss, 622-624: G. D. Barskaya, "A Picture of Edouard btmet 'The N^içh and Satyr' on Exhibiticxi in Russia in 1861," Qiagiu lui George C^rescu eu prilejul im plinirii a so de ani, Acadania Republicix Dopulare Rondm, 1961, 61-8, published in Russian and cited by %-auss, 624, n. 14. ^ ^ ie r Graefe, 38; Ebu^^ell, Nude, 72 and 76-77; G. D. Barskaya, Mbrks of the Hermitage, Western European Art, VIII, Leningrad and Moskow, 1965, bfo. 3, c ite d in Ih rw e ll, Nude, 71 and 296, n . 47; tfanet 1983, entry by Françoise ChcMn, 83. ^^Farwell, Nude, 76. ^^Nils Gosta Sandblad, tomet: *niree Studies in A rtistic Oonception, Lund, 1954, 45, identifies the setting as Manet property at St. Ouen, a locale used by Manet for the earlier la Beche of 1861-1863 and Dejeuner sur l'Herbe of 1862-1863. ^^Krauss, 623. ^^Ehrwell, Nude, 244.1he setting aa Manet i^operty at St. CXien, a locale used by Manet for the earlier la Peche in 1861-1863 emd Déjeuner sur l'Herbe of 1862-1863. ■^'larwell. Nude, 220; Krauss, 624. ^^Crauss, 624, the missing satyr was probably done in thin washes of o il and then removed. 19 Krauss, 624, the servant figure was found in x-ray photos taken about twenty-five years ago. ^^•W net 1983, 88 and no. 21. ^Anthony Blunt, Nicholas Poussin, Vfashington D.C., 1958, 181 and 357. 109 ^^Bosner, Antoine Vfeitteau» Ith a c a , 1984, 66. ^^Ibid, 184. ^^Hertel edition of Cesare Ripa, no. 48. 25 Ibid, no. 46. See also Ibsner, figure 79, Watteau's Toilet of Bathsheba. ^^See tenet 1983: Bibliothèque tetionale drawing, 88, no. 22; London drawing 89, No. 23; preparatory drawing for La Toilette, 91, no. 24; La Toilette, etdiing, 92-3, no. 25. 1867, no. .30, cited in tenet 1983, 83. 28 Proust, 1897, 127; Donato, a former hypnotist and actor brought by tenet to Oouture's. After associating with the other models, he, too, adopted heroic poses. 29 Zola, 1‘Oeuvre, trans. Walton, 21-22. ^Ibid, 112-113. ^^Ibid, 115. An exanple exists in Alice 0 ^ , vftxj posed for Théodore (hasseriau's Sleeping Nymph of 1850 and for Thomas Oouture's 1854-1855 Signer after the Masked Ball or Supper a t the Maison d'(^, and j^yollonie Sabatii^ who appeared as Auguste Clesinger's Wonan Bitten by a Serpent of 1847. ^^Manet 1983, 105; Duret in Tbbarant, 1947, 47; Goedorp, tey 10, 7. It has always been assumed that Duret got this infomation from tenet. ^^loreau-iJelaton, I, 30-31. 110 35 C. V. W heeler, Manet., % shington D.C., 1930, 11. ^Vianet 1983, entry by Françoise Gichin, 104-105. ^^Ibid, 104-105. See also Arsène Alexandre, les Arts, Vol. XI, 1912, v iii, "ExpositJjon d'Art Moderne à l'HÔtel de la Revue des Arts," photo of the esdiibit shows this portrait identified only as "tete d'étude." ^^Ebrwell, Nude, 179; Pierre Qourthion, tenet, New York, 1962, 72; Eeiix,~737 ■aq J. E. Blanche, tenet, teris, 1924, 23-24. Rtris, Salon, 1861, 79, no. 652, Cbédes, Louis-Eugène, staident of Cbgniet, rue Vivienne 8, B artr^t de Mlle, v .... I have been urable to locate this painting! Given Thbarant's statement that Vic±orine was well known in the latin Quarter, one wonders if she was also known at the Rdais-Royal which abuts the rue Vivienne. Nevertheless, she was most certainly not the only Mile. V. in R iris . ^^%aix, 73; Anne Oof fin tenson, Manet and Modem T rad itio n , New teven and Lcxtdcn, 1977, 76. ^^im e, 168. 42 O. Fischelet, and M. von Boehm, Modes And tenners of the Nineteenth Century, trans. M. Edward, New York, 1967, II, 1848- 1878, 96. ^^Henri Murger, Bchemi^ Life, Roman Ctotenporain Romancists, V, Ehiladelphia, 1899, introduction and 351. 44 Quoted in George Saintsbury, A History of the French Novel, II, 1800-1900, New York, 1964, 378, and in Jullian, P., Montmartre, trans. A. Carter, New York, 1977, 23. Eantine in Victor I&gb's Les Misérables also qualifies as a typical g r is e tte . I l l 45 J. Sanderson, Ihe Anerican in feris, Philadelphia, 1339, 212- 213. ' ^^EJugene Sue, Les Mystères de feris. New York, 19—, firs t published in the Journal des Debats, 1842, II, book VI, 24, 28, and 107. ^^Hugo, Les Misérables, trans. and introduction by Homan Denny, 142 and 146. Les Misérables vas first publidied in 1862, the same year in vhidu most scholars date the Boston portrait. ^^Ibid, 185, 203, 235, and 237. 49 Rouart and Wildenstein, I, 4 and 60; Sandblad, 82, n.50 (Autumn 1 862);.E aix, 81; A. C. Ibnson, "h b n et's S ubject M atter and a Source of Popular Imagery," Art Institute of Chicago Museun S tu d ies, I I I , 1968, 64-66. Ib rw e ll, NUde, 158; Manet 1983, 106; Reff, Manet and Modem Ihris, 192, no. 68; Nbvalene Ross, INfanet*s Bar at the Folies Bergère and The Myths of Popular Tradition, Ann Arbor, 1982, 41-42. ^^^Proust, 1897, 170. See also de la B^dolli^re, Le Nouveau Paris, 128, the "Petite Pologne" was named for a much frequented guinguette in the area where vagabonds, beggars, and rag-pickers w ent. ' ^^Reff, Manet and Modem % ris, 18 and 173. ^^Proust, 170. Then the two returned to hbnet's studio, vhere the Guitarrero, and Portrait of tfanet's ferents were on the easels. ^^Moreau-Neiaton, I, 44, he confused this model with Nhdar’s m istress vho appeared in. Young Wbtnan Reclining in Spanish Costune of 1862. 112 ^D uret, 1937, 21. ^^Sandblad, 70. ^^Eeirwell, Nude, 158, finds the figure "brazen." The term “lorette" was invented by Nestor Itoqueplan according to the Gonoourts (The Goooourt Journals, New "Jfork, 1937, Dec. 6, 1866 and 230, n. to describe a type of elegant prostitute living on the rue Notre-Dame de lorette. 57 A. C. Hanson, "ftmet's Subject bbtter and a Source of Popular Imagery, "Art Institute of Chicago Museun Studies, III, 1968, 64-6; îhrweU, Nude, 113-114 and 305-6. 58 Sandblad, 82. . ^^Ehrwell, 158 and 110. ®^Wnet 1983, 109. ® ^ ix . 74. Jacques Crepet, "The Red Haired Beggar G irl," Verve, Dec. 1939, 50-51; Plchois, Claude and Ruchcm, Françoise, Baudelaire; Docunents Iconographiques, Geneva, 1960, 122, n. l20; Souffrin, E. M., critical notes and introduction to Banville, Les Stalactites, Ihris, 1942, 287-288 and poem "A une petite chanteuse des Rues," first published in 1846. ®^Cr%>et, 50-51; Pidiois and Ruchon, 123; Banville, Les Stolac±ites , 288; Gautier, Charles Baudelaire, Brussels, 1904, x iv . ®^Ssabarant, "Chile qui fut l ‘Olympia," Le Bulletin de la Vie Artisticjue, May 15, 1921, 297-299, tells us that Victorine played the guitar. ^^Souffrin, notes to Les Stalactites, 290-291. 1 1 3 ^^Boime, 529. Street musicians, regardless of their origins, were called "Savoyards." ^^Paris, Salon, 1857, 298, no. 2319, bom Ehdlie Gdhin, Mne. Bougement vas a student of Cbgniet. ^^E^ is , Salon, 1861, 133, no. 1097, a student of Paul Delaroche, H.Ghel was given a third-class medal in 1857. ®\'eisberg. The Realist Tradition, 43, no. 3. ^Rldhn Richardson, Edouard btmet: Paintings and Drawings, London, 1958, 18. 71 Souffrin, notes to Les Stalactites, 290-291; Valles, Oeuvres, I, 763, n. 1 on 1530. 72 ChançÆleury, Les Excentriques, E ^is, 1842, reprinted 1864, see also Les Grands Homnes du iWaseau, 1852. 73 Charles Tdriarte, Baris Grotesque, E^iris, 1864. 74 / Jules vailes, la Rue; Paris Pittoresque et Etopulaire, published June 1867 — August 1869. ^^Louis-Erançois V euillot, Les Odeurs de E^ris, E%iris, 1867. ^^Farwell, Nude, 158, figure 118, arxl 315, n. 198. ^^Ibid, 117 and 125-127. cauley . ^^E^rwell, Nude, 125-127, 152; M cC aulqr 177-181 and 194. 1 1 4 ®^W imel, 378. ^4 b id , 377 and 384. 82 Alfred Franklin, 140. Permits, in the form of numbered badges were also in use in Ifepoléon I ll's time as in Vfeillace, Sir Richard, An Ehglishman in ferls, London, 1892, 305. 83 Foumel, 405; M. Jal, Dictionnaire Critique, "ïanchon," bom March 5, 1737 in Kuris, scandalized the public with her songs, arrested in the quarter Saint-Antoine. The Cordon vas a gift ftotn a prince. 84 Cassell's French Dicticaiary, "fanchon." ® ^riarte, Ruris Grotesque, 7-9 and 11; Jal, "Ehnchon;" Foumel, 404-6, arrested in 1767 and jailed for ten days. ®Soilly and Riin, Rmchon la V ielleu^, in Ooliection des Théâtres Français, suite de répertoire, vaudevilles II, vol. 75, 1829, 171-319. 87 Listed In Simond, (Cleenputte), La Vie Ihrisienne au XDCe Siècle, II, 1830-1870, 496, col. 2, debut hferch 1, music by ClapiüsQn. ®%lanche, 1924, 24. pg Peter Mitchell, Jean Baptiste Antoine Guillemets 1841-1918, exhibition catalogue, Drapers* Hall, lonâm, 1981, 22. ^Plbid,22; labarant, 1947, 13; Maria and Godfrey Blunden, and Jean-Luc Duval, 1980, 36-37. ®^Eroust, 1897, 126. 115 ^ t c h e l l , 22; FesÆtld, H isto ry o f Im pressionism , 592, Cbrot a t Pontainebleau in 1861, Courbet opens a studio in I%uris January- April 1862. ® ^lles, in Oeuvres I, 736, from "les Chanteurs Ambulants." ^^îtoumel. Les Rues du Vieux Paris, 387. 95 Southeby's Art at Auction 1984-1985, reproduced with advertisement in Southeby's 1985 Ccnplete List, 15. ^Sxalter L. Strauss, editor, Hendrik Goltzius: 1558: 1617, II, 544, no. 303; Fra Antoine Pomey, (tutor to the Dauphin of Rrance), La Pantheon, trans. J. A. B., London, 1694, reprinted ty Garland, 1976, 228 and 231; Guy de Tervarent, A ttributs et Synix)le8 dans l*Art Profcme 1450-1600, Geneva, 1958, 208. ^^A. P. de Mirimonde, "La Musique dans les Allegories de l'Amour," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ser. 6, vol. 68, 1966, 269, and vol 69, 1967, figures 5 and 6 and sim ilar images found in Ibpestries at Versailles; figure 14, in vhich Venus herself plays the lute with a cat; 265-269, engravings of Venus and her astrological children engaged in appropriate activities; 267, a meal and bath. 98 Angelo de Gubematis, Mythologie des Plants, Ruris, 1878, 57; Henry H iillips, Ponariun Brxtanniciin, London, 1821, 84. 99 cited in Margaret Freeman, The Uhioam Ihpestries, New York, 1974, n .p . ^^IL ld; Mirimonde, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 1966, 277. ^°Hürimon3e, 1966, 277. ^®^Hugo, Les Misérables, Part III, Chapter V, 493. 1 1 6 1 0 3 George Mauner, Manet Peintre-Philosophe î A Study of the R>inter's Ihemes, University ferk, 177, n.20. ^°^Boime, 358. , 163. beocne "grise" is to get tipsy. See E. de Concourt, la Fille M isa, Paris, 1876, 83: "Il avait demandé du champagne, quand il 6it gris, il cotnnencait à s'apitoyer sur sa jeunesse...;" î3ovalene Ross, ^bnet's Bar at the Polies Bergère and the Myths of Pjpuleur Illustration, Ann Arbor, 1982, 43, œ r r e c tly a sso c ia te s th e g r ^ gcwn vdth g r is e tte . ^°^Manet 1983, 110. loa In Ivor Guest, the Ballet of the Second Bnpire, London, 1974, 167-168: set in Spanish Naples, one ac± ballet by Lucden Petipa, music by labarre, scenario by J. Derley (pseudonym of Gbmte Roger de Saint-Marie of the Jochey dub). In the b u llfi^t scene, "la Cbrrida de los toreros" a female is the espada; cited also in McCaulcy, 181, with a début of March 15. ^°^Oiest, 147; Mcduley 173 and 242, n. 84 announcement in the Journal des Débats, 7^>ril 27, 1862. ^^4pabeu:ant, 1947, 51; Joel Isaacson, tenet and Spain: Prints and Drawings, Ann Arbor, 1969; William A. Poles, Alfred Stevens, catalogue, Philadelphia, 1966 and Chicago, 1967, 71; Pool and Qrienti, The OOnplete teintings of Manet, 91, No. 47, tenet 1983, entry by PTanyoise Céchîn, no. 49. ^^^Simond, II, 592. ^^^Sauvage, Le Ibr^dor ou I'Acoord Parfait, premiere Cpeia- Oomique, May 18, 1849, remounted August 30, 1862, Opara-Ccmique, with début of Mile. ChoUet-Byeurd in Simond II, 592. 1 1 7 ^^^Zola, "Une Nouvelle ^bni^re en peinture: Edouard Manet," l'A rtiste: Revue du XDfe Siècle, Jan. 1, 1867, 56. ^^^%barant archives in Rauzurt and Wiidenstein, 239, plates 679. ^^^Reproduced^Reproduced in ^hnet 1983, nono. 29, oil on canvas, 37 x 44 1/2", Yale University Art Gallery. ^^Slanet 1983, entry ty Charles S. Moffett, 192, signed and dated 1863, owned by M etropolitan Museun o f A rt. ^^^Omed by the H iillips Ooliection, VJ&shington, D. C., reproduced in Reff, Manet and Modem I^ is , no. 32. ^^®R^>roduced in tfanet 1983, No. 5C> owned by Musee d'O rsay, R uris. 119 McChuley, 173. ^^^Wchael rtied, "ffenet's Sources: Aspects of his Art 1859-1865," Artfbrun, 7, March 1969, 52-53. 121 G. H. Hamilton, 53; Sandblad, 83. ^^^Iheodore Reff, "Manet's Sources: A C ritical Evaluaticxi," Artforun, 8, Septenber 1969, 41 and "Manet and Blanc's 'Histoire des Peintures'," Burlington Migazine, CXII, July 1970, 457. 123Isaacson, 8,; Kbnson, tfanet and Modem Tradition, 79. 124 Alain de Leiris, "Edouard Mbnet's 'Mile. V. en Oostune d'Espada': Borrn and Idea.in tfenet's Stylistic Ri^jertory; Their Sources in Early Drawing Copies, " Arts Magazine. January 1979, 113. ^^W w ell, Nude, 233 and 164. 118 ^^^icC^uley, 185-187. See A. Cëillen, "Ehure and Manet, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Mardi, 1974, 157-178; Aaron Scîarf, Art and RTOtoqraphy, London, 1968, 40-42; Kirk Vamedoe, "The A rtifice of Candor," Art in America, January 1980, 66-78; Ih rw e ll, Nude, 151; Gerald Needham, "ftinet, Olynpia and Pornographic Hiotography," Wbtnan as Sex Object, edited by Thomas B. Hess and lAnda Nbdilin, 80-89; Ibnson, Philadelphia 1967, 65. 197 MoChuley, 185-187 and figures 179 and 181. The woman identified a s M ile. Simono i s a c tu a lly Louise Ih rq u et in h e r r c le frcmi G raziosa. 128 Guest, 1954 in two volumes; 1974, one volume, figure facing 129: Louise Phxquet. ^^^îhrwell. Nude. .233 and 164-165. ^"^^^ianson, Manet and Modem T rad itio n , 79-82, 85-86, and 95, artists/ models were assumed to be "bad" g irls; Cooper, Douglas, cited in Pool and Qrienti, 91, no. 51, Victorin^ gestures with the nuleta 'mime [those] of a courtesan. ' Sandblad, 97, emphasises the costume portrait; Ihrwell, 99 and 115, cites popular sources. 131 Paul Jamot, "Le Fifre et Victorine Meurend (sic), " Revue de l'A rt Aicien et Moderne, Vol. 51, January 1927, 35-36. T59 Sandblad, 97; ïhrw ell. Nude, 163-164. 133 -^'^"'Sandblad, 97; E hrw ell, 132; Daix 74. ^^tEtichard Bord, Ifandbook for Traveling in Spain, London, 1845, I 274. ^^^Ihlophile Gautier, Voyage en Espagne, fturis, 1842, reprinted, 1981, 105 and 119; Bora, I, "la Espada... The long straight Tbleadan blade of the Matador" which is held in the ricght hand, while the nuleta "The red flag... should be about a yard square" and held in the left. See also Manet 1983, 113. 119 "The Syiribolism of Manet's Frontispiece Etchings," Burlington teqazine, May 1962, 183. ^^^McCauley, 185 and 242, n. 98. ^^^Ehrwell, "Manet's 'Espada* and îbrcantonio," Metropolitan Museum Journal, 2, 1969, 206: Ifanson, Manet and Modem TraditJLOO, 79; Ih rw e ll, Nude, 99; Manet 1983, llO . ^^^McCaul^, 173. ^^*^Wrilyn R. Brown, "Manet's Old Musician; Portrait of a Gypsy and Naturalist Allegory," Studies in the History of Art, vol. 8, 1978, 77-78. ^^^rabarant, 41. ^^*^ff, bhnet a ^ Modem Ruris, 192, no. 68, only tentatively identified th ^ figure. Thie proof that he is right can be found in Jules V all6 newspaper la Rue, June 1867, illustration of Bourdon by A. Levy; July 27, 1867, article by A. Perrault: "l'A ffaire Bourdon:" Bourdon was an actor who had served in the 15th l i ^ t Infantry a t Tfegram, vhere he l o s t h is le g . His fam ily, a m other and sister, were burned alive in a fire Jan. 30, 1810 at Ifeivre's Salle de Spectacle. Bourdon, who lived in the wings escaped. His father was tpper bourgeois. Bourdon, deprived of the right to rebuild the theater, vas poor. He won a medal for bravery and connanded a small detatchment of volunteers in the defense of Ruris. His "station" was at 14 boulevard Saint-Michel in the Latin CMarter. Manet's etching, vhich makes the guitarist left rather than right handed is the result of the etching process. 143 John Grand-Carteret, la Fenme en Ooulotte, Faris, 1899, anply illustrated with exaiqples dating from Rouen cathedral to 1890's. 144James Jackson Jarves, F risian Sights ai^ French Principles, New York, 1852, 180; Guide dams les Theatres, 34 and 180; 120 Delvau, Les Plaisirs de feris, 1867, 210-212. See also Grand- carteret, la Penroe en Ooulotte, 1-20, ponts as a symbol of feminine liberty; 118-119, George Sand, a blue-staoddng in pants; exanples in the art of Gavami, Les petits bonheurs. Les petits bonheurs des denoiselles, and from 1840, Les Actrices and Les Débardeurs; 150- 152. masked balls. £br transvestism in Zola's vorks, see Naomi Schor, Zolas Crcwds, 90-97. ^^^Ivau, Les Plaisirs de % ris, 168-170 and 269-270. ^"^^Ibid, 170. ^^^Ibid, 170. 148 Zola, Nana, Chapter 1, opening scene. 149Isaacson, n. 109. Rigolbocdie, Memoirs, had her brief stage performance a t the Délassements Cbmiqnes. ■^^^^Wrwell, Nude, 64-5, 74, 103, 113; Idpton, Eunice, "Manet, a Radicalized Female Imagery," Art Rartm, March 1975, 13, 48-53 and "The laundress....," 295; McCaul^, 100-104; Bourget, Riul, R rysiolcgie do 1 'Amour Madems, 1%X), 238-9. ^^^Daudet, Between the Flies and the Fact lights. New York, n.d., 277. ^^^Quide dans les Théâtres, 1855, 188-190 and 193-194. 1*53 Delvau, 168-70; Guest, 166. CHAPTER ÏV THE DEJEUNER SUR L'HERBE en SeptCTtoer 25, 1862, Manet's father died.^ After the proper nouming period of one year, Edouard Manet and Suzanne Leerihoff were irarried in Zalt-Ecsnnel, Jn the province of Gelderland, Holland, 2 thirteen years after their liason had begun. ïhe bride and groan held remained in Zalt-BcWel for a month While the banns of matrimory were posted, and, on October 3 28, 1863, were married in a civil ceremony. All of the witnesses were residents of Zalt-Eomnel. Present for the groom were tfercus Israel Ehthoven, a merchant, aged 68, and Gexhardus Johannes Heijligers, of no listed profession, aged 56. The b r id e 's w itnesses were R ie te r A driaan van de Garde, a roentoer o f the d ty oouncdJL, aged 47, and Jacrbus Everts, merchant, aged 45.4 Copies of birth certificates for bhnet and Suzanne were produced, along with a certification issued by the lord of the 121 122 privy oouncil of the King's oomnission that ftmet had no m ilitary obligations, and proof of the posting of the marriage banns without objection. %e signatures of the bride, groom, witnesses and official follow the statement that the two understand and w ill keep their pledges to each other.^ I t i s from th is document th a t we le a rn th e f u l l names o f Suzanne's parents and her place of birth. She is listed as Suzanna Leerihoff, 33 years old, a resident of Zalt-Bonmel, the daughter of Carolus Antonius Leerihoff, organist, and Maria Adriana Johanna Heken, of no listed profession. Susanne's date gmd place of birth are listed as October 30, 1829, in Delft.^ Although Kovacs maintained that Manet might have informed Leon of his true paternity or even given him his name at the time of this marriage,^ such an alteration of Leon's status would only have ocsprcmised a ll ocxicemed. 8 ïhe Edouard Manet family, however, could now live together openly. Manet's paternal role, alxeaify present in his assumption of the title godfather, was further strengthened, and face vas maintained for a ll the families involved - Manet, Rjumier, Leerihoff, and Heken. îtenet had been a dutiful son, respecting the public proprieties associated with Auguste Manet's position and reputation. After his father's death, he was free not OTly to marry Suzanne, Leon's supposed mother and the woman he loved a ll 1 2 3 his life, but also to actively pursue his artistic identity. Manet never etiiibited a nuda in Ruris while Auguste Manet lived, and La Nÿnphe S u rp ris, h is f i r s t h e ro ic nude, had been shown in g Russia in the fall of 1861 rather than subnitted to the Salon. On bbrch first, 1863, Manet bravely burst forth as a nature artistic personality, exhibiting fourteen paintJngs at the Galerie rturtinet on the boulevard des Italiens. Among these was La Panne aux Cerises, known to us as La Chanteuse des Rues.^^ The opening of his show at Louis bbrtinet's coincided with the opening of the official Salon. Fifteen days later, three more bbnets ware on view at the Salem des Befiis^, which "consolidated fhnet's place as leader of the file of the young innovative p a in te rs . Ihe Salon des Refusé, vhich opened on bhy 15, 1863, was pEurtly the idea of a former Couture pupil, Comte Lezay-Marnesia. Proust claimed that on Mamesia's advice, Ifepoleon III eind his entourage visited the Salon des Refuses, a show intended to appease the many artists rejected from the 13 official salon and to demonstrate the Btrperor's liberality as well as a part of a general program to liberalize the Qtpire. In addition, the Salon des Rëfuâés provided the critics and citizens of Ruris with the opportunity to assess the jury's decisions and the state of contemporary art as well. Ifepoleon III, on the occasion of his court v isit, openly condenned one of the 124 paintings himself, referring to Manet's Le Bain, known to us as Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, as indecent, Perhaps because of this pronunciation, Kmet's Le Bain, signed and dated 1863 (figure 27) and later called Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe and la Rurtie carrée has become one of the most misunderstood paintings in the history of art.^^ Numerous sources have been suggested fo r th e vork, one o f them cited by Itmet himself: Giorgione's Concert Chanpetre (figure 29) in the louvre, a source Nbnet discussed with Proust in the context of a real encounter with lathers observed on the riverbarik at Argenteuil.^^ Ernest Chesneau, in 1864, noted the sim ilarities in the poses of fbnet's figures to those of a group of river gods found in a %iimondi print after %ipbael. The Judgment of Paris (figure 30).^^ And, although Riul Jamot supposed in 1927 that t-fenet might later have intended to reveal his sources in defense of the work, 1ft Beatrice Ehrwell in 1973 and T.tnda Nbdilin in 1972 found the primary sources to be indicative of ^fanet’s painting as 19 "ironic," a joke and an impudait parody. Other suggested source materials for sections of the painting include that of George ftiuner and Theodore Reff, I^phael's Miraculous Drought of Fishes, for the wading figure in the background;^ that of Michael Fried and Bernard Dorival, the fete chanpetres of Vfetteau, especially the Pilgrimage to Cÿthera 125 (figure 31) y 2 1 that of Anne Ooffin Ifenscn, popular materials sudi as Gavami's illustrations for Paul Huart's Physiologie de la Grisette of 1841 (figure 32), Pierre Dupout’s Chants et Chansons of 1855 (figure 33) and A. Laiud's illustration for Berenger’s "Ma Nacelle" from his Oeuvres Ccnpl^tes of 1856 (figure 34). Farwell points out that similar popular treatments also exist in Achille Deveria's lithograph, Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe of 1834 (figure 35) and A. Morion's Boating Party on the Banks of the Seine of 1860 (figure 36),^^ vWle J ill Wechsler brought forth another in^iration in the teachings of Horace Lecoq de Boisbaudran, who advised his students to pose models in 24 oontenpoiary settings after old master works. In oontradistinction to Boisbaudran's advice, Baudelaire believed the use of a famous source and the mixture of old and new would appear false and unoriginal, a challenge which Mauner and Facwell believe Manet successfully answered in Le Bain emd Olynpia, 25 vAvich althouÿi painted in the same year, 1863, was not exhibited until 1865. Even Delacroix was aware of the difficulties in treating modem subject matter, a fact noted by Nils Costa Sandblad, vho like Pbiwell and van Liere held that the solution was found in themes incorporating bathers. Since bathing and p ic n ic scenes were n o t unknown in th e 27 28 Salons, with copies of the Giorgione appeeuring as well, neither subject nor sources alone explain the content in the 1 2 6 Manet or the aggravated responses to it. 2 9 Nbr can one believe tlmt the style, realism, vAiich had existed for seme time and Which always drew oorments like "trivial" and "ugly" can be taken 30 altogether seriously as criticism s as Ehrwell points out. On the basis of size alone, bhnet's Le Bain can not be interpreted as a joke. It is simply too leurge. It must represent a serious attempt on the part of the painter to launch h is c a re e r. And, eis Boime noted, C outure's stu d en ts had only Salons as an avenue to fame and fortune. 31 After the success of Le Guitarrero, we have no reason to believe that Manet would have abandoned his position or reversed his progress by laughing spitefully in the faœ of any audience. To do such a thing, and in a Salon, W3uld have constituted artistic suicide. Grand scale, reserved for history and religion, implied important themes and serious treatment, bhnet had already established himself among the leading realists, and, if there is something "naughty" taking place in Le Bain, it is naturally necessary in terms of its subject. Proust identified the major models used in the foreground of Le Bain (Victorine Meurent, Ferdinand Leerihoff and Gustave Mhnet) vhile in the background ttenet posed a "transient" model. 32 Using this information and the aforementioned suggested sources, scholars have sought to discover the meaning of Le Bain. 127 George ^buner, basing his eœgiments on the use of the Giorgione and syirbolic ocmtent recently ascribed to it, has discovered an allegory of contrasted levels of existance - the h i^ and the low. 33 Vfeiyne Anderson, followed by Mary G. Wilson, came to a sim ilar conclusion, with its basis as the Judgment of Paris source, finding contrasts of sacred and profane love, with Paris choosing Venus in the form of a whore as its goddess. Werner Hoffitann interpreted the opposition of the nude (natural) female to the clothed males eis indicative of Paradise lost,^^ vhile Beatrice fhrwell found it to be an illustration of the double standard of gallantry in which the males gain, not a true paradise, but an empty feuitasy vhich can never be fulfilled realistically. In the end, most scholars have sought for clues outside of ilie image itself, in Kbnet's major sources: Giorgione's Ooncert Charrpetre, W atteau's Pilgrimage to Cÿthera, and the Raimondi after I^phael Judgment of % ris. But, the title s that Manet successively chœe for his painting: Le Bain (1863), Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe (1867), and La ibrtie Carrée (1872) offer additional cdues to its meaning. All of ^hnet's titles sure fundamental to a Biblical psuable vhich was a t once popular and famous in both literature and art as pointed out to me by Professor Mhthew Herban: Ihe Equable of the Prodigal Son. 123 Ihe Prodigal, who at first diooses the earthly and pleasurable way of life, squanders his iriheritance in profligate living. During his period of foolishness, the prodigal's adventures are often depicted in scenes of bathing, picnics, feasts and musical interludes, most often as a metiber of a partie c a r r ^ . Ihis m oralistic story appears in the Gospel of Saint Luke 37 15 (11-32), and is addressed to tho Scribes and the Fharasees. A younger son, claiming his inheritance, leaves hone and squanders his patrimony in riotous living. Traditionally, the Prodigal is depicted in oontatporary settings and oostunes, a situation which makes the old story constantly new for varying 30 generations and geographic settings. Among the examples available to ffenet in the Louvre were a painted peinel by Arans Erariken which , d ^ ic ts the entire parable in its seried scenes, and L'Bifant Aodicpje à Ihble avec les 39 courtisanes by David Teniers the Younger (figures 37 and 38). Ihere were also two famous suites of etchings on the theme by Jaoques Cailot and Abraham Bosse (figures 39 and 40), and the Musée E i^ g n o l contained examples by M urillo and R izi, v h ile another set of four had been bequeathed to Louis-Riilippe by An Frank Ihll Standi^ in 1841.^ 1 2 9 Thomas Cbuture made a s p e c ia lity o f th e theme w ith works like the 1840 Young Venetian after an Orgy (figure 41), the Prodigal Son of 1841 (figure 42) and the 1854-1855 Supper a t the f6ison d'Qr, also called Supper After the Masked Ball, in vhich Oouture appears as the Pierrot and Alice Ozy, a famous courtesan, is shoiYn drunk on the floor. This treatment was printed as a wall paper by Des fosse entitled Les Prodigues (figure 43) and displayed eis a wall mural at the World's Ehir of 1862 in London. Les Prodigues was recognized as a ccntenporary pendant to Oouture's earlier Ronains de la decadenœ by Théophile Gautier in 1855.41 Within the popular tradition one finds B ertall's "Partie carr^ rue Montorgueil," (figure 44) from Oonme on Mange en Pcuils, 1846.4^ A partie carr^ inwlves "a party of four, two men and two women, associated in debauchery: either to dine in naturalibus or for copulation. "4^ The moral is that drunkenness and debauchery, or gluttony and lust, are a ll too often found together. Amoung Couture's students and former students the theme appears again. Pierre Puvis da Chavannes painted a Return of the Prodigal Son (figure 45) in 1854-1855,4^ and R hert Loftin Newnan, Couture's student in 1850, painted his Prodigal as a 45 Swineherd around 1854. 1 3 0 Ihe theme of the Prodigal appeared in theater and literature, too. It was the featured revue d'emnee of 1850.^® Ih e Opera, presented Scribe's five act I ’Ehfant Prodigue in the same year.^^ An avant propos, l'Enfant Prodigue ^ l'0p6a by Bourdois and Falquenont appeared at the Ihâltre des ïblies 48 Dramatique on January 16, 1851, and Jouard’s one act l'Ehfant Prodigue at the Theatre du P etit Lazari on February first.In 1855, count AnadTO de Beaufort's l'Ehfant Prodigue ou l'Eoole des pères appeared at the Iheatre des Batignolles on NOvenber 30.^ Jaime fils and Trcfu produced a one act folie called Les Petits Prodigues fo r th e Bouffes E h risien s NOvenber 19, 1857.^^ One can hardly be surprised that Alfred de Musset (1810-1857) cited the parable as synptcmatic of his century in Confessions d'un Enfant du Siècle, or at its modernized treatment in Flaubert's Sentimental Education, i n Balzac's Lost Illusions,^* Hugo's Les M isérab les,emd Daudet's Sappho. In the Salons, one finds Charles Hugo's l'Ehfant Prodigue of 1 8 5 0 ,Louis-Eugene Land's l 'Orgie of 1853,^® Jules Holtzappel's Chanter, Aimer, Boire of 1857,^^ Jean-Baptiste Ranbaud's l'Ehfant Prodigue and Pierre-Rodolphe-Charles Herbstoffer's Mauvaise Compagnie. TVio interesting variants also appeared featuring prodigal daughters in Louis-Nioolas- Victor Guillendn's Retour d'une fille ooûpable^^ and August- Bartheleny G laize's La Pouirvoyeuse M is è re .Among M anat's 131 friends the topic appears as well. Alphonse Legros painted a I'Bifant Prodigue and James Tissot executed two series on the 64 prodigal set in historic oostunes in 1853 (figure 46). Do the nineteenth century Parisian# ocntenporary instances of the parable's reality were evident. As Alfred Delvau stated it: cela est la fruit de leur travail# l 'épargné réalisé près de cinq# dix# quinze ou vingt prodigues qui on jeté avec gaiété# pour elles leur patrlrcnie par la fenêtre...s'il est riche# tout est dit# il est accepte et préféré tant que ses ptrodigalites dépasseront celles de ses rivaux How could an audience of bbnet's generaticxi have looked at Giorgione's Ooncert Chanpetre without finding there a partie carrée? How could erne avoid the fact that Paris of Troy by choosing Venus over Athena and Hera had sacrificed everything for the love of Helen? And how could the patit euristocracy's Pilgrimage to Cythera not be seen to prefigure bourgeois idylls in th e country made by so many ooqples every Sunday? Both Giorgione and Watteau were once considered "vulgar" eirtists like Manet. In 1878 Yriarte described Giorgione as "impassioned and voluptutous," seeiking adventures# and dauring to take his in^irations straiÿit from nature. His Concert Chamietre presents "shepherds" and "women naked like goddesses# . nymphs . . . thcxiÿi f u l l o f l i f e lik e th e superb courtesans who served the painter for models." 66 In 1871 Crowe zmd Cavalcaselle 132 noted Giorgixxie's nudes' "plump, seductive, and unaristocratic shape," describing one fem le as "scantily cleul" and the other as "naked", in a "paradise ... Where life is a pastime." Concluding that the work bordered on the "lascivious, " Crowe and Cavalcaselle in the end doubted it to be painted by Giorgione at all.G? Watteau, too, vas perceived as a painter of everyday life, his fame in the nineteenth century owed to the Gonoourts, \Ak > so appreciated his images of love's pleasures.^ His speciality, tdie fete galante, blended dreams with reality and vulgarity with fashionable genre. Whtteau's academy accession piece, the pèlerinage à I'isle de Cythera (figure 31) constituted a new blend of modem and historic genre, vhich escaped both the mold of history painting and the triviality of mere anecdote, resulting in a new and special category for the painter of "une feste galante. Manet, too, dared to challenge artistic convention, contoining the heroic scale of history and Renaissance tradition with a modem fete galante. Stripped of Ronantic dreams and ancient myth, his art was real and truthful; history and modem life joined but lacking histrionics, sentimentalizaticsn and didacticism. Victorine is in this instance, truly the "necessary" nude, vho prchibits the viewer &on misinterpretation of the 133 painting's content. She is the equivalent of the fernne dCchue (6U en woman), a category of lorettes originating in the petit bourgeois class. Boime points out that this type is at once more elegant and cultivated and simultaneously more tragic due to her 71 vdllfull abandonment of "proper" values. The unavoidable contrast of victorine to her nattily dressed male oorponions prevents the viewer from romanticizing the ^bnet into an innocent picnic or escaping into the surcadian past. Victorine*s undismayed gaze and light firm flesh leave the viewer fascinated and astonished. Can we really pretend not to know vAiat Manet has nade us plainly see? The a rtist himself, while avoiding an obvious title provided us with three hints in his ever more pointed titling and re-titlings of the work. A moralistic or religious reading affirms, and in turn, is supported by prior interpretations of ftm et's pointing. Victorine, here a oontenpoiary lorette, parallels the traditional ocnpanion of the Ftodigal, the wAore. Like Eve, she must be identifiable as the fallen waran eund an agent in the ruin of others. Her nudity, conbined with her lack of shame and seated position on the grass follow precedents Which had existed for hundreds of years in emblems of Licence (figure 47). The sale figures, on the other hand, described cis "students" by Louis Etienne in 1863 and Ernest Chesneau in 72 1864, through their fashionable grooming and attire are 134 depicLed as well-bred and capable of having at least a small patrinony to lose riotously. The row boat, an entolem of fantasy and the voyage of 73 life , had oontemporary meaning as well. See Mile, ^byer's A Le Reve de Bonheur, (figure 48) and Gustave Courbet's Denoiselles au bords de la Seine, (figure 49). Rowing had beocme a Parisian fad, and regattas were held from le ïbvre to Asnieres, with enbarkations at le Crapaud (the toad) and la Grenouille (the frog pond) at Bougival. Young Ehrisians and their ocnpanions often stayed out until midnight rowing, gairboling and swimming in th e muddy w aters o f th e Seine. The bullfinch 75 seen in fliÿ it above the group of figures has been in te rp re te d by George tfauner a s an entolem o f th e % )iritual life eis "fireed from terrestial restraits" in much the same context as the goldfinch is used emblematically in Christian art,^^ while Wayne Anderson found it to be an enblem of Victory. 77 W. Hauptman, in response to Anderson, re-affirmed bbuner's view, asscxsLating the bird with the wading figure, and ^ iritu ally opposing i t to Victorine and the frog which appears in the lower left comer. 78 In another later response to Anderson, Reff pointed out the associations between small birds, lasdvia and gaity vhich existed especially with regard to birds 79 o f th e sparrcM and fincâi types. 135 %e Biglish poet Chaucer informs us that the sparrow literally je Cupid# Venus' son and that the lecherous can be oonpared to sparrows. 80 Shakespeare# too# linked Cupid to the farrow and Lechery in The Tempest and Measure for Measure. 81 Victor Hugo# however# joined Cupid and the sparrow to his character Gavroche# "the cherubim of the gutter# " an archetypical Parisian gamin. 82 Zola# too# used sparrows to describe Cadine and fturjolin# the wild children of les Halles and their shamelessness in Le Ventre de Barls(1873)# and the fall of man in La Ihute d'Abbe Mouret(1875).^^ Georges Bizet reflected such attitudes by linking the bird# its freedom and love with his Spanish lorette# carmen# in her opening phrases# "L'Amour est un 84 oiseau rébelle. Que nul no peut apprivoiser." Che finds such uses artistically in images of the Seven Deadly Sins; for exanple# the engravings of Lust by Goltzius (figure 50) and cailot (figure 51). It would seem that nearly any bird but the goldfinch can be associated with Venus and Love#®^ althou^ certain ones rqscesent specific attributes such as: Idleness, Liberty or 86 ✓ Pleasure. The Gonoourts ocnpared the famous courtesan Leonide Leblanc's behavior to that of a bird#®^ in mu(h the same way that 88 Zola described Ibna. As Philippe Bonnefis has noted# birds in certain contexts stem ultimately from the Icarus myth# in which 89 flight anticipates 611. Moreover# the type êuid family of the 136 bird which Manet uses offer assistance in determination of its meaidng. Although the category finch can include aiy ntmtoer of songbirds in the Frinqillidae family, the strongest qualifier for ary finch is its menbership in the sparrow fam ily.^ Vfe have al ready noted the fauvette grisette of Riris as one member of this overall group. The bullfinch, which Manet employs in Le Bain, resides in Ql conifers, peripheral parks, and cxmeteries," a site directly related to Victorine's family name Meurent, 'kying'l Its cry is 92 plaintive, and it is nervous, delicate, sensitive, as it is 93 attracted only to those vho are well-dressed. The captive bullfinch's attachment to its owner was often so strong that if abandoned, like the F risian grisettes of Merger's and Musset's 94 time, i t oould die of remorse. In France and Holland there were 'bouvreuil" musicians as well, street entertainers vho amused crowds with their trained singing bullfinches. The best of the singing birds were called poseurs, vhile the voleurs (wild or free birds), might appear of their own accord and join in on the chorus. The95 term Poseur is used for models too, like Victorine, vho is aoocnpanied in Manet's painting by the sorts of men vhcm the grisettes traditionally favored, law^tudents (like Gustave ftmet) and artists (the sculptor Ferdinand Leerihoff). 137 ïhe ejqjression "gai ootme un pinson" cited by Feff means 96 as "happy as a lark." Therefore, it is appropriate for such a bird to join the "merry cmpany," or partie carfe found here. In Ehris, opposite the Cafe Procope, which Gustave tenet frequented as a studaat, Chs found the Restaurant Pinson, where lorettes cam? "to study the civil code and medicdne" (to pick law and medical students). 97 Gavroche, Victor Hugo's urchin, is fchd of the art students, "a tribe related to his wn" and sings their 98 songs as he narches to the barricades, another Bohemian confronting the enemy, synbolized by the frog: the Bourgeoisie. 99 The words frog and toad are used more or less interchzuDgeably by laymen, but tenet has painted one of tw common European frogs here; Rana temporaria or tena esculentia.^^ Although Beatrice îhrwell believes the "fat feog" in the immediate foreground merely to be an afterthought, George teuner relates it to the nude as a traditional synhol for creatures attached to material things and greedy for even m ore.l<^ Heinrich Aldegrever's print. Lust (figure 52) from The Seven Deadly Sins, links symbols for both Avarice and Lust in the cock and the frog used on the blazon of his female personifi cation.^^^ J. M. C. Ttoyrihe® associated frogs with fountains and 104 tymjhs, and a red nymphaea (water lily) blooms at the edge of the stream in tenet's painting. 138 Hie fanDus frog story In Ovid's Metanorrhoses oonoerned the transformation by Zeus of the lycian peasants into frogs for their inptdenoe and the lack of charity they granted to his mistress Latona and her children, Apollo and Diana.This ta le inspired the latona basin at Versailles (figure 53) vhich is balanced by the %x)Uo basin vhose divine person vas metaphorically identified with the king. Louis XIV was said to have enployod the latona basin didactically, as a varning to those presvmtuous enouÿi to malign the rcyal mistresses. 106 The hypocrisy of the bourgeois which Victor Hugo depicted so vividly, their gree^ and avaricious natures, lust for gold, decorations or title s was legendary. One finds such individuals synholically r^nresented as foogs in popular lithographs like Delaporte's (figure 54) in which King Charles X dangles decorations before bourgeois "frogs" who must "jixtp in the mud" to receive them.^®^ Che even finds Nàpol6n III represented aa a small frog, in contrast to the Olynpian bull which synhol37.es his uncle, the great Napoleon I (figure 55).^°® In seme enblem books, frogs r^aresented flaws, imper fections, since these cnreatures muddied the water and avoided the lic^t. 109 But, traditionally, they were eissocdated with Avarice, Greed, Insatiable Desire, Lust, a preference for filthy habits, and the tendency to pass on or infect others with dangerous d ise a se s. 139 In bbnet's Le Bain, the earthbound frog my easily symbolize the lust for money characterized by both the bourgeoisie and the elegzmt prostitutes of Ruris. At the same time, the bullfinch, a syirhol of Bohemian freedom as well as a syrttool of Lust for earthly love and pleasure, appears. Each is linked to the other- Both, being gluttonous and unbridled, can anticipate ruinous tendencies of the sort Which the Prodigal Son temporarily enjoyed.. These creatures appear, one after the other, in Zola's La Faute de I'Abde Mouret. On the day of desire but before sex, Albine plays in water Which is filled with frogs,While on th e day of sexual love and the "fall, " the bullfinches guide Albine and Serge to the tree of carnal knowledge in the heeurt of Paradou's garden. The still-life and its tmtoled contents are read by Wayne Anderson as a symbol of wantonness, 113 yet has been called "unrealistic" as it cuibines the "cherries of June and the figs of Septentaer," Which are so realistically painted.The inclusion of out of season fruits, however, ederts the spectator to the possible symbolic asscxdations its unfurled contents like the finch and frog ccmvey. The overturned fruit basket is indicative of the Loss of Innocence, and follows an eighteenth century example: Schall's le Panier renverse engraved by Beisscxi (figure 56), in vhich a 1 4 0 young woman is surprised by a male cxxipanicn as apples and grapes, the emblems of Venus and Baccdius, or love and wine, spill a cro ss th e foreground. Mbnet p lac es a fla s k among th e elem ents of his still-life in place of the grapes used in the eighteenth century print. Eiblematically, plates of fruit are associated with both l^ te and Gluttony. As Boudard *s figure of Licence demonstrates her undisciplined nature with the broken bridle she holds, tenet's and Schall's vonen are lihked to the overturned baskets and their symbolically strewn contents. Tabarant inventoried the picnic of peaches, cherries, plans and bread in Le Bain, 1.16 vhile Ehrwell celled attention to 117 118 the oyster shells, and cachin the figs. 2..ch ficuit amplifies the idea of a tell, adding specific notes to the chorus 1 1 9 of color noted ty Eaul tentz in 1863. The fig recalls Priapus, Bacchus, sex, and the te ll of Man.^^ The peach, "owned by Venus, sometimes called the Persian Apple, is associated with a tell and slaves of love, 122 123 as well as silenœ and truth. Plans, edLso under Venus' care, 124 when wild, indicate Indqiendence. Cherries, especially the 125 sort of coupled ones Manet has used, refer to mating and love, vhile bread, the "staff of life" alludes to the tody and flesh in g e n eral. 141 Hie oyster shells testify to the consurption of amatory food, 126 euid were a Ronan favorite, and refer as a term to those considered "out of their heads, " as the oyster has no head at all - its sole occtpations are sleeping and eating. 127 Oysters vere also called the "pillows of Venus" for their ability to sexually 1 9A exite the eater. The landscape as a specific site has been traced to the 129 family property where fbnet spent his childhood. Its specific trees have been identified for me by a botannical specialist. At the left is a European Beech and the dark trunks behind it are Elm or Ash. The leaf with the sharply pointed edges which is on top of the edge of Victorine's dress is one from a Plane Tree and, on the right, two European Hornbeam trees appecur with em Elm. 130 symbolically the Elm represents False Promises e&nd Missed Bendez-vous. An o ld poem s ta te s "w ait fo r me under th e Elm, you'll wait a long time." Elms are Auitless and used for funerals in the Iliad as they were thought to be bom from the music of Orpheus' lyre. 131 The Ash, according to Virgil, is the "fairest tree in the woods." CUpid's first embows were made from it, and in Hebraic tiyths it is the Tree of Good and Evil. Hesiod linked this tree to the race of men of the Bronze Age and to certain of the 132 nynphs. The Plane Tree, according to Theocritus was 142 associated with Helen of Troy, and Pausanius informs us that Menelaus, Helen's husband, plemted an Oriental Plane Tree in 133 Arcadia, the «mcient paradise. Ihe Hernbeam or Iturdbeam was clipped and used for topiaries at Versailles. It's French name was charme. ihe Beech, sacred to Diana acxx>rding to Pliny, produced nuts, and if one ate too many, giddiness resulted. 135 The Ancients believed the cak to be the oldest of all trees and associated it with the Arcadians, the first of all men. Pliny cited Oaks growing at the tcnb of Ilius and declared those at Ilitxn (Troy) to be immortal. Cne fig u re rem ains, th e d is ta n t b a th e r, who, given Manet's final title , is included as a msiher of the foursome, the partie carrœ, and her bath, as noted ty Vfayne Anderson, is 137 normal in its association with Lust, as well as with the 13Ô activities of nyn#is. Smile Blanche seems to have understood the meaning of Le Bain and nearly bought bbnet's painting during the 1870's, intending to plaœ it in his dining room, and to bequeath it to 139 his son. Such a placement would have been consistant for subjects such as feasts and sczenes of the Prodigal Scm. Puvis da Chavanne's Return of the Prodigal Son of 1854 was installed a the centerpiece in his own brother's dining h all.^^ 143 Manet's disappointment at refused, to the official Salon followed ty the misinterpretation of Le Bain at the Saion des Refusœ must have been jolting. The hope for recognition of its moral content may have influenced his decision to change its title to Le Dejeuner Sur l'Herbe in 1867 when he exhibited the painting again. The fact that Manet considered Le Bain to be one of his most important paintings is demonstrated by an inventory of 1871, in which the only other work vedued as h i^ was the Execution of ^hxillian, a oontenporary history painting. As bbnet had promised Proust, he painted the Louvre's Giorgione again - "after nature," including there a "necessary nude" and increasing the scale of the figures to life-size proportions. Unfortunately, hiitan nature failed to recognize itself in the mirror ttm et's art held up to nature. Manat had confebntcd a ll of Saris with vhat was sacred and true in terms of a oontenporary reality \hich the public found to be an affron t. The next painting in vhich Victorine appeared presented only what was presuned to have already been present in Le Bain - the pro^m e. TCCfWCfTES TO CHAPTER IV ^Woreau-lïélaton, I, 52; Janot aind Wildcnstein, I» 76; Tabarant, 1947, 79. ^jamot and Wildenstein, 77-78; Tabarant, 80; Calx, 35. ^{torcau-iîelatcn. I,. 71-72; Ibtarant, 00; Mar.et 1SS3 , 505. would like to express ny gratitude to the Gemeente Zalttonmel for the pbotoocpy of this document and to Barbara Hager for her translation; of it, ^Gemeente Zalthonmel photocopy. The signature of the official is difficult to read, but appears to be van Shdeter. ^ Ib id . ^For exanplc see Kovacs,.- 196-7 and in contrast Daix, 32-35. ®One presumes that the Mysterious Koella, his death certificate, divorce or annulment papers would have had to be produced under such a circunstance. As Daix correctly notes, Suzanne, "officially childless" was free to narry with no loss of social station. Failure to demonstrate one or a ll of those conditions might even have branded* Suzanne as a "fallen woman" and l^on a b a sta rd . The Nymdhe Surpris, as hoted in the. previous chapter, was shewn in Rassla in 1861, not in % ris. See also Janot and W ildenstein,_ 1 , 76, even the etching La Toilette was not published ty cadart until October of 1862. 144' 1 4 5 * ^^^reau-Kelaton, I, 43-44; Jamot and Wildenstein, I, 76. ^^Bazire in Oourthicn, 76; Laran, J. and le ELs, George, Edouard Manet, Etuladelphia, 1912, 24. 473, many of Couture's pupils' works appeared in the Salon des Refusils. ^^Proust, 1897, 172. ^^Ibid, 171; G. H. Ifemilton, Manet and his C ritics, 44. ^^Bouart and Wildenstein, I, 74, no. 67; Myiet 1983, 165; Ehrwell, Nude, 197; fhxwell, "Manet's B athers...," A rts',54, fby 1980, 127. At the Salon des Refusés the work was called Bain. At the 1867 Alma Show, i t was titled Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, and in the 1872 manuscript inventory, it became La I^rtie Carrœ. ^®Proust, 1897, 171, Manet had copied the Giorgione as w ell. ^^Emest Chesneau, L'Art et les A rtistes Modernes en France et Angleterre, Ruris, 1864, cited in Tabarant, 70; Eaiwell, Nude, 255 and n. 130; Hanson, 92; Ifemilton, 44 and n. 6; Manet 1983, 165. ^®jamot. Gazette des Beaux Arts, 1927, 39-40. ^^Nbcdilin, cited in Eferwell, Nude, and Eferwell, 6, 199, and 238, n . 97. ^^uner, Mbnet Peintre-Philosophe, 14; Mauner in StreUca, 252; Reff, Artforun, VIII, 46. ^^Pried, M., 40-41; B. Dorival, I^lerinage at Watteau, Iferis, 1977, I, 129. 146' ^^Banscxi, 94-96. ^'W w ell, Nude, 39, 72-73. ^^Jill Wedisler, "An A peritif to Mfemet's 'Dejevmer Sur l 'Herbe, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, series 6, XCI, January 1978, 32-34. ^^uner, 87; Farwell, Nude, 231-3 aid 328, n.91. ^^Sandblad, 88 and 96; Ebrwell, "bbnet's B athers...," 130-131; E. N. van Here, "Solutions and Dissolouticns in Nineteenth Oentury FTendi Painting," Arts Magazine, vol. 54, no. 9, May 1980, 104-106 27 Baris Salon, 1850, 79, no. 741, Alfred-Charles-Ferdirapd Decaen, Péieuner "smr I'Herbe; 251, no. 3104, Bnile W attier, Dejeuner Qianpfetre. Earls Sion, 1857, 273, no. 2156, Henri-Prerre Picou, student of Delaroche, Le Bain. ^^Paria Salon, 1861, 364-5, no. 3001, Joseph Tourcey, Ooncert Champêtre, after Giorgione. oq See G. H. Hamilton, Manet and his C ritics, and Pool and Qrienti, 92, no. 59 for selected responses. "^^Ehrwell, Nude, 187. ^^Boime, 444-445, cited in Chapter II. ^^Eroust, 1897, 172, te lls us that Manet used his brother, brother-in-law and Victorine, "his favorite model" in the foreground and a "petite juive de passage" for the rear figure. Ihe following agree with Ptoust, finding Gustave Manet, Ferdinand Leenhoff and Victorine Murent in the foreground: Moreau-Nélaton, 49; Rouart and Wildenstein, I, 74; Bool and Qrienti, 92, no. 59; IXoret, 38; Jamot, "Ihe First Version of Wbnet's Déjeuner sur l'Herbe," Burlington teqazine, vol. 58, 147 June 1931, 299; ïfeiarant, 1947, 62; Gûuithion, 74; Mauner, Manet PeiJtre-PhilosoFhe, 23. Daix, 89, and Oourthion, 74, feel that Victorine replaced another nodel vto had posed earlier. Mauner, 23, feels that Suzanne posed fa r the wading figure, vhile Bool and Qrienti, 92, no. 59B, feel that Suzanne posed for the oil sketch at the Oourtauld Institute. Tabarant, 62, mentions that formerly the nude was believed to have been Suzanne rather than Victorine. Ehrwell, Nude, 194-195, believes that the wading figure also posed for la Tbilette and Oonvalesoent, but in the most recent catalogue, Manet 1983, 170-171, Françoise cachin entry, it is stated that Victorine posed for both fenale figures. This author believes Proust until oonvincdng evidence to the ccxitrary appears. ^^^auner, in Josqih Strelka, 1968, 253, restated in ^fanet Peintre- Riilosophe, 14-24. The interpretation of such contrasted existaiKzâr as a theme in Giorgione's Ooncsert Chanhêtre appears in Patricda Egan, "Boesia and the Fete Oianpêtre,^ Art Bulletin, u a , December, 1959, 303-313. There is no evidence known to ms of such interpretatixxis of the Giorgione in the nineteenth cen tu ry . ^^ayne Anderson, "Manet and the Judgement of Baris," Art News,vol. 72, Eebruary 1973, 63-69; Mary G. Wilson, "Edouard Manet's 'Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, ' some further (xxiclusions, " Arts tfagaudne, vol. 54, January 1980, 162-167, finding Gustave tbnet in the role of Mercury and Ferdinand Leenhoff as the modem Ehris from the Raimondi print. ^^Hoffirann, The Earthly feradise in the Nineteenth Oentury, trans. Brian Battershaw, New York, 1961, 172. ^^Farwell, Nude, 135-141, 154, 254, and 271. Fhrwell bases some o f h e r eungixnents on H ansen's observations ooneem ing th e double standard evident in conLâtporary mores and male dandyism, in Hanson, 94-96. 37 Luke 15 (11-32). This gospel is read on the Saturday of the second week of Lent in the Catholic liturgy and is acxxxrpanied by the Epistle of Jacob's stolen birthright. The Ehrable of the 146 Prodigal Son syrtolizes forgiveness on the part of the father and repentance in the son. Voltaire wrote a version of it in 1736. Oolin Slim, The Prodigal Son at the Mhore*s, a published lecture. University of California at Irvine, May 26, 1796; Francois Oourbin, Histoire illustrœ de la Gravure en France, I, E^ris, 1923, 165; Ihcmas J. McOormick, Jr. emd Robert E^rksT Abraham Bosse, e;ûübition catalogue, ShvLth Cbllege, 1956, n.p. 39 y Jean G uiffrey, l a P ein tu re au Musee du Louvre, P a ris , 1929: Ihe Etariken panel came to the Louvre in 1793, and the Teniers had been in the collection of Louis XVI. ^*^^iroe, 94-95. Nineteenth century exanç>les are admirably traced in Boime and include Chasseriau's Return of the Prodigal Son, 1836, Clement Boulanger's Prodigal Dissipating h ^ Fortune, 1838, Gleyre's Return of the Prodigal ar^ Greuze's Fils Ingrat and Fils Puni. "^^ime, 84, Plate V.4; 86 and 93, Plate V.IO; 183, 302 and n . 55. "Rie Supper A fter The Masked B all was in sc rib e d 'Illustrious deadl... I have seen your descendants surrender themselves to orgies. ' Boime, 184-185, however, en#iasi%es the elimination of allegory in the work. ^ ^ rta ll, "Corrme on Efenge en Paris" in le Diable & Paris, 1846, 516. ^^Jchn S. Phrmer, Vocabularia Anatoria, 1896, reprinted 1966, 204. ^Boime, 481, relates that.Puvis da Qiavannes was in Couture's atelier for only three months in 1849, but visited, borrowed models, and alwys listed Cbutjure as his teacher. 45Ibid, 604-605. 46 ^°Simond, II, 386. 149 392. ^Charles Beauront Wicks, The Parisian Stage, 1950-1967, 1851. ^^Ibid, 1851. ^ i d . 1855. ^^Ibid, 1857. ^^Boirae, 96 and n. 81: 'souvenir que je suis que l'enfant prodigue...' *' Gustave Flaubert, Sentimental Education, translation and introduction Robert Baldick, MiddleséâcT 1978, firs t published in 1869, 12. ^^fcnor^ de Bü^ac, Lost Illusions, translation and introduction by Herbert J. Bunt, New %rk, 1977, first published in three parts 1837-1843, cdiapter titles in ESrt III include "The doleful confession of a 'child of the age'" and "The Prodigal's Itetum." This was brought to ny attention by Julie Karoviks. ^^lugo. Tes Misérables, 1097 and 1113: Marius as a prodigal and his return. ^Saudet, sappho, 105: Jean's visits home are called "these returns of the prodigal son.. .are always poisoned by the memories of the associations of the wandering life." ^^Parls, Salon, 1850: 136, no. 1574. Hugo's address was at 33 rue Fontaine! Cbuture's was at 28 on the same street. ^^Par^, Salon, 1853: 130, no. 638, accompanied by 'une ardent et folle jeunesse aime rit, chante, et du plaisir vuide la ooope 150 enchanteresse, sans voir le hideax avenir qui doit dissipir son ivresse.' (ooUetet) ^^Paris, Salon, 1857, 168, no. 1370. ^Paris, Salon, 1861, 320 no. 2641 with 'Ehfin, étant rentre en lui-nàie il d it...Il faut que je parte at que j'aille trouver non père.' (Luke XV) ^^Paris, Salons, 1861, 169, no. 1415. ^^Paris, Salons, 1861,^157, no. 1315, acoonpanied ^ 'ocnbien des jeunes filles, declaissant le travail, se précipitent dans tous les vices que la débauche entraine pour échapper èi ce spectre qui sembla toujours le poursuivre?' ^Geffroy, la Vie Artistique, vol. 6, 1900, 232, not dated. ^^illiam lüsfeldt, The Albums of James "RLssot, Bowling Green, 1982, 244, nos. 57-61, one series was in Venetian costune, another in Geman medieval clothing. In 1883, Tissot exhibited a suite of etchings. The Prodigal Son in Modem Life. ^^Delvau, Les Plaisirs de Ihris, 267. ^Charles Tdriarte, Veniœ: Its History, Art, Industries and Modem Life, Translator F. J. Bitwell, New York, 1880, Paris, 1878, 167-168. 67 J. A. Crowe and G. B. Gavalcaselle, A History of thinting in North Italy, London, 1912, III, 27-28. ®®Donald Posner, Antoine Watteau, Ithaca, 1984, 7. ^^Ibid, 151, 181, and 27. 151 ^Ibid, 194, 182 and 185-7: Vfeitteau, by œ nflating the mythic and the modem, as well as by choosing to submit his own artistic invention saw his own voxk as being of equal validity to history p a in tin g . 169. “See bbnet 1983, 165-166, in vSiich Chesneau is quoted from 1864: 'students in a cap and gown' as well as Etienne in 1863: 'these two seem like students on a holiday. ' Guiffrey, I, XDC Siècle, 45 and plate 57, Le FÊve de Bonheur, Mlle. OOnstanœ bhyer. Salon of 1819, bought for the State, feris. Salons, 1850, 27 and no. 62, Aubray, Leccmte Hyacinthe4Louis-Victor-Jean^ptiste, kniç^t, legion of honor. Le de Bonheur, d'ani^ un tableau de Mlle. Meyer, plaœ dans le Palais de Ocrpiegne. With regard to Courbet's subtitle "Surmer" for Demoiselles au bords de la Seine, see Molere, M. and Obnmettant, 0 ., Almanach Musicale, 1860-1866, August is the month traditionally eissociated with fete champêtres. Delvau, Plaisir ^ feris, 248; d'A riste, 262, the championship rowing races on the Seini~began in 1854, but Second Bipire rowers generally spent as much time in guinguettes as they did in their boats. ^^d'Ariste, 263. His statements seem to parallel Kmson's description and scxirœ "th Maœlle" in tenet and Modem Tradition, 95. ^^Gotthard Jedlicha, Edouard Manet, Zurich, 1941, 53, called this bird a robin, but most authors who specify beyond "bird" agree on bullfinch. ^^uner in Strelka, 253; teuner, Manet Peintre-Riilosophe, 28-29 and n . 36. ^Tftnderson, "The Judgement of Ruris," 66-69. Bavptnan, letter in respcxise to Anderson's article. Art News, vol. 72, April, 1973, 4. 152 7 0 "R eff, A rt News, v o l. 72, October 1973, 50-56. See a ls o Jansen, H. W., Apes and Ape lore in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, London, 1952, 174 and 178-179 for both views on Sparrows and findies. On Geoffrey Chaucer, The ^rlianent of Birds and the House of Rune, in modem English by Professor Skeat, Ïiondon,~l908, 17, line 351: "Venus' son, the sparrow?" The Canterbury Thles, prologue, line 626: "as hoot he was, and lecherous, as a sparrow." This was brought to my attention by Linda L. Thlmadge. fil James Edward Kurting, The Birds of SkJcespeare, london, 1921, 146: The Tenpeot, Act IV, scene 1, "[CLpid] swears that he w ill àhoot no more, but play vdth sparrows" and 146 Measure for Measure, Act III, scene 2: "Sparrows must not build in his house, because they are lecherous." ®^tîugo. Les M is6 a b les, Rurvulus, Book I , p a rt 3 , 291 and 306, in siznner the gamin changes into a frog. See also Gautier, Théophile, Paris Beseiged, Gascon ed., X, 170, sparrws, "regular gutter Gavroches." ®^Zola, la Phute d'Abbé Mouret, Les Rougon-tfacaquart, Pleides ed.. I, 1222-1223. Sparrows enter the broken windows of the church during ^hss. Their cries are like those of the free urchins who play outside, and in Le Ventre de Ibris, 176, about cadine and tfar jolin: "Later they begin to misbAave, they sought out dark com ers...Th^ were free and quite without shame, like sparrows choosing their mates on the rooftops." Georges Bizet, carmen, 1875, Act I. btmet's painting of Ehiilie Anbre in this role is in the Hiiladelphia Museum. 85A. Tbussenel, Espirit des Betes: le Monde des Oiseaux, Ibris, 1855, 1; "Le moni^ des oiseaux...c'est par lui que le verbe d'amour s'incam é dems animalité" and 8: "l'oiseau n'existe pas que pour aim er...le peuple des oiseaux s'e st voue caorps et ^une au culte de Venus." 153 LovinS/ and J . C bloplnel, The Roman de la Rose# tr a n s la to r F. S. E llis, London, 1900, I, 22, line 645: "When Idleness the garden gate threw open wide" and 654-672: "This sweet garden, sacred haunt of birds;" vol. II, 237, 14650-14676, a ccciparison of the desire found in birds and vonen for liberty. ®7de Concourt, Jo u rn a l, V, 69, Mbrch 10, 1862: "Des grâces d'oiseau, des sour: es d'oiseau, des baisirs d'oiseau et pas plus de cervelle qu'un oiseau..." pp Zola, les Rougon-Maoqtuart, 11^ 1357: "le lendenain n'existant pas, elle vivait en oiseau, sure de manger, prête zT coudier sur la premiere branche venue." ^Philippe Bonnefis, "Le Bestiare d'Dnile Zola," in Les Critiques de Notre Tenpe et Zola, % ris, 1972, 126. See also Tbussenel, 16: "c'est le mondêlles oiseaux qu'offre a' l'observation du philosophe le plus raziibreux et les plus ravissent examples de l'ordre dans la liberté amoreuse..." Belon, Histoire tfaturelle des Oiseaux, 1555. The entire Fringillidae family includes sparrows, grossbeaks, crossbills, goldfinches, linnets, buntings and other birds with short stout conical b ills adapted for seed-crushing. See also Oliver Goldsmith, A History of the EarA and Animated Nature, London, 1805, IV, 235, finches are considered birds of the farrow kind, and Larousse, 1867, II, 1167, "Bouvreuil" as birds of the order of sparrows. Pierre Gradoz, Les Oiseaux des V illes et des Bourgages, Cblmar, 1984, 70; J. Nioolai, Les Oieeaux Chanteurs, Ebris, 1981, 69; Tbussenel, Part II, 128, its pose is reflective and solemn, its song brave and gallant. ^^Doussenel, II, 96. QO Grand Dictionnaire Universelle, II, 1167, "bouvreuil." 94Ib id , 1167 and in El se a r Blzuce, Le Chausseur aux F ile ts au la chasse des Dames, fturis, 1839, 406. 154 qR Blaze, 333 and 336. Art News, October 1973, 55, and in Blaze, 330. 97 Delvau, Les Plaisirs de % ris, 130. ^^Hugo, Les Misérables, 904. Ibid, 495 and 1123: "Hiat moment in life [the wedding] should be a flight to heaven with the birds, even if next day you have to fall back to earth among the bourgeoisie and the frogs. ^®^As told to me by John S. Condit, curator, rqptiles and amphibians. Museum of Zoology, Chio State University, June 23, 1982. COndit added that in Europe there is only one major toad, Bufb-Bufb, Which is brownish rather than green in color. ^°^rw ell. Nude, 197. ^®^Mauner in Strelka, 253; Mauner, Ffanet Peintre-Riilosophe, 28-29. ^ ^ S ee Deonna Waldemar, "La Penroe e t la G ren o u ille, " Gazette des Beaux-Arte, series 6, 1952, 231, Pliny and Democritus' associations of the &og and female sexuality are mentioned, and 233, Pliny discusses the use of the frog in aphrodisiacs. ^^^Sbyribce, 217, plate 114 and note 11. See also lie =nd Barbier. June 25, the nytphaea or nenuphar as a synhol of coldness and lack of true feeling. Its name was given to the tynphe vho loved Hercules, even thou^ he cruelly repulsed her advances. 105 Ihis was brought to ny attention by Ifathew Herban III. Ovid, Metamorphoses, -translator Horace Gregory, Scarborough, Ontario, 1958, 172-174: Even now as then they speak a dirty language: They try to croak their underwater curses. Iheir voices rough and deep - their flabby throats 155 Swell into bags and a ll their quarrelling makes Wide mouths grow bigger; and as they Stretdi their feces, necks are seen to disappear; Iheir backs are green, a filthy vftiiteness is on their underside. Which is the larger part of their round bodies; As newly fashioned frogs they dance in mud. ^^Gîrisucçher Hitbert, Versailles, New York, 1978, 35. ^°^Simond, II, 53. ^^Albert Thcnes, Histoire Socialiste, .vol. X, Le Second Bnpire 1852-1870, feris, n.d., 405. Napoleon III was often referred to ty victor Hugo as Napoléon “the little" in cxxitradistinction to Ibpoleon I "the great." ^^Boudard edition of Ripa, % rt II, no. 108. I'Abbe Auber, H istoire et Thaarie: Syitibolisme Religieux, feris, 1884, II. 271. ^^^Zola, la feute de I'Abbe Mouret, 1969, 152-154. 119 Hjid, Les Rougon-tecquart, I, 1402, Albine to Serge: * tandis qu un vol de bouvreuils allait d'arbre m'advertissant par les petits cris, lorsque j'ëtais tentée de prendre une mauvais route. ' This was brought to ny attention by fhthav Hërban III. See also, the Ranan de la Rose, vhere one finds the same birds which appear in Zola's Eaute de I'Abbe Mouret: the nightengale, vood-wale, turtle-dove, wren, skylark, tit-mouse, feuvette, smd bullfinch which greet the traveller in the Garden of Love, as well as the serenades of the sparrows and frogs. One should note that the goldfinch, a bird associated with the bhdonna, is conspicuously and appropriately absent in both the Ranan de la Rose and la Ehute de I'Abbe Mouret. 113 Anderson, 69. 156 1983, entry by Françoise Caciiin, 169. 1983, 169. ^^^labarant, 1947, 61. ^^^Ebrwell, Nude, 107.^ More recently, tery G. Wilson, "Edouard Manet's 'Dejeuner sur l'Herbe' An Allegory of Choice: Seme Further Ooncluslons," Arts Magazine, vol. 54, January 1900, 162-167, has misinterpreted most of the still-life finding strawberries, oranges, apples, and a pcmegranite which are not present there, in an attarpt to reeid another Judg ment of Kuris into the work. Wilson mistakes the oyster shells for a tom pcmegranite. 1983, 169. Raul hhntz, "Le Salon de 1863," Gazette des Beaux-^rts, XV, July 1, 1863, Who disliked it, but noted it as a "bariole" of c o lo r. ^^Ira OOodit, The Fig, 1947, 2-5; Erwin lanofsky. The life and Art of Albredit Purer, 4th edition, Rrinceton, 1955, 85- Louis Noisette, le Jardin Fruitier, laris^ 1839, II, 293; M. P. Vemeuil, Dlctioimalre des Syirtolea, Bttolernes, et Attributes, 1897, 73; Pierre Dinet, dnq Livres des Hieroglyphÿjues, P aris, 1614, 289-90; Gübematis, I, 4-5, associated the fig with the phallus and stated that sexual sins required bathing immediately afterw ard. ^^^Thonas Culpeper, 115. ^^^emeuil, 138. ^^^Dinet, 287; Obharant, 301; Noisette, 13; Henry Phillips, Bonarlttn Britannicim, London, 1821, 281. The best firench. peaches, as bhnet knew, came from Montreuil, see thnet 1983, 456, letter to Isabelle Lemonnier, edited by Colette Becker, with allusions to vrxnen as "peaches." 1 5 7 ^^^em euil, 151 y Noisette# 51-52? Zola, le Ventre de ferls (Savage Ruris), translated by David Huges and Marie->Jaajaeline bhson, london, 1955, 225-226, la Sariette, the fruit seller, is oonpared bodily to the peaches and plums that she offers for sale. See also Linda Nochlin, "Eroiü.cism and Fenale Imagery in Nineteenth Century Art, " Art Journal, vol. 35, no. 4, sunner 1976, 34. ^^^Ürimonde, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, vol. 68, 283 and figure 37; Shakespeare, Midstirmer Night's Cream, Act 3 scene 2, Helena to Hemdone, So we grew to g e th e r like to a double cherry, seemingly parted But yet a union in partition Two lovely berries molded on one stem. So, with two seeming bodies, but cne h e a rt. ^^^Lord Byron, Don Juan, Canto II, stanza 179: “Eggs, oysters too, are amatory food," in castelot, 354 and EXxnas, 180. ^^^Alexandre Ounas père, Dicrtdonary of Cüisineÿ edited, abridged and translated by Louis Cohnan, New York, 1958, 180. ^^®Andr^ C h ste lo t, l 'H i s t o i r e ^ la b le , l a r i s , 1972, 354, quoting Donas pere. Jamot, "Etudes sur bbnet," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, series 5, XV, 1927, I, 37-38. Zola, too, used the site of his"^hil3hood near Aix-en-Provenoe eis the setting for La Ihute d'Abbe Mouret. Davis sydnor. Professor, Department of Horticulture, Ohio State Uhiversity, May 28, 1986, interview. ^^^lis and Barbier, hbrch 25; Phillips, Sylvia Elorifera, I, 205- 206. ^^^Riillips, Sylvia Florifera, I, 79-82. 1 5 8 II, 114 ana 117. ^^Ibid, 301. 1 Phillips, gtanariun Britannicun, 64. ^^^Ibid, 11 and 19. 137 Anderson, 68, and Reff's disagreement, 53; Gubematis I, 4-5, sexual sin requires bathing afterward. Pehl, "Hidden Genre: A study of the ‘Concert Chanpetre' in the Louvre," Journal of Aesthetics and Art C riticj^, vol. 16, 1957-1958, Decentoer 1957, 156 and 165; Ihrwell, * & et's B athers...," 127-130; Mauner, Manet Peintre-Hiilosophe, 27, the duality of water synibolically; Baney, 112, Juno renewed her virginity ty bathing in the fountain of CSnathus. 139Manet 1983, 172. Madame Blanche was anxious sdx>ut the nude, and so the purchase fell through. ^^^^%artin L. H.Reynart, and Robert J. Kashey, editors, Christian Liaqery in Rrench Nineteenth Century Art 1789-19%, entry by Donzüd S. Harley, 3CX). Ihe Prodigal was acccropani'ed by four other seasonal repasts: Ruth aM Boaz (Sumner), E^u*s Return from the Hunt (winter), %e Miracailous Draught of Fishes (spring) and the Invention of WÎïie (autumn). ^^^Jamot and Wildenstein, 89, La Rurtie Chrree (le Dejeuner sur 1‘Herbe) valued a t 25,000 francs, vftiich was equalled by Ihe Execution of Maximillian. CHAPTER V OLYMPIA Theodore Duret telievèd that Olyrrpia (figure 57), signed and dated 1863, was painted just after and as a pendant to Le Dejeuner sur l*Herbe.^ Submitted to the Salon of 1865. Proust claims that Olynpla was a t first rejected and then fished 2 out with its oonpanion, Christ Insulted by the Soldiers. Both were exhibited. "Initially hung in a good position," according to T. J. Clark, ^ the painting was placed low enouÿi for Brpress Eugâiie to strike it with her fan,^ and for the public to brandish sticks and umbrellas at it.^ Ihe Brpress* démonstrative criticism appears to have sanctioned pre jiidiced critics ' and viewers ' responses in much the same vay that Napoleon I ll's had for Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe a t Ihe Salon des Refuses. Mhen the Salon opened to the public crowds formed vhich the amy could not disperse. Ihe authorities were so alarmed that they set two attendants in gold braid to mount guard ... but even that wzis not enough I When, as u su a l, th e ex h ib itio n was rearrang ed. 159 160 they placed her offending nakedness so high that neither the denonstratlons of anger nor the eye oould reach h e r. Scholars inform us that Manet, intimidated by the response to Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, waited twa years to exhibit 7 another nude publically. According to Blanche, Suzanne ^bnet persuaded him to submit the Olynpia. 8 We are also told that the painting was 2u3mitted by a cxxred and fearful jury intimidated by 9 the Ehperor's intervention for artists in 1863, that ffenet was "asking far it, following a precedent established by Titian, and that he was proving his own ability to handle h i^ themes even if the choice of these two subjects were at social antipcxies in terms of each other. 12 ttenet's decision to submit Olympia can be understood partly in terms of its content, a traditional type of Venus as 13 interpreted by Iheodore Reff. Its acceptance by tiie Salon jury as well as its in itial placzenent indicate that the jury, too, recognized and understood its significance. The jury was s till the only jury. Even in 1863, they were not asked or eiqected to reverse a decision. Refused and acxsepted works were not intermingled in 1863 at the Salcxi des Refusés. Rather they were divided and exhibited in separate and clearly marked charters. Cbviously, the public, and the Depress as a part of that public, saw something other than a traditional Venus; scxnething 161 vftiidi was either additionally there as a second and alternate layer of meaning, or something entirely different from vAiat the jury recognized: something Which for the public was the only c o n te n t. The nude Olynpia was Victorine: "the same nudity, same woman, same indecency, same outrage.To Theodore Buret, it was the oontenporary aspect alone which the public was able to grasp: "A modem Rurisienne, an Olynpia lying on a bed ... he chose his model from a type as removed as possible from that which was cxmsecrated by tradition. Gefficoy confirms this attitude variting that Manet "fixed the canaille allure of the fille in one of the eternal poems of the flesh. Manet's painting, cxxipleted in 1863 and exhibited in 1865, was acxxxipanied by the firs t stanza of a Zachzurie As true 17 poem dated April, 1864, and dedicated to Manet by its w riter: Quand, laisse de rêver, Olynpia s'evedlle le printenps entre au bras du messager noir; c'est l'esclave, à la nuit amoreuse parielle. Qui vient fleurir le jcxur délicieux à voir: L'august jeune fille en qui la flanroe veille. Consequently, As truc heis been credited with providing the title 19 for Manet's painting. Olynpia has been seen by seme to arise from and continue the theme of the nude as a bather which was used in 1 6 2 La Nyn#ie Surpris» the etching La Itoilette and Le Déjeuner sur l'Herbe (Le Bain)»^^ These three works ultim ately stem from the syntolic duality of Venus, syncncnous goddesses such as Ishtar, ritual renewal of virginity in bathing, the connection between water and nyuçh, vhich is related to lyngha (vrater), a part of the title itself. Nynphs, like Venus, issued from the sea and have a certain kinship with Venus because of their watery o r i g i n .^ "Olyiqpia, ** thouÿit by Jamot to be "unccnmon, ordinary, or generic" as a woman's name, 22 has recently been read by Maunei. as a proof that Vic±orine merely attempted to assume the guise of a goddess,by Krell as a prostitute's 'nom de guerre, by 25 Alston as an elaborate conceit and by Hofiann, Sandblad and 26 Fhrwell as indicative of a cheap prostitute. George Moore, who was acquainted with Manet in the late 1870's, perceived like Geffrey the duality of Venus and her earthly counterpart, the 27 courtesan, as have modem scholars such as Anderson, Hamilton and R e f f .^ Numerous "Olympes" and "Olynpdas" have been and continue to be found in literature, history and the theater to support such insights. These incdude "Olynpe" in Dumas fils ' 1848, 29 La Dame aux camélias; " Olynpe" in Augier's bhriage d'Olynpe, "Olympia" the doll in an 1830 Hoffmann tale, "Olympia" in Félicien David's 1859 opera Herculaneum, who has been compared to 163 the Whore of Babylon, 30 eund an "Olympia" from an updated and urpublished play, by Zacharie Astruc, "Le Dialogues des vierges folles et des vierges sages.The historic Olympia was a site, and in Ehris one oould v isit the cafe d'Olynpe wiiich opened in 32 1838, or an even older one described in the Journal des Débats 33 of 1817. There were "real" Olympes, too, mentioned by Delvau, habitues of the Prado, doserie des Lilas and Chaaniere b als.^ Visual sources high and low have been brought forth, sources Which parallel the duality ihherent in the percqjtiœ of bbnet's title . These include Titian's Venus of Urbino (figure 35 58) Which rtmet was known to have cxjpied, Goya's tfaked teja 36 37 (figure 59), Japanese prints of the geisha quarter and nude photograïhs. 38 In his interpretation, van Liere underscores the light and dark aspects of Venus, her asscxdation with water emd her person as an ultimate source, pictordLally, for bathers and, 39 cailturally, for personifications of female sexuzdlty. Alexandre Donas père noted the "chain” vhich links gods and mortals, tracdng it from its top, the immortal Venus, to its 40 lowest oounterpart, the mortal Helen. The dual a^ect of earthly pleasure and the adored wcxian were underscored as well in Meilhac and Bai^/y's libretto for la Belle Helene, "Une voix qui 164 sortira des rangs du peuple et qui dira: 'c'est n'est pas une riene, c'est une cocotte. Era Pomey in h is fanous Panthéon and Dumas pere drew similar analogies. Venus was described as "an impudent piece, mistress and president of cbsœnity, " and her various epithets such as Melanis (dark) are related to her nocturnal amours, and to specific courtesans, like lais.^^ The Gonoourts, too, use this context- referring to Anna Deslions as a "Venus thndemos,"^^ while Zola chose "Nana" eis the name for his courtesan of the Second Qipire, a synonymn for Inanna, Ishtar, Astarte or the Syrian Venus, whose star, rising at eventide, signals her niÿit 44 wanderings. Zola follows a précéda it established by Balzac in Les ^lendeurs et Misères des Oourtesanes (1838-1847) in which 45 Esther is an alternate name for Ishtar eind Astarte. It would seem that Manet does the same, with "Olympia, " which cxxibines the divine and the mortal, the h i^ and low, the historic and contemporary in true juste milieu fashion. Ihe last line in Astruc's quatrain contains a similar metaphor in its reference to "the august young g irl in whom the flame is tended," which appears to allude to the inextinguishable 46 flame in the "candelabrun of Venus." Boime reminds us that the courtesan, like Venus, has a dual nature. Che aspect is posi- ive, muse-like, spontaneous, free and unconventional ; the othex is negative, whorish, impudent, lascivious and cynical. 47 165 In Zola's diaracter Xnta Beoot, we fincl the free sfpirit. In Nana, we find the whore and, typically, she is an "actress." Historically, wcxxn of the stage had been prohibited from marriage by law without the e:^>ress permission of the king. It was assvsned th at women who appeared before the public were another form of "la fille publique."^® Nevertheless, actresses had become immune by law from Ebcataloguement (registration as p ro s titu te s ) through p ro v isio n s in th e law o f November 1774, and issued exemption cards instead. 49 Prostitution emd the stage, old friends one might say, permitted poor girls a potential means through which to better 50 their circonstances socially and financially. The oourtesanes of the Second Bipire were merely another instance of the traditional link between brothel and theater. In fees, plenty of exceedingly bad actresses who oould scarcely walk posed in the buff. Nevertheless, they drew great crcwis vho viewed their nudity, and d airv ille even wrote such performances for fees and year-end reviews. The same sort of women modeled for painters. IXbosc remembered the habitué a t Pradier's studio: Hue. Octave "who played the role of Eve in the historic oostune ... Mne. Ihul Ernest of the Vaudeville ... Mne. F. represented as a bather by 52 Pradier with only a rose in her hair." The Salons, too, offered parallels to the ballet foyer, theater green room and 166 opera coulisse» Zola describes artists' models on varnishing day: "dragging eadi other round to look at pictures of themselves 53 in the nude, talking at the tops of their voices." The display of their (diarms, a by-product of the e^diibition, provided enter prising models with opportunities of a ll kinds, including the acquisition of new patrons and admirers. Residual benefits like these, however, depended vpoi jury aoceptanoe of the a rtist's work, and jury acceptance was predicated on adherence to tradition and syntolically edifying oontait,^ with vdiich Olympia is certainly r^ lete. Cesare Ripa describes Lewdness personified eis a beauti&il but scantily 55 dressed wonan "bedized" with jewels reclining on a nirpled bed, Luxury as imnodest and lasciviously posed 56 and Desire as young, nude and interested in transitory objects, one of whicdi is a vase of flowers. 57 Vlhat all share is iimodesty, indolence, love of momentary pleasure and the wealth on vAiidi libertinism feeds. Ovid tells us that "so does Venus delight in leisure," that "Love loves sloth" and "wanton love fed on ridies,"^^ while Dinas père follows with "La E^resse est le feute capital de la fille publique. Pride, too, requires jewels and the color of passion, 61 red, a dominant hue in btmet's Olympia. Effrontery euid Impudence, however, flaunt their indecency cynically, aoocnpanied by either an ashamed servant or an animal expressive of cynicism 167 liJke the dog,®^ or the an ^Ithet (mouche d'or) used by Zola for tfana and her importunate bâiavior. The Gonoourts sunmrized such traditions in their descripticsis of Boucher's art, a description Which seems to fit Olympia as well: Voluptuousness is the essence of Boucher's ideal ... he was cible neither to envelop in the htxnan form its beauty nor to veil it with modesty; the flesh he paints has a kind of inviting effrontery; his divinities, nymphs, nereids, all his feminine nudities are women vho have undressed ... the Venus of whom Boucher dreamt and whcm he painted was only the physical Venus ... " In her accessories and attributes Manet's Olympia follows earlier precedents, too. A large pearl, emblem of Venus, is suspended from the ribbon a t her neck, and her escrrings are pearls. Her large bangle bracelet plaças her in august company, Praxiteles' %hrodite of the Chidians, Titian's Venus of Urbino, Ingres' Grande Odalisque (figure 60), Delacroix' Women of Algiers and the &vorites in his Death of Sardanapalus. Cranach's of the Spring (figure 61) wears a similar ribbon and bracalet and is acxxxipanied by two lusty cjuail, which nay symbolize Leto and the Olympian Zeus, who mated in the form of these birds. 65 Erwin Panofslq^ cn.tes the accessories of Profane Love as precious stonca emd the girdle of Venus, while Voluptas scxnetâres wears a necklace.^ Manet's contemporary, Eugene Sue referred to 168 the area of the throat vAiere the neck and shoulders join as the 67 "necklace of Venus," the area \Aiere Olyirpia's pearl is displayed. Zola associated nudity, the love slave and the bangle in La Curee,^ vAiile Victor Hugo linked his Cupid, a Parisian street urchin, to the pearl aa neither is totally dissolved in 69 the muck of the pavements. Augustus Caesar had pearl earrings made fo r th e Pantheon's s ta tu e o f Venus. In Christian Ostrewski's Marie-Madeleine of 1862, the Magdalene, an irresistable woteui , requests accessories which sure almost identical to Olynpia's; a bracelet, a veil from lyre, and necklace on which is inscribed "le signe d'Astartê, syntole de la mort et de la liberté. Such elaborate layers of tradition tend to svpport th e a n a ly sis o f Olympia made by Werner Hofmann, who finds within it references to the Asiatic ^hrodite, the Ihrlot, the Bather, Night, Death and Liberty. Golden yellow is a color associated with Venus through 73 her epithet "Aurea," althoucpi Jules d aritie viewed it negatively, calling Olympia a "yellow-bellied Odalisque" in his 1865 Salon review. Yellow draperies and flowers can be 75 associated with fleeting earthly pleasures and voluptuaries, and the golden fringes of Olympia's flower - strewn shawl can further be traced to terms for prostitutes such aa " p a ille té e .Gold, vhich meant glory to the Ancdents, had cxne 77 to symbolize infidelity to the modems. 169 Individuals with one shoe on# the other off, syitibolize 78 both death and victory. Examples include Jason before Pelias,^^ Perseus slaying Medusa, the courtesan Fhodcpe before Pharoah Anas is, 81 and Helen of Troy. 82 Donald Posner has gathered eighteenth-century images in vhich the viewer is informed of the progress of an affair partly on the basis of the lost shoe's position with respect to the wearer's foot. Pasner perceives the shoe in flight in Fragonard's Sving (from the Wallace collection in London) as related to scenes whose wearer's absent footwear as in Debucourt's Broken Pitcher and an engraving believed to be after Baudouin, Remorse After the Deed, testifies 83 to the g ift of sexual favors and/or loss of innocence. Other well-known examples would include Jean-Baptiste Greuze's Indolence (figure 62) of the 5alon of 1757, engraved and included in Diderot's Encyclopedic, and Ingres' Valpingon Bather (figure 63) each di^laying a removed red shoe or slipper. Manet's Olympia spoirts golden slippers consistant with the color of Venus'.®* Ebllen slippers appear in popular literature, too. From 1818, in Le Trésor des Ménages one finds "La Efemtoufle, " in which a clever wife secures her husband's position by seducing the king. Ihe signal of her success is the sound of her slipper falling from her foot to the floor. Her husband, who listens at the lock, shouts joyfully, "Long live the kingl"®^ Prosper 170 Merinée relates Turkic slippers to marriage in "ffexime et Zee," life Double Méprisé. Slippers and sandals were ex-votos to and attributes of Venus acoording to Riilostratus. 87 Ibis custom of bonding lovers was s till employed in nineteenth-century Rrance. Thus, in Alfred de Musset's Rrederic et Bemerette, Bemerette offers herself by having her slippers sent to the recipient’s rooms. In88 Zola's tbnat Lucy Stewart warns Ehuchery that she'll end their affair when she states, "I've got your slippers at heme, darling. I 'll 89 send them over to your concierge's lodge tomorrow." Rose Mignon, at the same party, anxious to pick vp fbudiery, is later too embarrassed to sing Le Rmtoufle (The Slipper) to the 90 assemblage, probably because it was based on the meaning of the slipper in Flaubert's tedame Bovzuy. Gustave Flaubert wzis tried by the censors, partly for the slipper scene in Madame Bovary in 1857. The Imperial advocet, Ernest Pinard, read the following passage in court as proof that Flaubert's novel vas lascivious : She also said my slippers, a g ift &om JjBon, satis^ing a vhim vhidh she had had. Th^ were slippers in pink satin bordered in swansdown. When she seated herself on his knees, her leg, then too short, hung in the air, the slight shoe, vAiich had no heel-piece, was retained only by the toes of her naked foot ... was she not a woman of the world and Bgrarried woman? À real mistress in short. 1 7 1 In this novel one leams that slippers remain a g ift of love and the syntol of a woman's sexual favors. When Ehna Bovary refuses to exchange herself for the money of Guillatnin the notary, he remains "oonpletely stupified, his eyes fixed vpcxi his handscxng uisjxuidered s lip p e rs . liiey wei'c a lo v e -g ift. H iis 92 sight in the end consoled him." Matthew Josephson relates the sensation Flaubert's novel and its tria l caused: "Ihe music halls sang about Madame Bovary, êind inpersonated her. It was a oonplete sucxzes de scandale; Flaubert was completely misunderstood." 93 Even the Guncxjurts joked about slippers in their journals in 1862, ironically noting a pair with violets warn by a whore. 94 In Argot, chausson (slipper) referred to an "old prostitute," while putain cxxone chausson (whore like a slipper) meant a "real debauchee. Such meanings were enhanced by Aurelian Scholl's description of easy women whose morals were as "light as a slipper, and Beatrice Ihrwell tells us that old grisettes were called mancpiœs in the sense that they had slipped or misfired by not attaching 97 them selves to th e ric h euid t i t l e d . Popular public events, like street language, serve as aids in determining Victorlne's role in Olympia. The Chcmson de l'année and Boeuf Gras of 1863 were "j'eu. un pied cjui remue", a song alluding to the lorettes of the Breda cjuarter.^® In the 172 Boeuf Gras Mardi Gras Parade, a Char d'Olympia alvrays appeared, with figurants and figurantes (male and female b it players from the lowest theaters and public bals) dressed as Love and the Olynpian deities. Ihe route included a series of stations or stops at the Arc de Triomphe, the Court of the Tuileries Palace, the Jockey Club, the Prefecture of the Seine, and its police station and several foreign embassies, where the cast members presented their cards and were greeted by the appropriate authorities. 99 Perhaps this Venus role may have once been played by Victorine. If so, the Ehpress would not have forgotten, and cxxifnxtted with Victorine"s image in the Salon, Eugenie's response to the painting might be explicable. Ernest Blum, capitalizing on 1963's Boeuf Gras them«, published a small book explaining that these "itchy feet" in the song applies to the cdass of women from the Breda (quarter who lift their legs "par metier cxi par vocation.The same tune i s played eis a q u a d rille in Z o la 's la CUree a t tlie Sacxard fancy-dress Lenten Ball.^®^ Audially "r'muent" even resembles "Murent," VicAorine's fendly name and, in the later 1870's the rue Breda, used as the address of Marla la Blconde in Nana, vas the street cxi which VicAorine lived. Beatrice Ehrwell notes that althcxigh Victorine's hair is usually bcxind, in Olympia it is not.^®^ Free-flcxving hair, typically asscxziated with Venus, is appropriate to the woman on 173 the oouch and can be interpreted as indicative of lod "opportunity, " "invitation, " amd a "net in which to catch men."105 Jedlicka, Itenner and Daix have thou^t that the red object in Olympia's hair was a bow ribbcxi.^^ Krell, uncertain as to whether a bow or a flower, called it a "comical exclamation imrk."^^^ Reff, lipton and Ehrwell determined it a red orchid, and Andersen cx>rrectly termed it a red hibiscus, a fact confirmed for me fcy t»o botanical eaqaerts.^^^ The hibiscas or Syrian fbllow is known as a symbol of m 117 delicate beauty, nicknamed the "shoeflower" the "rose of China" and "flower of an hour." It was imported to Europe in 113 1731. This flower has a distinct characteristic; its blcxms last but a single day, scxne for merely a few hours. 114 Ihe Syrian bhllow was paralleled by Zola to the "soft and moist" mouth of Messalina and chosen to syntoolize Renee's incestuous debauchery, as it can be considered to be an ornament of sin i t s e l f . A red hibiscus worn behind the left ear expresses the desire to take a new lover, or availability. Some believed the hibiscus to be the flower of the Venus and Adonis myth, 117 springing feom the goddess' tears. Such traditions offer interesting parallels to other images in the Astruc poem, than 174 those images of other passages chosen to acxxarpary Olynpia in the 1865 Salon liv ret. More flowers appear in the bouquet carried to Olympia by 119 a black netid. Bouquets, synhols of gallantry, trust be renewed frequently like the passions vhich they sym bolize, fo r cxrt flowers fade cjuickly and die. Olyirpia's bcxiquct had been interpreted by Jamot as simply a note of color, 121 by Krell as 122 the "printemps" of Astruc's poem, by Feff as a gift of the previous evening's cotrpanion, by Ihnscn and Anderson as a "gross" token of an admirer's esteem 124 and by Hfemson and Daix as 125 evidence of the sender's am presence in Olympia's room. Theodore Reff alone has attempted to identify the specific flowers in the bouquet, finding the central flcMer to be a gardenia or vhite tea rose, surrounded by red and vhite rose 126 buds, pale blue blossoms zmd fern sprays. He interprets the meaning of these flowers as references to Venus, love, 127 voluptuousness and a Strange and Sterile Beauty. Hbwever, such a mixture of beauty with strangeness and 128 sterility seems odd, even if appropriate to such a woman. It is true that the red and vhite rosebuds surrounding the central flower are correctly identified and are symbolic of Venus, her 129 couch of luxury and secrets or etnxiety on the lover's part 130 (vhite roses) mingled with passion (red roses). 175 But, the central ficwer is actually a tree peony. This species appears in nary of Itonet's still-lives of the 1860's and was a popular œntenporary exotic, 131 equated with the hundred- 132 leaved rose in Magnificence. Some sp>ecies eure known a s th e "Queen o f Floweirs" o r as "One Hundred Omces o f Gold" because they could be cultivated only by the wealthy. Single plants during the 1800’s in France could cost as much as 1500-2000 francs. 133 The Baeonia lactiflora, vhich appears here, has a rose-like fragrance. 134 Synholically, the peony appears in ancient Mythology. I t must be gathered at dusk, is used in love potions, cures vrounds, 135 prevents Madness êund averts ni^trares. I t was favored by latona, the Mother of T ^llo and Diana, asscxuated with the French King and Queen, and used by Latona when she was pregnant. 136 Emblematically the peony represents bashfullness, shaM»e, gu ilt, the hiding place o f dishonorable love and scandal in its Eissociation vdth the nynph Peone. 137 Acoording to P lin y , th e pecxy, named fo r Iheon, translates as the "gift of God, " a title similarly applied to Pandora. 138 The flower's French name, pivoine, is the saMie word used with a masculine preface by Kurisians for the bullfinch, the bird seen in Manet's Le Dejeuner^ sur l'Herbe of 1863. T_ 3Q ^parently, the vhite peony Meant that scmeone had "an eye" cai V icto rin e. 176 Althou^ identifiably indistinct, the blue flowers appear to be catananciie caerulaea, oanipnly called "cupidone" or "cupid's dart." Its botanical nams derives from a Greek word meaning "forced" or "constrained" and this flower, too, was used in love poticxis.^^^ It is one of a grov^ of flowers called irmortelles, because it can be preserved.Its meaning is "you inspire love" and it syirbolizes perseverance on the giver's 143 part. Ferns, the final bouquet element, e:^ress feiscination and sincerity, 144 oatpleting the bouquet's messages and underscoring its sentiments. Ihe collection of such traditions and mesmings in Olyirpia's bouquet seek to flatter the recipient and plead the sender's oase. Ihey raise the "august jeune fille" to the devine status of an im tortal, vorthy of an Olympian personage whom the sender seeks to meet passicxiately in a secret place. Olyirpia's only gesture, the placement of her left hand upon her th i^ , has been termed "provocative" by Iheodore Reff, who ooitrasts it to the Venus pudica gesture of Titian's Venus of 145 Urbino. Ebrwell finds it both attention-getting emd paradoxioal, as it draws attention to what should be modestly covered. Ihe le ft hand is traditicxially associated with knowledge, avarice, theft and the fall of man. 147 Its prone position, palm 177 dotm, pushing or pressing, indicates pride.A "manage à la main gauche" or a left-handed marriage, is one without benefit of clergy or law; a liaison. 149 This expression stems from terms for illegitim ate heirs, lb have been bom or "être de âbte gauche" is indicated in heraldry ty a bend sinster or brisure, and was part of the escutcheon of a bastard son. 150 Ihe black model for Olympia's attendant has been identified as "laure, très belle negresse, rue Vintimille 11, au 2 e" from Manet's own notes. She appears in two other works, a portrait (1863) and Les Ehfants aux Tuileries (c. 1860).^^^ Ifanson feels that the attendant's appearance here may constitute a modem comment on the theme of Odalisque and Slave. 152 Ehrwell cites another traditicxi, that of the maid who displays her mistress to a client. An attendant appears in Manet's paintings thought to be based on Suzanna, Bathshdaa, or Moses Saved, th e e a rly Nynph S urpris and La T o ile tte . Ibbarant, followed by Françoise Chdiin, viewed the black imidservant as a Baudelairean inspiraticxi, 154 like Hoffinan, Ifamdlton, Lipton and Reff, vho note the exotic quality whicdi she adds to the painting. 155 Krell sees her ais the "aveet messenger" of Astmc's poem,^^® vAiile Mauner contrasts this figure as "kindness" to Olympia's "cruelty." Although Itmson views th is figure as one vAio announces a visitor, 158 and in that sense a servant, Reff sees her as a 17B corpanicai, even another prostitute. Françoise Chchin, conbining such views finds a oonbinaticm "nursemaid procuress.Such a du2d. role oould readily ■^pify the relationship of a bonne to her mistress as described by Edotnond de Concourt in his 1865 La Lorette; Ihe 'bonne' is like the people of Israel. She has eyes and sees nothing, has ears and hears nothing. She divides Madame's lovers into two classes, the polished and oilskin bunches; and has a ll sorts of insolences for service of squalid people. She hears the passe-passe of amours. This genius of the oorridors and double exits is usher of the gallantries. She is registrsur of comings and goings. She indicates with a gesture, a bat of the eye, the entries, departures, faked departures. She seems to have trained in Beaunarchais ocmedies. She caii skirt visits without bunping into them. She improvises forgetfulness. She sticjcs one on a post, and treats another like a cane. She has got 3001 ways to it E k e th e 'old monsieur' wait for twenty-five minutes. She has saved te n v irtu o u s women. She has the ambition to be hbdame herself. She is two things - bbdame's confidante when ^bdamB is in; a wisp of straw whai Madame is out. Certainly, no proper Lorette oould manage without such a valuable acocnplice, and Manet's oompositicn appears quite true to life in his inclusion of such a figure. If, as Reff believes, this ccmpanion is also bbdame's procuress, she would be regarded as an "entremetteuse" or "ogress." Such women launched beautiful girls, capitalizing on their investment in them after their success. One of the most famous go-betweens of the Second Ehpire was Isabelle, the flower 179 . 162 vender at the Jcxikey düb and cafe A nglais. But, such a wonan need not fear her protege, and laure seems to approach Olynpia with hesitancy, if not fearfulness. If in fac± she does fianc±ion as "ogress" what distresses her oould be the chilly reception with which Olynpia reœives the boucjuet, the client who sends it or the spectator, a ll of vhcm nay be perceived as one and the same. Geffxoy identified Olyirpia's cat with its mistress as 163 both awake "cxi guard," reaching to a visito r's presence. Although Jamot in 1927 felt that the links established between the cat and Baudelairean imagery were excessive, 164 subsequent scholars continue to find sources and in^iraticxi for the meaning of Victorlne's cat in Les Fleurs du vhile Jedlicka finds Hoffiiann's cat Murr as another contemporary source.^®® Traditionally, as Mauner points out, cats' roles as lunar 167 emblems and seekers of noc±umal amours were well kncwn. d aritie, at the cdLcse of the Salon, strengthened the identification of the woman and the cat by referring to the 166 painting as 'Venus with a Cbt." Traditionally, cats are associated with the famous courtesan lafs,^^^ iiAio was linked to the concept of Venus Melanis (the dark of n i^ t, and niÿit 170 amours) and ccxisidered to be another Venus herself. Ruadis de Mancrif writes that black cats are charming and pride 180 themselves on their dangerous beauty, as of course, oourtesans were known to do. Among the possible visual sources the association Venus and cat Venus regardant ters qui dort (figure 64) and the white oat, of Liberty, who acooitpanies Beauty, Truth and love in 177 Courbet's Atelier du Peintre (figure 65) of 1855. I-lanet, however, heis given us the black oat of the free Bohemian and the libertine. Victor Hugo used the cat of Corinth as an emblem of the people's liberty as well as the indolence of the working population of Paris, contrasting Corinth to Athens and linking working girls who fall for idle rich men to such cats as 173 well. In Zola's Nana, the blonde Venus is ccnpared to a she- cat in heat and a man-eater, while bhrs, her lover, appropriately closes his speech with a tom-cat's wail. 174 In 1868, ^fanet executed his Rendez-vous de Chats (figure 66) which was used in Champfleury's book Les Chats and the poster-advertisement for it. Chanpfleury claims that the cat is a longstanding entolera of Liberty's Independence, which in recent times had come to represent Perfidy and the maliciousness of women. 175 Chts had become symbols of lypocrites - their beautiful exterior hiding wicked hearts. The cats selfish interest in lazy pleasures is seen in another of Les Chat's illustrations, 177 based on VioUet-le-Duc, "libertas Sine Lahore" (figure 67). 181 Sudi works en^âiaslze the cat's abuse of Liberty emd Independence as taken to the extreme or dark side. Libertinism and License. Simileurly, as Penny Ikweli Jolly has noted, one frequently finds a cat at the feet of Eve as she seduces Adam in the Fhll of Man.^^® Examples include Albrecht Durer's Eh 11 Of Man^^® (figure 68) and Johann Saenredam's Eve Giving Adam the Ebrbidden Fruit (figure 69) after Goltzius. Such cxxitent has been found by scholars for decades. Wemer Hbfinann, w ith o u t using th e c a t to do so, lin k s Victorlne's freedom to Olyirpia's role as the Asiatic J^hrodite, 179 th e h a rlo t. Gerald Needham p o in ts o u t Olynpia a s an exanple 180 of aggressive independence, Anne Ooffin l6nson notes that she is a specific type of liberated Parisienne «md the "free" life of IP l the courtesan,san,^ while Reff calls her a "reclining libertine.' ..182 These ideas generally stem foom older literary traditions such as the Ratan de la Rose; "Vfcmen were bom free, the laws have disenfranchised them of the freedom nature gave them .... 163 All women were made for a ll men." But female sexual urges, given free rein, were disapproved of, and aligned with degeneracy into gluttony and greed,^9* cynicism,^®^ or intoxication.^^® 187 Within such contexts, cats appeau: with Gluttony ais seen in the blazon of Heinrich Aldegrever's example (figure 70). 182 X8â D üpularly, c a ts a re known to be n o to rio u sly laz y . lb disturb them is considered dangerous; their "velvet” jaws conceal "traitorous" claws Which are ocnpared to the wsunds of Love visually and verbally prior to Baudelaire's use of such 189 parallels. In addition cats are eissociated with Vision, as love was thcxight to originate throuÿi the passions aroused by S i^t, which in turn would lead to the desire for possession of 190 the loved objec±. Visual exanples include Saenredam after Goltzius' Riinter Renting a Ycjung Wbtian, an "Allegory of Sight" (figure 71)^^^ and Pierre-Antoine Baudouin's Modèle Honnête (figure 72) of 1769, engraved by J. M. Moreau the Younger and J. B. Sinonet. Baudouin's Modèle Honnête, like Manet's Olynpia, includes a cat, an attendent and a nude model. It, too, inspired enomous controversy. At the Salon of 1769, the work attracted large crowds and great debates. It was acoctipanied by "Qui no Oogit Egestas?", a jhrase which asks cne to note to what extremes poverty leads. 192 The work's anecdotal aspect led cro.-.’ds to wonder, acxxsrding to Baudouin's oontaiporary, Bacheaunont, why the model seems to resist When the work is well advanced, what the role of the secxnd wonan might be (an embarrassed mother or an entremetteuse? ), and whether the inscripticxi applied to the 193 model or to the other female. We know that thnet read 183 Diderot's Salons, 194 and cxie can assune that he was therefore femiliar with its subjects. In summary, even the scholars have agreed in an assessmoTt of Olympia, in which reality and nyth are linked. She is at once Victorine and a mythological diety, but Vic±orine's naked presence was shocking, symbol of a commoner and the profane prostitute and Venus r^mdenos. ^bnet himself claimed to Arsene Houssaye and Proust "I did not do the woman of the Second Qrpire.... I haven't had the pretention to have resumed an epoch, but to have painted the most 195 extunaordinary type of a quarter." In a certain sense, that is true, as Olynpia is Victorine, too, in all her reality, a physical contemporary entity. But, on another level the work transcends the mere or the singular. Throu^ the use of classical tradition and emblematic imagery, Olympia is also united with what is eternal and irrmortal both visually and conceptually. POOINOTES TO CHAPTER V ^Duret, 29; Sandblad, "Three Studies...," 101, places Olynpia between the cotipleticn of the Dejeuner sur l'Herbe and the opening of the Salon des Refuses, between March 20 and fhy 15, 1863. See also A listair long, Fran ^Proust, 172. J. dark, "Preliminaries to a Possible Treatment of 'Olynpia* in 16o5," Screen, Spring 1980, 18. ^S. C. Burdiell, Inperial tesquerade. New York, 1971, 97. ^Oorthion, Edouard Manet, New York, 1962, 76, quoting Bazire. ^Beudre in Courthion, 76; laran, J. and le Bas, George, Edouzurd tenet, Philadelphia, 1912, 24. 7 Jamot, "Manet and the 'Olympia'," Burlington tegazine, vol. 50, June 1927, 28; Ehrwell, Nbde, 205-206. ®Cited in fhrwell. Nude, 324, n. 43. ^Jamot, Burlington tegazine, June 1927, 28; IXiret, 1937, 29. Such theories are inconsistant with the Biperor's disapproval of the Dejeuner sur l'Herbe as noted earlier. 184 185 Ftir-’cll, Nü3e, 218, also notes that Manet, even if he knew the sort of responses Which Olyrnpia m iÿit evoke, was nonetheless surprised at the outrage and taking it very hard. ^^Tteff, "Ihe Meaning of Manet's Olynpia," Geucette des Beaux-Arts, series 6, Pebruaxy 1964, 115-116. 157. ^^Peff, "Ihe Meaning of T itian's Venus of Urbino," Pantheon, vol. 21, 1963, 359-366; Gazette des Beaur-Arts, February 1964, 111-112; Manet; Olympia, London and New York, 1976, 37-38. ^^Hamilton, Manet and his C ritics, New Haven, 1954, 67. ^^Duret, 31. ^^Geffroy, La Vie Artistique, III, 1894, 140. 17 Sharon Flescher, "(hnet's Portrait of Zacharie Astruc: Studÿ of a friendship and a New Liÿit on a Problenatic fhinting," Arts, vol. 52, June 1978, 99. ^^Baris, Salons, 1865, no. 1428. ^^ïhbarant, 1947, 105; Sandblad, 97; Clark, 21; Reff, tenet; Olynp^, 44-45; Hamilton, 45 and 69; tethey, François, Olynpia, Paris 1949, 14; Jamot, Burlington teqazine, 1927, 304; Hanson, 97; Flescher, 99, Léon Rosenthal, Manet Aquafortiste et lithographe, Paris, 1924, 124. ^Sandblad, 95-96; Vhn Liere, Arts, tey 1980, 104; fhrweil. Arts, May 1980, 127 and 130. 186 21Antoine Banier, "pie Mythologie and Ribles of the Ancients Expiat'd from History, translated froro the French, Londcxii 173^1740, re p rin te d by Genrland, New York, 1976, I Ï , 67 and 528. Graves, Rsbert, Hie Greek Myths, New York, 1950, 49, 11.1; 320, 164.2; 52, 12.6, 68, 186. 22Jam ot, B urlington MËigazine, 1927, 28; Jam ot, G azette des Beaux-Àirts, 19^7, I, 43. 23Mauner, ^bnet: Peintre-Philosophe, 89. ^^Alan Krell, "Hie Ehntasy of Olynpia," Oonnoisseur, vol. 195, August 1977, 297. ^^Denis Alston, "What's in a îfeme? 'Olynpia' and a Minor Etumcissan," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, series 6, vol. 91, April 1978, 148. ^^Üoûnann, Earthly E^radise, 350; Sandblad, 96-98; E^rwell, Nude, 233. 27George Moore, Modem F ain tin g , c a rra e d itio n , v o l. 19, New York, 1923, 34. OQ Anderson, 69; Ifemilton, 19 and 75; Reff, Manet: Olynpia, 111. ^^Hamilton, 1954, 112-114; Reff, Manet: Olympia, 111-113; Alston, 148; Hanson, 96. See also Punas p^e, "Filîës, lorettes, et Courtisanes," 387. ^S h aro n F lescher, "More on a îfeme: ^tenet's 'O lynpia' and th e Defiant Heroine in Mid-^ïineteenth-Century Prance," Art Journal, vol. 45, Spring 1985, 27. Herculaneim was produced in 1859. ^^Ibid, 27, 29 and 30. ^^Sinond, II, 160. 187 33 Bosoa, François, Histoire des Cafés de Paris, Paris, 1934, 122-123. Hiis establishment on the rue de Richelieu was a Gcnpetitor to the CSfé Iferdi and Ibrtoni's. 34 Delvau, Les Cytheres ikurisiennes, 20 and 64. None of these has been identified with a Victorine or a Louise as an alternate name. ^^Geffroy, La Vie Artistique, 15; Benédite, "La OoUection C a iiié b o tte au Musee du Luxerttoourg, " G azette des Beaux-Arts, vol. 80, 1897, 254; Reff, ftinet: Olympia, 48, fig. 23, and 55. ^^Jamot, Burlinqtm tfeqazine, 1927, 31-32, felt that Olynpia oould be seen as a pendent to Young Wksmn RecJ-ining in a Spanish Qastume, a g ift to Nadar, now at Yale. Jamot felt the two to parallel Goya's Naked smd Clothed Ma jets. Earwell, Nude, 165-167 and 244, fe lt that other influences appear from popular culture and from Baudelaire's poetry contrasting "proper" nudes (in landscapes) to "isprpper" nudes (in interiors). ^’sandblad, 96-97. 3ft van liere, 104; Needham, 80-89; Ehrwell, Nude, 165-167. 39van Here, 104. ^^\xitas père, "Filles, Lorettes et Oourtesanes," 385. ^^enri Ifeilhac and Ludovic Halevy, la Belle Helene, Theatre de Meilhac et Ifalevy, I, Paris, 1901, 177-178. La Belle Helene premiere, Decenber 17, 1864. ^^Bomey, The fantheon, London, 129-135. This book was first published in 1658 fbr the Dauphin of France, and subsequently used as a textbook in schools. An American edition appeared as late as 1859. Dunnas père, "Filles, lorettes et Oourtesanes," 374. 188 Gonœurt, Journals, New York, 1937, IIC, Sunday Mirdi 16, 1862. 44P a tric ia Managhen, *nie Book o f Goddesses and H eroines, New York, 1981, 148-149; Banier, Antoine, II, 6-7 and 328; J. Frazer, The Golden Bou^, London, 1915, vol. 9, 369-370 and vol. 2, 27-30, Serairiinis' name’associated with Astarte. ^^îana^ian, 154-155. ^^Augustine, The City of God, Nèw York, 1950, 771 {XXL.6). ^^Doime, 171. ^®E. and J. de Concourt, La Femme au Dix-Huitigne Siècle, 297. When such a woman did xnarry, she renounced the stage. Should the King order her to return to ac±ing, she had to either renounce her husband or leave him entirely. ^ 'Ibid, 291. ^Ibid, 289. See also Veuillot, Les Odeurs de Ihris, 134-135, in the theater concubinage end adultery figured openly, regular marriage was treated with derision. ^Veuillot, 136-137. ^^Crauk, 137. ^^Zola, 1‘Oeuvre, trans. Waiton, 287. ^^Sfanscn, 101. Moore, Modem Kiinting, 41, referred to Olympia's bed as a "couch of a ll trme" and her stare as "certitude of her soveriegnty as the eternal Venus." 189 ^^Ripa, Hertel edition, no. 70: Gravelot and Cbciiin, Iconologie, I, 57, lascivité. ^Sipa, Bouaard edition, II, no. 166, also includes a retrousse nose. Which is generally part of the description of the g r is e tte . ^^Ripa, Boudard edition. I, no. 150. ^®In addition to the previously cited exanples see also George Richardson, Iconology or a collection of StM.cot? cia a l ^gures, London, 1799, II, no. 266 (volv^uousness) and 293 (Pleasure). ^^Ovid, The Art of love and Other Poems, translated by J. H. Mozley, 2nd edition, Cambridge, 1979, 189, lines 143, 150, and 746. ^4xmas père, 336. ^^George Richardson, II, 332; Boudard Ripa, III, 150. See also Z ola, l a Curée, 259, Echo and Narcissus tableau, "voluptuousness outstretchedTln red ^^Boudard Ripa, I, no. 75; Gravelot ww Oochin, II, 67. ^Dinet, 314. 6 4de Goncxxtrt, French Sixteenth Century tainters, translator R. Ironside, Ithaca, 1981, 65. See also thuner, f6net Peintre-ihilosophe, 5, note 23: ffenet ordered 4 or 5 of the Gonocurts* works on the Sixteenth Century fraci their publisher. 65 Graves, I, 15, 14*3, Ihe lascivious cjuail as a sacred biid of Artemis When she vas an orgiastic goddess, and 55, Leto gave birth to Artemis at Ortygia Where flocks of quail rested on their Migrations in the Spring. Zeus transformed himself and Leto into quail When they mated. 190 gc Panofsky, Ptoblems in Titicm, Wbstly Iconographie, New York, 1969, 112-113, 116, là7 and note 69. ®^Sue. Les f-îyste r e s de P a ris, I I I , Book V, 70. ^Zola, la Cürée, 272 and 294 describing Renée costuned as a Tahitiân^Eëâû^: "At present she stood there without a rag, with bracelets of gold, liîœ a slave..." ®^Hago, Les Misérables, II, lart 3, Chapter 1, "Parvulus," 495. ^ in e t, 44 and 45. 71 Chrlstien Ostrewski, Marie-Madeliene, in Revue Ctantenporaine, series 2, vols. 26 and 27, 1862; vol. 26, 715 and 719; vol. 27, 347. Ihe "Cross of Astarte" as described in this play seems like that on both the fan and the girdle, in Ingres' Grande ortaiisque, next to vhich Olyipia once was placed. ^^Hofinann, Ihe Earthly Paradise, 319-350. 73 Dinet, 23; J.J. Wiriklemann, History of Ancient Art, translator G. H. Loge, Boston, 1880, Book IV, I, sections 8 and 9. ^tlules d aritie, "Deux Heures au Salon," l'A rtiste, May 15, 1865, 226. ^Wiriklemann, De l'A llégorie, Ehris, 1799, 234; Anais de Neuville, Le Veritable langage des Fleurs, Ihris, 18—, 117-118. ^®A. Barxère, Argot and Slang, London, 1906, with "prostitute." Rringed rihawls used to be called "fascinators'' "by our great-grandmothers. ^de Neuville, 117-118. 191 •7Q "T. W ri^t, The Ronance of the Shoe, londcsi, 1922, 214. ^^Ibid, 214. ^Ibid, 214. ®^DiztBS père, "Pilles, lorettes et Cburtesanes, " 369-70, a story on whim Cendrillon (Cinderella) was based. 82Jaoques Dudhasso y. Le Bestiaire Divin ou la Symbolisme des Animaux, R&ris, 1958, 166. ^Donald Rssner, "The Swinging Wbnen of Vfeitteau and Ecagonard," Art Bulletin, v o l. IXTJ, March 1982, 83-87, and figures 1, 16 and l'7. ^Domey, 130; "Sandale içon her feet, gilded;" Banier, II, 335, aurea in Vergil and Hater; Grand Dictionnaire Uhiverselle, Ruris, 1865, vol. 15, 877, Pindar celebrates the feet of Venus and "oocp de pled de Venus" is venereal disease. See also Rmofsky, Prcaaene in Titian, 98 and note 20; Boudard edition of Ripa, P ^ isir and \tolxg>te in gold footwear; Kright, 214, the lady's slipper, a flower-of Venus, cnttlan of oapridous beauty; Osgood, 232, this flower's message is "win me and vrear me." ®^"La Ehntoufle," TTesor des Matages, reprinted in Journal pour Rire et Galanterie, I, 130. ®®Prosper Meriitîee, ^ Double M^xrise, Ihris, 1833, 203, Zoe: 'i l y a bien long temps que je porte des opahke; de veux avoir des pantoufles bordées, ' and note 1, "allusion a la ooutune gui obliœ les filles à porter cette espèce de chaussure grossière avant leur carriage. Plus tard elle peuvent avoir des pantoufles comte celles des femtes tu rq u es." This custom is one used by Proust in his "Le Dialogue des vierges folles et des vierges sages," although Flescher in 192 her Art Journal article, 29, seems not to have been aware of it, or other customs of the gift of a slipper. 87 cited in Panofsy, Problems in Titian, 98 and note 20. ^Alfred de Musset, Frederic et Bemerette, Riris, n.d., 298: "I had ny slippers sent to his rooms, but 1 sent to take them away, and I decided to die." Bemerette, vAk > vas poor and had no trade, had to seek a ridh lover or starve. PQ Zola, Ifana, translation by George Holden, 123. ^Ibid, 129. 91 Gustave Flaubert, Madame Bovary, translator W. Walton, Philadelphia, 1896, first publi^ed serially in Revue de Paris# October-Deoaiber 1856. Ihe tria l of Fladbert, Januauy 1857, is printed in vol. II, 189. Ihe quotation which was read at the tria l is in the text, 213. M. Pinaxd later was appointed to the ministry at the court of Ruris. ^^bid, vol. II, 114-115. ^^Matthew Jbsqhsoo, Zola and his Time, Nèw %zk, 1928, 86. ^de Gonoourt, Journals, Monaco, 1956, vol. 5, 116, May 1862, "Pour une toilette de putadn, j 'a i vu une choli chose aujourd'hui: des bouquets de violettes sur des pantoufles." Violettes are an enblem of modesty. AC ^ A. Barrere, Argot and Slang, London, 1906, "chausson." A. Delvau, Dictionnaire de la lange Verte', Phris, 1883, "chausscxi," and "putain." " 96 In Delvau, Dictionnaire de la Lange Verte, "chausson" and "pantoufle 1 9 3 ^^Ruwell, Nude, 136. og Simond, II, stBtitary of the year 1863, 608, and Cracauer, S., Offeribadi and the Kurie of his Time; London, 1937, 224. qg Jfouzxiel, Les Rues du Vieux Paris, 260, 263-264, and 259. ^®^^Scnest Blum, Les P ieds Qui R'Muent, P a ris, 1863, 11, 15, and 19. See also 101-102 ‘Et vous dcnurez?' '24 rue Breda.* ^^^Zola, la C o rée, 274. Salons, 1879, 178, MBurent,Vic±orine, and Zola, Ifana, Fleides edition, 1710 and 1191 note a, rue Breda vas later named rue Henri Monnier. ^^^larwell. Nude, 203. ^^^^Sliriitonde, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, vol. 68, 268 and figure 5. ^^^Allen, Virginia M., " 'One Strangling Golden lËdr: ' Dante Gabriel Rosetti's lady L illith ," Art Bulletin, IXVI, June 1984, 285-294. ^^Gotthard Jedlidca, Edouard tenet, Zuridi, 1941, 75; A. O. Wenner, "ïhe Eternal Olympia,“‘American A rtist, vol. 23, April 1965, 48; Daix, 118. ^^^Krell, connoisseur, 1977, 300. ^^^®Reff, Gazette des Beaux-rArts, 1964, 115; Reff, Manet; Olympia, 108; Idptoo, Artforun, 1975, 49; Earwell, Nude, 203. ^°®Anderscn, Art News, 1973, 69. 194 ^^^Interview with Steve Ryan, Greenhouse Superintendant, CSiio State University Botannical Gardens, June 4, 1980 and with J . Zimnennan, conservator, Franklin ferk Conservatory, ïby 30, 1980. ^ ^ ^ te Greenaway, Illiminated lenquay of Flowers, London, 1884, 34; C. Rowell, The Meaning of Flowers, London, 1977, 142; J. G. Bertram, The Language of Flowers; An Alphabet of Floral Etnblems, 1856. ^^^Prances Perry and Leslie Greenwood, Fl&vers of the World, New ■Jtork, 1972, 182. ^^^Ippolito Pizzetti and Henry Cocker, Flowers; A Guide for Your Garden, I, 590-591. ^^^Pizzetti and Codker, I, 591. ^^^Zola, la Cur^, 1924, 42, 195 and 220. See also Anais de Neuville, 173, Ketfamie, (hibiscus) as an enhlem of ornament zussociated with inconstancy and the bee who flits from flw er to flow er. ^^^Alice Coats, Flowers and their Histories, Lmdon, 1968, 118. ^^^Ibid, 118, quoting Gerard. Astruc, "La Ellle des Iles:" stanza 3 "a cette boudie en fleur," stanza 4 ”jeune lys d'Qrient au chalice vermeil," and stanza 8 "Les larmes, dans tes yeux, seraient des pleurs d'aurore." 1 1 9 Louise Cortanbert, Jjl langue des F leu rs, 173; Mue. Leneveux, Les Fleurs Biblematüques : ou leur Histoire, leur Syntoole, leur Langage, Ruris, first appearing as vocabulaire des Fleurs, 1833, 170. 195 1 5 0 Balzac, Another Study of Vfcnan, Paris, 1839-42, in the Works of Hooorfe de tolzac, vol. 5-6, London and New York, 1900, 251-252: "for nosegays iTve but a day; they give pleasure, and must be replaced; to her they are, ^ in the East, a syntol and a promise.” 151 Jamot, Burlington tfaqazine, 1927, 32. ^^^Krell, Connoisseur, 300. ^^Rsff, lonet: 01ynp5a,101. 124 Fbnson, 98; Anderson, 69. ^^^Banscn, 98; Daix, 117. ^^®Reff, Manet; Olynpia, 106. ^^^Ibid, 106. 128Julia S. Berrall, A History of Flower Arrangement, London, 1953, 91, citing Godey*s ladies ÎBook of May 1855: 'To get a half- dozen of mixed flowers bundled together anyhow, and go into good ocmpany with sucdi a nosegay in these days is looked rpon as certainly not a imrk of h i^ breeding. ' 129 Reff, tfanet: Olynpia, 106, relates the rose to courtesans, Paris, and the Ntew Rome, " which was sybaritic. See also H iillips, Sylvia Florifera, II, 150-155 and Aldo Scaglione, Nature and Love in the Middle Ages, Los Angeles, 1963, 123, citing Boccaccio; "They say that she [Venus] is the guardian of roses, because they turn red and sting, vhich is characteristic of lust. ' Pizzetti and Cocker, II, 1129, Midas introduced roses to Greece according to Herodotus. 196 1 3 0H rillips, II, 166, quoting the French poet Bomefcns; Greenaway, under "unity;" Pizzetti and Cocker, II, 1129; J. L. %LUdcyer, Blouard rtm e t, E^udLs, 1955, in tro d u c tio n , d iscu sses ^hnet's syni3olic associations of women and flcwers- the peony at the feet of Eva Gcnzal^, the violet and Perthe Marisot. rhododendrons and Mme. Guillemet, roses mid Mery Laurent (Anne- Bose Leuviot). ^^^fanet 1983, 208-212; Tabarant, 1947, 93. They were grown a t the family ga5en at Gennevilliers. Peter Mitchell, Great Flower Rdnters, New York, 1973, 165, cites the peory as a Second Empire rage like camellias and a flower which took bbnet's fancy in the lB60*s. B. Nichols, The Art of Flower Arrangement, Nfew York, 1967, 107-108; ffenet to the Princesse de Pollgnac in his studio about peonies, 'Chaque petale c'est un page d'histoire. ' Charles Blanc, Art in Ornament and Dress, 106. ^^^lanc, 106. ^^^Pizzetti and Cocker, II, 929-933. Ibidf II, 930,and 936, introduced to France in 1820. 1 -sc Pizzetti and Cocker, 934-6. Nichols, 108, Manet knew a ll the legends of his favorite flowers and their botannical names. 136 Peter Coats, Flcwers in History, 121. 137 Ibid, 121; Powell, 109 and 150; Greenaway, 52; Perry and Greenwood, 217. Leneveux, 189; Cortanbert; 207; de Neuville 193. 13H cited in Pizzetti and Cocker, II, 934. Ehean, on the other hand, vhich sounds sim ilar, is a hymn of praise to a god or goddess, like Zacharie Astruc's, "La Fille des Iles." 139Grand Dictionnaire Ikiiverselle, II, 1167, "bouvreuil; ' Gradoz, 70; Nicolai, 69; Rolland, I-II, 166; Blaze, 330. 197 ^^Grama Dicrtdonnaire du XIXe Siècle, "fleur#" 521: ELcwer language "pivoine blanche: veillez sur vous." ^^^Ibid# 1865# III# 555; Cbats# Alice; 44; de Neuville# 143. ^^^de Neuville# 143. ^"*^Ibid# 143. ^"^Oortanbert# 202; de Neuville# 155; Osgood# 208. Reff# hfanet: Olynpia# 58. ^^^Eïuwell# Nude# 210 and 234. ^^7j. Bulwer# Chirologia or Natural Language of ^ e Ifand# London# 1648# 63 associates action with the r i^ t and knowledge w ith th e l e f t hands; 65# "L et th a t muck-vorm# th e l e f t hand# earth itself in avarice# and keep silence hy an unchaurtihle retention# Which does not love to scatter but to snatch away; not to bestow but to retaine# " 72# that Adam and Eve plucked the 6 u it with the left hand; 124# that the left is the dark and obscens hand; 136# the left thinks itself the proprietor of another's goods. 148 J. Barber# A Practical Treatise on Gesture# Guttoridge# 1831# 18 and chart 34-35. 1 4 9 ,Eugene Sue# Les Mystères de Baris# first published in Journal des Debats 1842# New York 19—# I# book 1, 303: "Ihe sort of German wedlock vhich is called a 'left-handed marriage'." L. Gozlan# "Les Maîtresses a Fhris#" Le Diable a Rirls: Raris et le s P arisiens# Ih ris# 1846# 114: "Ch en te un de ces ménages de la main gauche cxl la f earns pedé dupuis dix ans avec deux-cent dix hrancs au m iroitier de la maison que l'amant paie et qui est oense n'être jamais pay^." (descripticxi of how the mistress extracts money far never-paid and ever-owed bills# claiming that 100 another collector had taken the svtn before the true claiirant had appeared.) 1 5 0 J. Woodward, and G. Bumett, Woodward's: A Treatise on Heraldry B ritish and Foreign, 1969, 549-550, and 572, the arms of the Due de Momay, in vMcdi the bendlet does not pass over the bordure; 582, if the bend sinister does not "debrui se the otdier markings" it need not indicate illegitim acy. ^^^Tbbarant, 1947, 79. ^^^Banson, 99, cites Francois Mathey's suggestion that Jean Jalabert's Odalisc^ue, inspires such a type, a Turkish theme with black servant. 153 Earwell, digs., 231 and 203. As "low art" prototypes, fhrwell cites N attier's Mile, de CLernont at the Bath (figure 94) and A. Deveria's lithograph Le Bain (figure 97); Earwell, Airt Journal, 1976, 381. •^^Ibbaiant, 1947, 77-78; tfanet cat., 1983, 180, Cachin feels that pictorially it follows ‘‘la ftclaSzdse" in Les Fleurs du tteil. ^^^Hofinann, 350; Ibmiltoo, 78; Lipton, 49; Reff, Olympia, 92-93. Ifanscxi, 99, agrees with exoticism, but not with primitive notions or animolity ns suggested by Reff, sensing instead a tendency toward the A ie and elegant side of exoticdsm. Burchell, 64, Depress Eugénie had a Nubian in Venetian costune in attendance in her dining Salon; 117, Princesse fhthilde went to a masquerade as a Nubian. ^^^ell, 300. 157 Mauner, 96. ^Jansen, 99; Ehrwell, Art Journal, 1976, 381 relates, this to the Odalisque and Slave tradition in whiA a blaA or Oriental type pays nonage to A e white beauty. 199 Olynpia, 92-3 and 95, (figure 54). See also E. de la B^dollière, Le Nouveau Baris, 186-, 141, lorettes as frequently acxntçanied by a friend vAp contrasts to her in hair color, age, genre of beauty or physiogncny of character, and Jean-Antoine Houdtan, 1872, Bather, part of a fountain fron the Château de Monceau, now a t the M etrc^litan Museum, New York, a lead Negress poured water over her liÿ it conçanion. ^^^ n e t cat., 1983, 179. de Concourt, La lorette, Baris, 1856, "La Bonne." The description fits both of Nana's nain accessories, her bonne Zoe, \Ax> takes over the Tricorn's establishment, and her companion. Satin. Paul d'A riste, La Vie et le Monde du Boulevard 1830-1870, I^ris, 1930, 255, claims that every lorette had a ''soubrette devouee" vhose treason to her m istress would have been quite rare. 162 s . Cracauer, Offenbach and the Ruris of his Time, London, 1937, 203 and 206, Isabelle qported the colors of the current Jockey dub Derby winners. J. Richardson, Ihe Ctaurtesans, 30 and photo 35, alternates Isabelle's locations as the Jockey düb and the Maison d'Or. Another such entremetteuse was La Guimond. ^®^Geffrcy, I, 15. ^^Jamot, Burlington Magazine, 1927, 31; Reff, Olympia, 125, n. 26, relates that Mallarmé, in~"Ihe Impressionists and Edouard Manet," Art Monthly Review, I, no. 9, 1876, 118, first linked the cat to Baudelaire. ^®^Blandie, 1924, 33; Cachin, bfanet cat., 1983, 180; Daix, 112; Ehrwell, Piss., 235; Krell, 300; Jamot, 1927, 31; Hamilton, 78 and 96; Hanson, 98; Moreau-Nelaton, 1926, I, 70; Reff, Oly mpia, 96; Sandblad, 98. ^^Jedlicka, 167. 200 ^^^Mauner, 97: Etirwell, Arts, 1980, 129: cites Henri Monnier "a illustration for Beranger's la Chatte, in which a young girl and her cat long for mates. Boudard, I, 79, The Sixth Hour of Night, figure in tenebrous black with a cat and the moon as emblems. ^^C laritie, flqaro, Jbne 20, 1865, cited in Ibmilton, 73 and Kmsoo, 98. ^^^Geffrey Whitney, A Choice of Ehtolems and Other Devises, 79: lata with nuskcattes sweet, and a ll thee ooulde desire Her beauty beames, and d id make th e youth to rag e. And inwardlie Gorinthus set on fire: Bothe Princes, Feeres, with Learned Men and Grave, With himble sute, did Lais favor crave. ^^^^Xmnas, "Pilles, Lorettes e t Cburtesanes," 374 and 388, Pbrion de Lome as a modem Lais. A. Paradis de Moncrif, Essai sur la pre-eminance des Chats, trans. R. Bretnor, New York and London, 1065. Moncrif vas one of the sources used by Chairpfleury for his book Les Chats, published in 1868 with an illustration and poster by Pbnet, Rendez-vous de Chats. A. Seibert, "A Political and a Pictorial Tradition Used in Gustave Courbet's RezJ. Allegory," Art Bulletin, IXV, no. 2, June 1983, 311-316, Figure 2, Saenredam, Painter Painting Young woman, detemdnsd by Koltsdi to be an emblem of Beauty and Vision in tfaler und Modell im Atelier, text with plate 17, also ccxitedns a Venus, Cupid and (h t. ^^^Hugo, Les Mislrables, 132-133, and Corinth, II, preliminary frolics, 920-921. 17A Zola, Nana, ed. Pleides, 1106. ^^^Chançfleury, Les Chats, 22-23, "constante ingratitude:" 50-51, "Quelquefois, il faut d'avouer, à cette époque, le chat fut représenté sous un jour dé&vourable. Ce n'était plus la 201 syntole de l'incl^)endence, mais de la perfide.... la silhouette ûe l'euiiral, sa malice proverbieü.e oonparee a celle des femmes, son caractère de domesticité nêlée d'ind%>endence en disaient un être destirle a la representation publique." And Guy de MaupassantfThe Oomplete Short Stories, "On Cats," 459, "ïhese little creatures are delicious.... we realize the insecurity of their tendernesses, the perfidious selfishness of their p le a su re ." *^"Auber, Histoire et Iheorie du Symbolisme Religieux, Kiris, 1884, III, 445-446. 177 Chanpfleury, 224 and illustration on 226. 17ff Penny Howell Jolly, "Antonello da Messina's Saint Jerome in his Study: An Iconographie Analysis." Art Bulletin, IW, June 1983, 246, n. 36 and 245, n. 33 and 34, in The of Rx>ls, cats are associated with promiscuous women, as it preys on the mouse. See also Delvau, Dictionnaire de la Langue Vert, "oocodette," the woman of the oooodes, as the cat is the mistress of the mouse. ^^^Hofinann, 320, 329, 338. See also Zola, Nana, ed. Pleides, 1148, Nbna to Muffat, "Mets bein dans ta caboche que j'entends etre libre. Quand un hosme me p lait, je couche avec," and Champfleury, 21, women cxndenned for adultery in ancient Egypt were thrown into the Nile tied up in a sack with a cat. ^®\àerald Needham, "Erotica, the Acadeny and Art Publishing: A Review of Vfcman as Sex Cbject: Studies in Erotic Art 1730- 1970," Art Journal, 35, no. 4, Suiiner 1976, 382. ^^^"Hanson, 85 and 89. ^®^Reff, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 1964, 121. 1 Cited in Scaglione, A. D., 39 end n. 71. 202 B. Alberti, Interooenalis, "Anator," Della îbmiglia: "sexual instinct is the enemy of freedom," 'the soul must never be a slave. It is the slave Whenever it is greedy, miserly, illiberal* cited in Saoglione, 128. ^®^Goncourt, La Pemne a Dix-Huiti^ne S i^le, first edition, Ruris, 1862, 156-7: "It had in its noeurs a naivite, a liberty, a certain unsophisticated baseness;" "married, she receives in bed, at her to ilet Where she dresses and vhere indecency vas a grace. Where liberty often degenerates into cynicism." And in "La fille Galant" 284, "they increase as th ^ grow in seduction, cynician, ignoble sentiments." 285, "they are without bridle... without illusion, have license of popular life and liberty of pleasures. Ih ^ grow vp in taverns with Drunkenness and Obscenity." Ihis is very close to the description of fbna's childhood in I'Assomoir ... ^®^RuqustJne, Ihe City of God, trans. Marcus Dods, New Ifork, 1950, 198. Libera is associated with Venus aind sexual aspects o f th e wcman, lik e wine (L iber) i t e x c ite s men to lu s t. 10*7 Auber, IV, 464, the cat is a syirbol of adultery, deceit, gluttcxy, greed, inmodesty and impudence. 188 Chairpfleury, 85 and 155; Reff, Olynpia, 72-3 amd figure 42, "I Was La^," J. J. Grandville, a recOining feline in female attire from Scenes de la Vie privée et publique des animaux, 1842, and figure 56, In the Boudouir, a nude witli a cat from 1860. 189 Alexandre Ananoff, and Daniel Wildenstein, Franœis Bcxicher, I, 1732, figure 349, "Les caresses Dangereuses," aoocnpanied by: Ooique le chat, belle Iris, vous caresse Défiez-vous toujcxirs de sa patte traitresse Il resenible forta l'amour Qui flatte, et dans l'instant Us joue d'une mauvais tour. See also Depeu^ and Delaporte, les Amours de Rsyche, precedée d 'Olympe, prologue, Etolie-Oramatlques, Sept. 4, 1841, prologue, 9, lines of Love: "Trust me fbr good or ill, that iry attention. Love, is like a pretty little cat.... While it not only makes a velvet paw, has daw s... and I w ill sczatch;" Baudouin, 203 Ironologie, 47-8, Ibucâier, cxaiçared to a cat passing back and forth under the hand, and ta^ro aspects of touch, sweet and b itter, associated with ermine and hedgehog. 1 QQ iRri^totle, De Generaticne et Cbrruptione, trans. H. H. Joachim, in The Works of A ristotle, ed. W. D. Rose, Oxford, 1947, III, 329B, lines 14-16, vision is prior to touch, so that . the cbject is also prior to the cbjec±. of touch" with vzirious contrary correlatives such as hot-cold, dry-moist, heavy-li^t, hard-soft, visoous-brittle, rough-sncoth, course-fine. Lentini's sonnet. Amor à un desio che ven ^ 1 rore, the first literary polemic in Italy on love in Scaglione, 381, n. 32 links sight and touch to love; La Raman ^ la Rose, in vhich the lover, after sighting the roses, wishes to take them. * 1Q1 Seibert, 311, n.4; Koltzsch, text with plate 17. Zafran, The Rococo Age, 159, no. 79. Zafran, 159, no. 79, n. 1 and Jean Seznec, and Jean Adhénar, Diderot: Salons, Oxford, 1957, IV, 94-5. The work was sketched by Sednt-rAiiban for the Salon liv ret, engraved by Moreau and Simonet. Diderot himself had suggested the subject to Greuze, and sim ilar works appeared by Schall and Derosier, le Modèle disposé emd Fragonard, le Debut de Mad^le. ^^Eroust, 1879, 125. 1 QC Itoust, 1897, quotes Manet from cxxiversations in 1878, 205-6. CHAPTER VI 1864-1871 In Ncjventoer o f 1864, th e Edouard Manets noved to 34 boulevard des Batignoiles.^ Here Suzanne and ftmet entertained the painters Félix Braquenond, Henri Fhntin-Latour, and Alfred Stevens, the w riters Zacharie Astruc and louis-Bidle-Ednond Duranty, the banker de Gas, and Oamondant Lejosne, who brought his neghew, the painter Ffédéric BaziUe. (hnet had become well-4cnown between 1863 and 1865. Pollcwing his show of fourteen paintings at Louis b^rtinet's and the Salon des Refusés in 1863, he had been included with the young innovative painters in ïhntin-Latour's 1864 Homage to Delacroix^ zmd his 1865 The Itoast: Homage to Verity.^ In 1865, Olynpia further increased Manet's notoriety, and with it Victorine's.^ But, according to Proust, Manet retreated from public life ooming less often to the Chfe Guerbois, rarely going to Ibrtoni's, even at times avoiding his own atelier. In6 August, Manet travelled to Spain, where he met Ih&dore Duret, vho was to become one of his biographers. Chairpfleury and . 204 2 0 5 Stevens were to have been his cxxiçanions on this journey, but 7 they felled to join Manet. Then during the fell, he oontracted cholera. By8 the end of the year, he spent Icxig hours at heme, apparantly doing 9 nothing. As fbr Victorine, iç> to and including this time, there are many unanswered questions, the most dmportant of which is: how did she live? How oould any model have existed if she posed only for a handful of pictures in two years? She must have had some o th e r emplcoyment, a patron o r both. According to Ibbarant, she attempted to teach music but the endeavor did not succeed, and there is no known address for her. However, Blanche mentions that Nbnet’s friend, Alfred Stevens, shared his preference fbr red-haired models, finding the red-headed woman who appeared so frequently in Stevens ' paintings possibly even to have been Victorine. Blanche further finds these "figurantes de comédie d* Octave Feuillot et de Sardou" to be "manniquins un peu ridicmd.es, des silhouettes de gravure du monde," a type who m i^t collect, curios and knich- knacks. febarant daims that Victorine was "intimately" associated with Stevens at various times. 12 Is Victorine, then, to be found in Stevens' paintings? If so, at least she would have been modeling for two painters. 206 Alfred Stevens had met Manet in 1862, when Manet borrowed his studio to paint the Spanish Dance troop. During 1863, Stevens' brother Arthur, using the name J. Graham as a pseudonym, defended bbnet's work in the Salon des Refus6 fbr its "hunan feeling and truth.Alfred Stevens' haunts were the same as b eet's at this time, the café Tbrtoni and the café Guerbois. rdouard Manet frequented the café Guerbois from the middle 1860's until about 1870. This cafe became the informal acadeny of the modems. Here, at 11 (aende Rue des Batignolles, bfenet and his circle, Astruc, IXiranty, Silvestre, IXuret, Guillemet, Braquenond, Bazille, and Lejosne, met with îhntin- Latour, Degas, Renoir, Stevens, Zola, bbître and sometimes Guys, Cezemne, Sisley, Monet, Pissarro, and Nadar on Thursday evenings. Thus, Alfred Stevens frequently had the opportunity to encounter Victorine through the auspices of Manet. Alfred Stevens ' Les temeaux, also known as Ihlm Sunday and Eternal Love (figure 73), is dated to c. 1862. The Vfelters Art Gallery versicxi is one of four on this subject. The Hoe version was shown in the Salon of 1863, the year in which Stevens was made a knight in the Legion of Honor. But i t is the model in the VfaJLters Art Gallery versicai of Les Rameaux for whom Victorine Meurent would be a most likely candidate. She also seems to appear in News from Afar from the 207 middle 1860's (figure 74), La Liseuse of c. 1865 (figure 75) and its "pendcmt" la Dame en Rsse.- (figure 76) of the sane date, 18 a work sometimes entitled Le Bibelot Ebootique. 19 Even acoounting for Stevens' fairer skin treatment and softening of the features, in contrast to Manet's, his model's general appearance and body proportions resemble Victorine's. At this juncture, however, this is still supposition, as there is not nudi information on this painter available to us. It is known from William Ooles that Stevens preferred a certain kind of model: "a not altogether conventional or pretty girl, caie of his "jolies laides»" On the evidence of his work, one sees that he liked to pose single figures in charming and feishionable outfits, of which, it is known, he was allowed to borrow from the wardrobes of the Princesses Mathilde and de Mettemich. Elegant and chic contemporary genre had become his speciality. But, the Victorine whom one knows from Manet’s arc is not present. Stevens did not use a model as a representative of her own class and caste as btmet did. In addition, socially, Stevens was what Manet was not: popular and well-connected. Ihe King of Belgium collected his works, and Delacroix and Dixies fils had been witnesses at his 1858 wedding to Ibrie Blanc, granddau^ter of General Sausset. 21 In the Belgian section of the E^gaosition universelle of 1867 he had eighteen pictures cwi exhibit and was aimrded a first class 2 0 8 22 medal. He lived in princely fashion, vas "extravagant" and a 23 "great lover of women." Although Blanche, Tabarant and Peter Mitchell state that Victorine was one of his models, there are no works with which she has been specifically identified. In addition, the suggestions nade here are admittedly circumstantial in the evidenœ offered. Certainly Vichorine continued to model for bhnet, she may appear in le Flfoe of 1866, which with his l 'Acteur Tragique was rejec±ed from that year's Salon and shown privately at his studio 25 on the rue Guyot. Le Fifre represents a young trooper of the Inperial Light 26 Infantry Guard (figure 77). The model has been variously identified as a boy from the P%)iniere barxachs brought to bbnet ty Lejosne, as Léon Koella Leerihoff^ and as Victorine Meurent 29 by Jamot, Wheeler, Crespelle and Goedorp. Jamot considered the painting as one of a series of female portraits of women dressed in men's cd.othing, grouping it with Mile. V. en Cbstune d'Espada and Jeune Femme Couché en Cbstime Espagnol.^ Jedlicka believed that Victorine functioned 31 only as a stand-in for an unreliable xiale model, and Wheeler, Crespelle and Goedorp do not cxxinect the work with Vicrtorine as 32 anything but a figure who cxxild have fit into the outfit. Art historically, Zola and Baudelaire noted outfitter's 33 34 signboards as possible sourœs, as well sis Japanese and E pinal prints,while Itoreau-Nelaton and Françoise Cadiin view tiie work as owing iruch to Velazquez' Portrait of a thirous Actor 36 in the Time of Riilip IV. Musically, one might see the figure, if Victorine, as referential to songs known as piou-piou (foot- soldiers' aires) which were popular in Parisian câfe-chantants as 37 a regular part of the repertoire. If the ijiage of Ihe Fifer is explored for a mezuiing and context similar to others in vhich Victorine posed, something in IL must relate to her identity and natural role, either in the use of “fifer" or through the costume which is worn. First ocmes examination of "fife." Slang expressions alluding to and employing "fifre" incd-ude s'empiffrer (to eat or drink gluttonously), ûtre neuf comme un fifre (to be a novice) and fifre as a term of raillerie (a noviœ to the point of imtoecilic or infantile) because fifers were generally mere children. Boire à tire-larigot means to drink hard in toasting, drinking as much as the oczean and a ll its fish. A larigot was the ancient flute, or pipe, and a fife is its transverse form.^® Boime tells us that military music was expecdnlly favored in the Secxand Brpire, and that Napoleon III was fond of the fife, truipet and drums, sending the Imperial Orchestra to the front in the Crimean War to rouse the spirits of 39 the troops. 210 Next the uniform is the L i^t Infantry undress apparel of 40 red trousers and fatigue cap noted by Zola. As other gamin t^'pes with similar musical instrunents, Boime noted ttenet's teacher Oouture's Drutmier Boy eind ftm et's student Eva Gonzal^' L ittle Soldier (1870) who appears in a long coat with conxiet.^^ Nevertheless, while the Couture sind Gonzai^ mic^t be related to real m ilitary campaigns, the Crimean and Fbanoo-Prussian wars, apparently ttenet's does not. It is only because seme scholars have believed that Victorine posed fbr this painting that Le Fifre is mentioned h e re . None h as, so f a r a s I know, in te rp re te d i t s cxxitent biographically or symbolically relating it to Vic±orine. Although the ejqpressionless face does vaguely remind one of hers, the age of the figure does not. Nor does the accuracy of the costute suggest fancy-dress, a cxjstune portrait, or even a fifer in the sense of novice in the Parisian "garde" of courtesans. Further, none of the imagery reviewed cüx>ve can be used to identify Victorine more securely as the model. In fact, it serves to achieve the cspposite, especially in terms of vhat cxie now knows of her "natural" role in tenet's art. Victorine did model for Mbnet's Jeune Dame en 1866, also called La Dame ai Bose and Fenme au Perroquet (figure 78) Both Ehdle Zola and Thore-^urger admired the painting.Ihore- Burger cntpeured i t to Vfetteau's lie de Cyth^re in the Louvre, but 211 4 4 found it too sketchy, While Zola in 1867 defended its sketchy 45 , quality as an avoidance of over-prettiness. Théophile Gautier objected to the treatment of the head, 46 a criticism Which led Charles Stuckey to examine the x-ray photographs a t the Metropolitan Museun emd to conclude that Mhnet re-worked this 47 area after the 1868 Salon. Duret tells us that this fece "belonged to that type •which recurs like a family likeness ... Which always exasperated the public," and that the parrot "gave rise to irritation" causing the public to re-title the painting la Fsnme au AQ Pernxïuet. Acoording to a la Presse article, the parrot was 49 "borrowed" from Cburbet, vhose Penme au Perrocfuet of 1865-1866 has been interpreted as a respcxise on Courbet's part to Mbnet's Olympia.^ And, if Victorine did nodel for Alfred Stevens' la Iteme en Rose of c. 1865 (figure 76), the possibility exists that this is Nbnet's response to the work of Stevens. Recent readings of Manet's painting have tended to be cwicentrated on cxxitent. Mona Badler has linked la Fame au Perroquet to Olynpia zis both shew Victorine, floral offerings and 52 pets. Here, in contrast to Olynpia, Hadler finds a lady-like Victorine, whose intimate cxanfidante, like lou-Iou in Flaubert's 53 A Simple Heart (1876), is a parrot, an entolem of eloquencre. Tb Hadler, the violets are symbolic of modesty, and the monocle, a male attribute, indicative of the teasing nature of the courtesan 212 or representative of her male ocnponlon's presence. On54 the other hand, George Manner and John Connelly, finding influences of IXitdi genre, interpret the painting as symbolic of transitory pleasures, and the oourtescin as an enbodiment of sensual life. 55 In th is c o n tex t. Manner v iev s th e eyeglass a s an emblem o f touch and sight, the violets as smell, the parrot as hearing, emd the orange and water glass as taste. Thore-BÜrger eind Vaudqyer note French traditicxis for the painting, seeing it as a modernized fete-geilante. As such, Couture's Ehlooner of 1844-1845 (figure 79) shown at the 1855 E:qposition universelle, stems from this tradition as well. As a traditicxi, Boime traces ownership of &iloons exclusively to the lordly manor's seicpieur or chatelaine, as a sytihol of sœ ial svçjeriority (figure 80) and as a vanitas entolem.^ Ifadler recognizes the parrot's importance in associations with the more inclusive, but still elevated theme of courtly love as found in the art of the sixteenth century. 59 Bitolem books cissociated the parrot with eloquence,^ 61 62 63 persuasion. Love, messengers of the Olympian gods, and red 64 or rose drapery. Parrots have also been ecssociated with 65 dcmesticd.ty, eind the soul under the force of Love. ' Hie falcon often appears with a woman in a rose gown to indicate bashfulness, a noble, gentle, generous and dcxdle disposition, and the falcon's shame is great at failure to please 213 its raster.^ It also represents touch,and taste.^ Diforced love is represented ty little birds, while the larger parrots and small dogs, vhen in tlie oarpaiy of a young emd gracious woman, a re emblems o f d o c ility , ais they, lik e th e falcon o f bashfulness, eure obedient emd anxious to please.^ On their negative side parrots are known as being given to gabbiness, 71 mimicry, 72 sauciness and impudence, especially whei^ allcwed to drink wine. 73 Such tendencies are evidenced in Jan Steen's seventeenth century Ihe Vfay You Hear It Is The Why You Sing It (figure 81) and The Effects Of Intemperance (figure 82) with its grey (gris/drurik) parrot and rose-cx»ted mistress. In the last example the parrot is asscxziated with Plato's "in vino praecdpuae lascdvia" which links luxury and gluttony, a74 pairing found in Jacob Jordaens* undated Young Woman Allowing an Old Man to Nibble Her Fruit (figure 83) and Fruit Seller of c. 1635 (figure 84). In other Northern works, parrots witness the fall of man. Examples include Albrecht Durer's Fall of Wan (figure 68) and Jan Saenredam's Eve Giving Adam the Forbidden Fruit after Cbmelius Comelisz (figure 85) or Ruben's oppY of T itian’s Fail of Man (figure 86) to which Rubens makes a significant addition: the parrot. Ihe parrot is traditionally associated with earthly love and its effects. Nineteenth cfinturi»^ French literature follows and reinforces this tradition. 75 In iran "la Fruitière" from Les Français Peints par Eux-Memes of 1861, one finds "Elle remplace souvent la luxe d'un perroquet par un geai ou un pie, ces perroquets de la petite propriété, oiseaux 76 babillards Emile Zola, planned Nana during the year 77 in which he deferded Manet's art, emd the same year as Manet's Rrrrme au Perroquet, 1866, ccnpared his heroine's tastes to those A 78 of a parrot: "cette fille, aux gouts de perruche, " in a manner sim ilar to Jacques-Bnile Blêinche's description of a voman 79 examining curios found in Stevens' art. In 1876, Flaubert, in A Simple Heart, would ironically superimpose and contrast the Dove of the Holy Spirit who renders Divine Love flesh in the Virgin Ifery with its ludicrously pagan and profene counterpart, Lou-Iou, a stuffed parrot. 00 And, in the 1860"s Victor Hugo linked love, s i^ t, coquetry, parrots, Venus, Olympia and the quartier Mouffetard of the fifth Arrondissesnenti L'amour roe roontre, espeigle Un but splendide et coquet, A & ire planer un aigle. Et grimper un perroquet. Je suis naive a point d'etre Par moments persuadé^ Qie Venus, de sa fenêtre m'a feit signe a Sainte fhndé... C'est vrai, je plane et je grimpe Levé tô t et couche tard. Je vais se dresser l'Olympe g. can le quartier Mouffetard... 215 Msna Radier*8 suggested source for ^bnet'8 painting, S2 Frans van Mieris* Vfonan with a ferret of c. 1663 (figure 87) and Novalene Ross' proposal of Gavami's lorette in Dressing Gown with a Kirrot of 1842 (figure 88) conform to the long association of this bird with the elegant and worldly eispects of Love.®^ One can also add another, and older, source in Carpaccio's Courtesans (figure 89), another instance of women and parrots syiAolizing pro&me love. Even Ibpoleon III, known for his sexual exploits, has been described as a "melancholy parrot" by General Changamier, a description vhich was published in MLreoourt's biography of him and appeared in a cartoon by William Scholz in 1860 (figure 90).®^ Radier seeiks to set Manet's Fenme au Benxxiuet to a time before or after a ball, due to the presence of the throat ribbon 85 and violets. Which she interprets as indicative of modesty. Temporally, violets and pansies are associated with the twelfth 86 87 hour. While their hue synbolizes gallantry and courtesy. Iheir odor is sacred to Venus and inspires devotion. 88 Dame violets signify a "queen of coquettes"; blue violets, 88 "faithfulness"; and purple ones, "thoughts of the beloved." Parma or double violets, like those Vic±orine holds, request love emd are known to have been favored by the lÊipoléonic house.®^ A violet bouquet surrounded by leaves, like V jctcrine's, signifies 91 love in hiding. After the Imperial couple's reactions to 216 Victorine's portrayal in Le Bain and Olyirpia» the iitplication of Napoleonic elements in the parrot and violets is tantalizing. But, primarily the imagery continues, to provide insight into Victorine's artistic and natural role, one already recognized. Grandville, citing the Académie Française as a source, proclaims the violet a nyncph and daughter of Atlas, while COunt fOelix finds it representative of modest merit, as it thrives in any 92 soil, and needs no care. Shakespeare links the violet to enforced love and C upid's d a rts in A Midsummer M in t's Dreamt Yet narked I Where the bolt of Cupid fell It fell upon a little western flcwer. Before, ndlk-White, new Purple with love's wound And nEddens call it love in idleness. Fetch me thac flower, the herb I showed thee once: Ihe juice of it on sleeping eyelids laid. Will make man or woman madly dote g- Upon the next live creature that it sees. In this passage the wild violet asscxdated in meaning with the viola tricolor, or pansy, called heavenly heartsease, love-in- idleness, or tittU.e-iiy-fancy: i t serves as an enblem of love and 94 Cupid's arrow, and, its effect is one of eriforcing love. It is the viola triœ lor that appears cn the brooch suspended from the ribbon at Victorine's neck. The appearance of a monocie underscores the imagery present of Beauty and Sight, but is also indicative of the elegant danc^ of the period. 95 The orange syiribolizes forbidden 217 QA fruit, the garden of Hesperides and the prize of Aphrodite. The glass nay refer to the fragile nature of happiness: to do so, it need not necessarily contain water. In sunnary, the imagery o f M anet's Fenme au Perroquet edJ.udes to th e intoxicating joys of love shared in secrecy ty a mistress and her gentlenan. Ihe slight îfepoléonic references appear to be indicative of an attained "social" set, vftiereas previously Victorine was of the "street" and the "theater." Interestingly, one can turn to a work by Edgar Cegas for more information on Victorine. Sometime between 1866 and 1868, 97 she posed for his Fenme au peignoir rouge. It shows her with a parrot, wearing a red dressing gown. With the pr^aratory sketch, fortuitously, he also recorded Victorine's address as 98 193 or 195 rue du Fhubourg Foissoniere. Ihis location is an interesting one, at the juncture of the boulevards Rochechouart and de la Chapelle, close to the rue de la Goutte d'Qr, the neic^iborhood in which Zola places l 'Assommoir, bhna's birthplace. Manet's La Joueuse de Guitare (figure 91) painted in 1867, presents Victorine and the parrot as well. Ihe association of Venus, a parrot and stringed instruments was an old one. In Jan Breugel the Younger's Hearing (figure 92), the clavichord, bass viol, lute and violin eire set beside two parrots on a perch, in a room vhere Venus herself plays a 2 1 8 stringed instrument and is acoatiçanied by Œ^id. 9 9 But, in addition to Hearing (figure 93) and harmony as a part of music, enblem books teadi us that love teaches emd inspires music (figure 94), as Ihbarant cdLaimed Victorine attenpted to do.^^ French precedents m i^t incdude Fragonard's Mile. Guimard Playing the Guitar (figure 95), a vork engraved by Oourtny,^®^ and Vfetteau’s La Finette (figure 96) vhich Manet could have seen cn exhibiticxi at M artinet's in 1860, vhere i t was on loan from la Chze, who donated it with the rest of his collection to the louvre in 1863.^®^ These images arc akin to Victorine in la Fenme au Perroquet, as an admirer or listener is anticipated as being present. Che finds images of women playing music to "an unseen admirer" as a "prelude to seduction" within the tradition of seventeenth-century Dutch a rt.“®^ What makes hfanet's painting even more interesting in such a cxxitext is the fact that the canvas has been cut. Might her eichidrer originally have been present? 104 The Joueuse de Guitare synbolizes the sweetness and harmony of love. Even so, the guitar recalls the earlier Chanteuse des Rues in its associations to Venus and Iove.^°^ In this instance, the setting is a domestic one, and music is actually being played and the presence of an admirer is drplied. In the two paintings. La Fenme au Perrocïuet and La Joueuse de Guitare, the images evoke the charms of the milder aspects of 219 Venus in a domestic emd intim te setting, dharacteristic of the life Victorine appears to have attained. IXiring 1866, Manet created his own eadiibition, showing fifty paintings at the R>nt de I'Alsa, including works whicdi had 106 been both accqrted and rejected by the Salons. bbnet's pre&ce to the catalogue enfhasizes the need for artists to exhibit; advocates on his part an absence of an intent to overthrow existing styles, or even to create one; and states his stand for "truth, honesty and sincerity. Like Courbet, who had his second independent exhibition in 1865, Manet appears conscious that there was a need for a more sensitive understanding of and a re-assessment of readlsm and his own a rt in particular. COnparisons could now be nede between the different kinds of realism of Courbet, Manet and Stevens. Manet's friend, the celebrated Alfred Stevens, vRts given a small retrospective a t the Belgian Hall in the Exposition universelle which was reviewed in the 1867 taris Guide. Stevens vas regarded as a modem master of refined and flawless talent, but the Guide's critic was aware of a lack of dqath in terms of content in his fashionable and anecdotal genre paintings. At this time, bbnet's expenses would have been high. Be sides Suzanne and loon, he had a studio and an apartment and was leading the life of an elegant gentleman.Perhaps to 220 eooncrdze, he, his family and todame Auguste rWiet moved to 11 rue de Saint-Petersbourg.^^® He was not earning much money from his art, vhich had been largely misunderstood, but he new gained a chanpion in Bnile Zola.^^^ thnet must have fe lt that opinions would be altered if the public and especially the important critics were to view his total work, read his catalogue preiaoe, and open their minds to his art. IXiring the winter of 1867, Manet sat for ïhnti. HLatour. This portrait was accepted in the Salon of 1868 and favorably reviewed by one of the critics who found there: the uncarpromising emd yet uncoiprcmised name of the creator of Olympia ... this correct, well-gloved, well-dressed young man, whom one vould take to be a mentor of the racse-oourse set, is in fact the painter of the black cat, vhose fame has spread on a wave of laughter, and \dxm one would have imagined looking like a long-haired art student ... and now that the public has seen him in such a favorable light, it^w ill disoover much g re a te r ta le n t in h i s work. During the suimer of 1866, fhntin-Iatour introduced Manet to Berthe and Edna Marisot at the louvre. In Sqit enber, Berthe, 113 chaperoned by her mother, posed for Le Balcon >1866). She was twenty-ei^ht at that time, a painter herself, and preferred 114 that others not be present at the studio vhen she posed. Berthe Morisot was a menher of the same social set and class as the Manets. So was Eva Gonzales, introduced to Manet by Alfred Stevens, but slie did not enter his studio until February 221 1869.^^^ Mlle. Gonzales, only twenty and the daughter of Emanuel Gonzales, President of the Society of Men of Letters, posed for a portrait in 1869 and vas properly chaperoned by Berthe M orisot's mother. Where vas Victorine between 1867 and 1869? Pierre Sdineider believes that she travelled to America, not returning 117 until 1873. T^barant states that she periodically llf i "disappeared." btmet's paintings indicate that she found a protector, and continued her musical interests. Althougjh it is not fully dociinented and sonevftiat speculative, the possibility exists that Victorine took qp the stage. Cne theater in which Vichorine may have appeared was the second Theatre des Nouveavttés a t 60 rue da feubcxurg Saint- ftertin, on the site of the old Salle Ibiphael of 1863. During 1866, a jcxunalist-^uthor, Jules Roquette, assenhled seme unenployed artists, renovated the "th& triculet" and opened for four months. Re-opening under Eugène Hugot in Movenber, a fire closed the theater after one vfeek, but fifty-six days later the Nouveautés opened cxioe more. It vas managed by ^writers hoping to see their works performed, with actresses anxious to be regarded as stars, but the press avoided this theater. Ten successive administrations came and went. Some closings were so prolonged that some thought i t had cOosed ccmpletzely. 222 Hie 'salle* cxi the second floor had 400 seats in 'bro galleries. Prices ranged from 75 centimes to 5 francs. Spectators entered from the rue du faUbourg Sadnt-fbrtin, while the stage door was under a vault between a creamery and fruitier's. "Artists" dressed on the entresol, waited cn the X20 staircase and entered from there as no foyer existed. It was under the directorship of Hugot, on January 28, 121 1867, that a "Mile. Louise" appeared in I'lle des Syrenes. Therv under the management of Albine de l'E st, a "Victorine" appeeired, a s w ell a s a "V ictorine d e r c " and "Mne. d e r c ." 122 If there are only seven parts listed for the cast, these names are most often listed last. If there are eight or more, th ^ miÿit appear second or third last. It would appear that, whoever this actress or these actresses were, Victorine Meurent or not, these were the grues (bit players with only one or ta«ro lin e s ) . cn October 19, 1867, the NOuveautes replayed Les Riges et les Poissards, a comédie-vaudeville in 2 acts by Bernard lopez and Rxhefbrt. Last on the program is a "Victorine." On Decerber 10, 1867, is Bien des Choses Chez-Vtausl, a 4 act revue in 12 tableaus. Among the players in a large cast is "Victorine d e r c ." cn Bebruary 29, 1868, La Lionne et le Philistine, a v au d ev ille by Paul Avenel and Normand was p lay ed . Among th e c a s t i s "V. d e r c ." On March 4 , 1868, Jules Domay and Gaston 223 Morot's La Cfeipitaine M istlgris, a ooméaie-vaudeville in 3 acts is played. Seventh of its eight players is "Mne. derc." Another Victorine, or perhaps the same one fixsn the Nouveautés, appears in a theater where Manet had connections; Ihe fantaisies Parisiennes. Ihis property, at 26 boulevard des Italiens, was ovned by Louis îhrtinet, and had been his gallery and concert hall. When the law of January 6, 1864 permitted greater liberty to theaters. Martinet transformed his property into a "salle de spectacle" with the help of the architect Charpentier.Loges (boxes) now opened onto a p u b lic foyer and entry with two ranges of boxes and armthairs set into tiers. An acooustical double roof was added, amd prices ranged from 4 to 5 francs. Opening on Decentoer 2, 1865 under the directorship of Chanpfleury, reviews of the varied genres the 125 theater would feature were offered to the public. Ch ^hrch 18, 1868 among the cast in d a irv ille and Lopez* Roger Bontenps, in the last part listed (Babet) is "Victorine," one of six dâxitantes on the b ill. The performance was only a partial success. 127 cne m i^t be tenpted to believe that Manet could have used his connections with Qianpfleury and bturtinet to help Victorine acquire a small part in such an important theater. Louis (brtinet was the director and founder of the Société lÆitionale des Beaux-Arts Efeudsienne in early 1862* 128 Cn August 2 2 4 3, 1867, the Biperor set aside 1000 firancs as special funds for a corpetition of new works to be performed there, declaring that since its opening Kbrtinet's theater vac regarded as the best.129 On October 24, 1871, a "Victorine" again appeared at the Nouveautés under the direction of M. Robin in a r^ rise of ces vampires d*Epiciers, a 3 act vaudeville. Two wanen appear in l'îo the cast, the second being "Victorine." Other plays of that season are known only by title , not by distribution of roles and players. In most cases, the plays as performed at the Nouveauté do not even remain in printed form.^^^ As an actress, Victorine's category waild have been that of a figurante, or in the argot of the theater, the grue or the dinde. Ihess were so nudi a part of Second Bnpire theater that such subject matter would only demonstrate the breadth of Manet's treatment. Ebssible parts were also available to b it players in the year-end revues, many of vhich were written by 132 dairville, Bernard Lopez' partner. IXiring the period that Victorine was absent from Nhnet's studio, she may have been modeling for Al&od Stevens. The woman in Les Fleurs d'Autonne (figure 97), In the Country (figure 98) and Le Bain (figure 99), a ll dated c. 1867, resemble her. So does the model posed with Stevens in his 1'A telier (figure 100) of c. 1869. Like Irma Beoot in Zola's 1'Oeuvre, 225 vho passed from one to the other of the circle of Claude lantier and his friends, Victorine may have posed for Kmet, Degas, and Stevens, too. Nevertheless, the noet specific information that one Yiaa of her after Olympia is her appearance in ftm et's paintings of 1866. FOOngCOES, CHAPTER VI htonet 1983, 508. ^ i x , 132. ^Ibid, 128 and 132; Douglas Druicâc and Micàiel Hoog, Pantln- latour, exhibition catalogue, Ifetional Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 1983, 175-180. Vianet 1983, 508; Druide and Hoog, 181-191. ^Goedorp, 7. ^Proust, 1897, 173; Manet 1983, 508, Manet's works had been rejected front the Royal Acadeny show in Lcxtdon in 1865. ^Daix, 148-149; bWtet 1983, 509, Suzanne and Leon visited the Rximier family in the Sarthe, vhere tfenet joined them in Septentoer. Vianet 1983, 509. ^Proust, 173. ^^^Tabarant, “Celle qui fut I'Olynpia," 298. ^^landie, 1924, 23-24. 226 227 ^^Tabaxai±, 1947, 221. ^^Wllliam A. Coles, Alfred Stevens, e^dlaition catalogue, Ann Arbor, 1977, xxxiiTI ^^Ibid, xxxLli, in Le Elgaro; Daix, 106, 'II s'est.fa it un grand tapaœ autour du nom de M7 Manet... Les bcnmes médiocres ne soulevant pas tant de clameurs sur leur passage. ' 15Gabriel Astruc, Le I^villon des Rntanes: A Souvenirs, Paris, X929f 79» ^Sewald, 197. ^^Ibid, 19-21, nos. 9 and 10. ^^Ibid, 29, no. 12. Ibe taro paintings at the tfolters Gallery were not available for viemi&ng as the gallery is being remodelled. They w ill be in storage for the next two years. Unfortunately, color transparencies and slides are not available at this time. ^^Peter M itchell, Alficed Bnile Leopold Stevens; 1823-1906, London, 1973, 12. ^Ooles, 29. ^^Tbid, xviii, Stevens attended Imperial Fünctions at the T o ile rie s . ^^ i d , x v i. ^^Ibid, XX. ^'Sbbarant, 1947, 221-221; Mitchell, Stevens, 16-17. 228 ^^Daix, 153; Manet. 1983, Cacàiin entry, 243; Jartot and Wildenstein, 81. ^^Claude Pidiois, Lettres à Cheurles Baudelaire, Meufâiatel, 1973, March 26, 1866. 27 Moreau-ïtelaton,^ I, 79, traced the unifbrm to Oonnandant Lejosne; Ihharant, 1947, 118-9; btmet 1983, 243, n.2. ^^Eaharant, 1931, 179; %harant, 1947, 118-119; Kovacs, S., "bhnet and his Son in 'Dejeuner dans 1'A telier'," Oonnoisseur, Novenber, 1972, 198. 2Q Jamot, "Le fifre e t Victorine Meurent," Revue de l'A rt Ancien et Moderne, vol. 51, January 1927, 34; Wheeler, 17* Jedlicka, 98; Jezm-Riul Crespelle, Degas et son Monde, E^ris, 1972, 135- 136; Goedozp, 7. 30 Janot, Revue de l'A rt Ancien et Moderne, 34-37. The Jeune Fenine Oouche^en Oostane d'Espagnol is no longer believed to be victorine, but tbdar^s msïôcëss instead. ^^Jedlicka, 89. ^^iheeler, 17; Crespelle, 135-136; Goedorp, May lO, 7. 33 Zola, SaloM, edited by F. W. J. Henmings and R. J. Niess, Geneva, 1959. ^Zola in l'A rtiste, 1867, 52 emd 59; farwell. Nude, 102. ^^in farwell. Nude, 102. ^^reau-Nelaton, I, 72 1 istter to îhntin-Latc5«.ir cited in :6net 1983, entry by Françoise Cachin, 244. 229 Guide dans les "ni^tres, 1855, 190. These were always well- received by audiences and performed by comic song a rtists who used a variety of regional accents. ^^Ibid, vol. 8, 350. ^^Boime, 338-339. 4 0 Zola in I'Evenanent, May 7, 1866, cited in Zola, Salons, 68. ^^im e, 338-333. ^^Bouart 2uid wildenstein. I, 112, no. 115; Jamot, gevue de L'Art Ancien et Moderne, 39; Joel Isaacson, Vbnets le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, 1972, 114, n. 96; Tbbarant, 1947, 11?: ^^Manet 1983, entry ty Charles Moffett, 256. "^In Daix, 153. ^^Ibid, 153. Gautier, Moniteur Uhiverselle, cn the Salon of 1868, in Bool and Orient!, 96, no. 103, tenet 1983, 256; Goedozp, tey 10, 7, 'cette fenme a, dit-on, été peinte d'après un modèle dont la tète est fine, jolie et spirituelle, et ornée de la idus riche chevelure vénitienne qu'un œ loriste puisse souhaiter... la t&te qu'il montre est, a ooqp sur, flattee en laid. ' See also Daix, 177, quoting Pierre Vézon 'Figurez-^vous que son modèle é ta it ravissant' but that Manet had nade her lock ugly. 4 7 Charles F. Stuckey, "Manet Revised: Whodunit?," Art in America, Novenber 1983, 161. "^®Duret, 1937, 5 2 -5 3 . 230 ^®Daix, 177. Radier, "bbnet's wzran with a E^rrot of 1866," MetropoHtan Museum Jourm l, vol. 7, 1973, 120; Hamilton, 115. The subject appears earlier in Oourbet's art in his 1861 bust- length Vfcnan with a Parrot, Alfred Dauber Gollec±ion, in The Secxnd Bnplre, entry by Jose^ Rishel, 276-277 emd Lindsay, Jack, Gustave ooGdaet: His life and Art, London, 1973, 203. ^^Zola referred to th is work as La Dame en Rose in 1866, as cited in Manet 1983, 254, entry ty Charles Moffett. ^^dler, 117. ^^Ibid, 115-116. ^Ibid, 115-122. ^^launer, Manet: Peintre-Ihilosophe, 136; John Connelly, "Ingres and the Erotic Intellect,^ as Sex Object, Art News Annual, volune 38, 1972, 25. ^^iauner, tenet: Peintre-Riilosophe, 136. ^^Thote-aicger, cited in tenet 1983, 256; Vhudoyer, J. E. Manet, teris, 1955, introduction and note 22. ^%oime, 109. ^^Hadler, 118. 60Cesare Ripa, loooologia, introduction by E. Andowsky, Hildesheim and New York, 1970, 127-128. ^4bid, 128. 231 ®^Otto Van Veen, Amorum Brjblemata, New York, 1970, 80-81. 63 Guy de Ifeverant, 303. ^Ripa, 127. ^^p a, Boudard edition. I, 165. Peter-KLauss Schuster, Oourbet in Deutschland, Cologne, 1978, figure 245a: The A ^ening: Venus and Psyche, 1864-1873, Samnlung Gerstehberg, Berlin, and 2^8, refused cn moral grounds from the Salon; 240, as a symbol for Psyche as the soul controlled ty Love. Lindsay, Jack, 203, the parrot vas added at the request of the buyer. ^^chardscn, Iconology, II, 143-144. ^^Ripa, Hertel edition, 113; Baudouin, 51. ®^udouin, 47. ^^Ibid, 97. ^^^pa, Boudard edition. I, 165. ^^Brigitte Las/al, Le Poete et l'Oiseau, Ruda, 1975, 123; Grand Dictionnaire Universelle, Ehris, 1865, vol. 11, "oiseau,"" bavardage-perroquet; ibidler, 119, q u o ^ a sonnet written by Dagas for (hry Chssatt, warning that her parrot Gboo tells her confidenoes to others. ^"^Ivau, Dictionnaire de la Langue Verte, 340. ^^John Pollard, Birds in Greek life and Myth, 137-138; J. M. C. Itoyribee, Animals life and Art, Cornell, 1973, 247-248, citing Aristotle^s Historia Animsiium and Pliny's Naturalis Historia. 232 ^^Toynbee# 248. 247-248, Ovid wrote an elegy on the death of his mistress Oorinna, vAion he called the 'bird sent from East India, ' a region known fo r i t s par ro t s , and Skatius w rote a poem on th e death o f a p a rro t name Voliç>tas. ^^trançois Ooquille, "La Fruitière," Les Français Peints par Eüx-Manes, 1861, 261. 77 George Hslden, introduction to Zola's Ifana, 6, quoting Zola in 1866: 'I await the true story of the demi-monde if somebody one day dares to write that story." 7R Zola, Nana,Pleides edition, II, 1433. See zdso Chantai Bertrand Jennings, L'Eroe et la Panne Ch^ Zola, Ibris, 1977, 59, cites Kbna's distinctive nervousness "de chatte" and "gout de perruche" as evidences of Ihna's seductive lasciviousness and bestiality. ^Blanche, 24-25. Gustave ELaiibert, A Siirple Heaurt, Ebris, 19—, 103, F elid te's % inal print of the Holy Spirit a&nd her stuffed dead parrot blend in her imagination, and 106, "she invoked the aid of the Holy Ghost and she actually contracted the idolatrous habit of saying her prayers kneeling before the parrot." ^^Hugo, Alentours des Chansons des Bues e t des Bois, in Oeuvres lOetlques, III, Ruds, 1974, 230-232. ^^d ler, 118-119. Radier points out that this image was reproduced in Charles Blanc's Histoire des Peintures des Itautes Ecoles, II, Ecole Hollandaise, ^ 1 . This important source was discovered ty Theodore Beff, "Manet and Blanc's 'H istoire des Peintres'," Burlington tfagar.ine, vol. 112, 1970, 455-458. 233 83 Ross, 49: the Gavami figure "bas only to turn around to beoome a precise nodel for Victorine's appearance." 84 S. C. Burchell, Iirperial tfasquerade. New York, 1971, 37. ® ^ d l e r , 121. ^Oortanbert, 151. P7 Neuville, 113. ^^burice Rat, Myt^logie, ferls, 1950, 30; Bertram, James, 21; Leneveux, 229; las and Barbier, January 26 and tey 23. ®^Bertram, 21. ^^"^jShner, 127; P erry and Greenwood, 306; C oats, P e te r, 219; Rent, 170. Parma violets are linked to the Napoleonic house as the Biperor liked them, Josephine wore them on her wedding day. They syibolized the return frcm Elba, were rqizessed during the Bourbon Restoration, and were revived \Aien Eagâaie wore them in her wedding wreath. Oinet, 212-213 stated that the nymphs gave them to Jupiter. ®^Lis and Barbier, January 26. 92 ^ J . J . G randville# Les F le u rs Aniinees# 1847# n .p . 93 Shakespeare, Midsummer N ights Dream, Cbezon to Puck, Act I I , scene 1. This was brought to ny attention by Julie Karovics, registered landscape Architect, no. 521. 94 Alice Coats, 268; Perry and Greenwood, 305-306; Moore, 60; Lehner, 82 euid 127; D inet, 212-213. 234 ^ ^ d le r, 122; Fbsca, 185; F^rwell, Nude, 119; Manet 1983, 258; Daix, 50. ^^Riillipe, Rxnariun Britannicum, 271-272; Graves, I, 33 and 127; I I , 142 an5“575: ^Tlean Sutherland Boggs, Portraits by Degas, Los Angeles, 1962, 33 and 106; Theodore Reff, The Notebooto of Edgar Degas, Oxford, 1976, I, 110-111, notebook 22, no. 27. ^®Boggs, 124; Beff, Notebooks, I, 111, notebook 21, folios 34v and 35. QQ Mirinonde, 1966, 269, parrots axe associated with touch, necessary for the lute and guitar as well z&s hearing. ^^^*^^Ihharant, "celle qui fut l ’Olÿirpia," 298. ^°^ildenstein, Georges, The Ihintings of Fraqcxiard, Aylesbury, 1960, cat. no. 341, the fanous actress Marie-MadelEâne Guimard appears in a work by Edmond de Goucourt as well. ^^^Dorival, Belerinage à watteau, 121. ^^^eisberg. The Realist TTaditicxi, 104 and 246, no. 217, François Bcxivin's portrait of louison Kbhler, salon of 1874, on the wall in the room \here the woman is preparing to jday the cittern is a print of a Bacchante. ^^Rouart and Wildenstein, 116, no. 122: At the 1867 Alma Show the painting measured 1.91 ty 1.0,91 meters. Its current size is .66 ty 1.0,82. ^°^lirimonde, 1966, 269. 235 ^Dadx, 165, felt that this indicated a note of insolence, implying that Salon juries were arbitrary in their decisions about Manet's work. ^®^Llnda Nbchlin, ReeJJLsm, Baltimore, 1973, 36. ^*^®Henry de la Madeleine, "Les Beaux-Arts a I'Eaqxaition Universelle," Ku::^ Guide 1867, 2044-2046. Only official eA ibits wer» r«»/icvfad, so •'tenet's and Courbet's self-generated exhibitions do not appear. ^°^Daix, 163. ^^^'^tenet 1983, 509. The change of residence exxnars in autunn of 1866. Mne. Auguste (tenet had advanced him 18,305 fr. for the exhibiticn cn the Rmt de I'Alma, which opened in late May, the 22nd or 24th. ^^^Ibid, 510. Cn January 1, Zola published his stucÿ of Manet in l'A rtiste, cxi January 2, (tenet decided to mount his own retrospective. 115 in Drick and Hoog# entry by Dridc, 198-200. ^^^fanet 1983, 511. . ^^^Daix, 187-8, 190-191 and 225, suggests an affair lasting until 1872, an iiipossibility under the system of chaperones. See also 198, Berthe is separated from her chaperones in the crowded salon of 1869, an qoisode vhich recurs in I'Oeuvre more oomioally to Irma Becot. ^^^Tabarant, 1947, 158; Manet 1983, 511. ^^^Daix, 195 and 201-202: (tne. Morisot in a letter to Berthe '(tenet is more and more jubiliant before his model Oanzalèa . . . Mlle. Gonzalès has a ll the virtues, all the charms. She's an accorplished vonan. ' 236 117 Pierre Sdmeider, Itie Vforld o£ Manet, New York, 1968, 27. "^^teharant, 1947, 221. Henry le Gbmke, Histoire des Th^tres de feris, V, 1905- 1912, 173, rqirinted in Geneva, 1973. The first Theatre des Nouveautés was at the Place de la Bourse. ^^Ibid, 173-176. 121 Ibid, 176. The lie des Syrenes was a fantasy in 8 tableaus ty • X avier de M ant^in and J u le s Dornay* ^^^ id , 179-180. ^ ^ Ibid, 183-186. 124 ^^ I b id , v o l. X, 2-3. 125 ^‘‘^ Ib id , v o l. X, 2. ^^^Ibid, vol. X, 51. Roger Bontenps, 2 act opeca-ocmique, by Clairville and Bernard Lopez, music ty J. J. Debillement. This had been a one act vaudeville in 1848. The music and second act were added for the reprise at M artinet's. An actress' debut was her first role in a specific theater. A "debut" did not necessarily mean that the actress or actor had never played any roles elsetdiere. / 127 Revue et Gazette Musicale de laris, March 1868, 91, review ty D. [Léon Durocher?j. ^^°Ibid, vol. X, 1. 129Ibid, vol. X, 44045. The jury of five gave the prize to Jules Dcprato, Whose Sacripant was performed on August 9. 237 130 Ibid, vol. V, 188-189, w ritten by Henri Buquet and Baul de Kilquenont, created for Les Menus-Plaisirs as Le Siege des Epiciers. ^^^Ibid, vol. V, 189. ^^^Alphonse Levaux, y>s Theatres de 1800 a 1900, Ktcis 1881-1886, 201-213. G la irv ille w rote many o£ ttve year^end reviews played at the ftOais-Itayal and Variétés. In these perfornances, allegorical figures passed across the stage chanting short coiplets. The finale was often a parodied series of the year's dramatic successes and events. 135 Bourget, E^ul, Rrysioloqie de l'Amour Mademe, E ^is, 1900, 238. ^^^IbiJ, 239-239. A BIOGRAPHY OP VICTORINE-LOUISE MEURENT AND HER ROLE IN THE ART OF EDOUARD MANET WLUME I I DISSERTATION Presented in Eturkial EVtifiUment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Ehilosc^hy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By bhrgaret Mary Anrbrust Seibert, B.S., M.A. The Ohio State University 1986 Dissertation Ocmnittee: Approved by rtithew Herban III, Eh.D. ^ *1 / /I Mark Fullerton, E h . D . ______A dviser Peter Gano, £h.D. Department of History of Art Copyright by Margaret t^ry Amiarust Seibert 1986 TABLE OF ODNTENTS VOLUME I I LIST OF FIGURES...... v i i i CHAPTER PAGE VII 1870-1874 ...... 238 F o o tn o te s ...... 255 V III GEORGE MOORE, VICTORINE AND THE PFIJJGRTN PROBLEM .... 266 F o o tn o te s ...... 287 IX AFTER THE DEATH OF MANET...... 297 F o o tn o te s ...... 317 CONCLUSION...... : ...... 326 F o o tn o te s ...... 331 FIGURES...... 332 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 421 V ll LIST OF FIQIRES AND THEIR SOURCES FIGURES PAGE 1. G. Crauck Medallion of Charles Alix Dubose Crauck, Soixante Ans dans les Ateliers des AridLstes frontispieoe ...... 332 2. Edouard Manet Le Guitarrero, 1860 New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art nuseixn postcard ...... 333 3. Edouard Manet Portrait of M. and Mie, btmet, 1860 Kuris, Mus^ d'Orsay Manet 1983, 49, no. 3 ...... 334 4. L. Parent Père Lunette's from a photograph and drawing by Eurent Siitond, III, 119 ...... 335 5. Le Chateau Rouge from a photograph and drawing by L. % rent Simond, III, 235 ...... 335 6. Le rue Galande Simond, IIÏ7T37 ...... 336 7. Edouard btmet La Nymphe S u rp ris, 1861 Buenos Aires, Museo Nacionale de Bellas Artes Manet 1983 , 85, no. 1 9 ...... 337 v i i i 8. Edouard rtmet Moses Saved from the Vfeiters, 1860-1861 Oslo, Nsisjonalgallerlet Manet 1983, 87, no. 20 ...... 338 9. Tintoretto S&iMnna a t th e Bath Paris, Mus&e du Louvre Guiffiey, II, Boole Italien, XVI-SVII Siècles, p la te 29 ...... 339 10. Renbrandt Suzanna The Hague, Gemeentemuseum Krauss, Burlington Magazine, dX, Nov. 967, fig u re 17 ...... 339 11. VorstentEui after Rubens Suzanna and the Elders Didier Bodart, Rubens E L* Incisions, Rome 1977, plate 122 ...... 340 12. bbrcantonio Raimondi after Raphael Pan and Syrinx Hie IllustratedBartsch. Vol. 27, 19 ...... 340 13a. Oomeille the Younger after Guilio Romano Bathsheba Manet 1983, 84, figure c ...... 341 13b. P e te r Paul Rubens Bath^ e ba Receiving David's Letter Berlin, Kt^ferstidikabinett Julius Held, Rubens: Selected Drawings, New York, 1959, II, 32, plate 3 1 ...... 341 14. Edouard Manet Bathsheba, 1857-1860 Paris, Musée du louvre mnet 1983, 89, no. 21 ...... 342 IX 15. Peter E^ul Rubens Nymph and S aty r Berlin, Kv^ferstichkabinett Held, II, 65, plate 75 ...... 342 16. Bclouard Manet P o rtra it o f V icto rin e Meurent, c . 1862 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts Manet 1983, 104, no. 31 ...... 343 17. Qidle uerqy La Mendiante Rousse, c. 1845 Ruris, Musée du Louvre Verve, Dec. 1939, 50 ...... 343 18. Edouard Manet La Chanteuse des Rues, c. 1862 Boston, Museun of Fine Arts Manet 1983, 107, no. 32 ...... 344 19. AlAred Stevens La Mendicité Tolerée, 1855 Antwerp, Musée Royale des Beaux Arts Peter M itâiell, "The Success of Alfred Stevens at the EOcposition Universelle of 1867, " Connoisseur, 1970, 263, fig. 1 ...... 344 20 Camille Corot Woman in a Toque with a Ptmdolin, c. 1850-1855 &xtthdoy*3 Publications, 1985 Ccnplete List advertisgnent for Art at Aucticxi, 15 345 21. Gabriel de Saint-Aubin Ehnchon la Vielleuse Eoumel, Les Rues du Vieux Paris, 1879, 407 .... 345 22. Hendrik Goltzius Terpsidiore, from The Nine Muses The Illustrated Bartsch, Walter Strauss ed.. New York 1980, vol. 3, 143 ...... 346 23. Jean-Baptiste Boudard P la is ir Boudard e d itio n o f Ceseure Ripa, loonoloqie. Vienne, 1766, Garland reprint, New York 1976 ... 346 24. Edouard Manet M lle. V. en Ooetume d'E^pada, 1862 New York, M etropolitan Miseum o f A rt bbnet 1983, 111, no. 33 ...... 347 25a. A. A. E. Disderi Lmuime Marquet, carte de visite Guest, facing 129 ...... 347 25b. A. A. E. D isd eri Louise Marquet, carte de visite MoGaulQT, 186, f ig . 180 ...... 347 26a. Edouard Manet The Street Singer, detail New York Public Library, S. P. Avery Print O oU ection Reff, Manet and Modem Paris, 193, no.68 ...... 348 26b. A. Levy M. Bourdœi, G uitariste La Rue, üune 1867 ...... 348 27. Edouard Manet Le Déjeuner sur l'Herbe, 1863 Paris, Musefe d'Orsay Museun p o stceurd ...... 349 28. Edouard *bnet Stmty j:\jC Le Déjeuner sur l'Herbe, 1862-1863 London, Oourtauld Institute museun postcard ...... 350 29. Giorgione ^ Ooncert Qianpetre, c. 1510 Etuds, Musée du Louvre Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 351 XI 30. Marcantonio Raimondi after The Judgemsrtt of Paris The Illustrated Bartsch# vol. 26, 243 ...... 351 31. Antoine Vîatteau The Pilgriroqe to Cythera, 1717-1719 Paris, Musée du louvre Guiffrey, I, Eoole Française, XVIII Siecle, p la te 36 ...... 352 32. Gavam i illustration for Physiologie de la Grisette teris, 1841 %nson, tfanet and the Modem Tradition, f ig . 66 ...... 352 33. Le Sauvage Pierre Di^jcnt, Chants et Chansons, Paris, 1855 Hctnson, hbnet and th e Modem T rad itio n , fig u re 67 ...... 352 34. A. Lenud illustration for hfa Nacelle J. Bérenger, Oeuvres Oorpletes, Ruris, 1856, I, 250 Hanson, Manet and the Modem Tradition, f ig . 68 ...... 353 35. Achille Devraria Le Déjeuner sur l'Herbe, 1834 Manet 1983, 169, fig. d ...... 353 36. A. Morion Boating Party on the Banks of the Seine, 1860 mnet 1983, 169, fig. e ...... 353 37. Frans Francken I'a^an t Prodigue, Paris, Musée du Louvre G«iiffr»y,- II.- Ecole Flamande, plate 53 ...... 354 38. David Teniers ^ e Younder I'B ifant Prodigue a Ihble avec les Courtesanes E^urLs, Musee du Louvre Guiffrey, II, Eoole Flamande, plate 103 ...... 355 XXX 39. Jacx^es Qillot The Prodigal Son Squanders his Fortune, Paris, Musée du Louvre C alIot*s E tchings, edT Howard D aniel, New York, 1974, fig. 319 ...... 356 40 .Nsraham Bosse The Prodigal Son in tlig Places where Venus %s Infamous Oonmerce, Paris, Musfe du louvre Reunion des Musées nationaux photograph ...... 356 41. Thonas Oouture Young Venetian After an Orgy, 1840 Private collection Boime, 85 ...... 357 42. ihonas Couture The P rodigal Scai, c . 1841 replica, le Havre, Nouveau Musœ des Beaux-Arts Boime, 90 ...... 357 43. Desfossé after Ihonas Oouture les Prodigues painted wallpaper based on Couture's Supper a f t e r th e Masked B a ll, 1855 Architectural Digest, 7^)ril 1984, "For Collectors,'^ 206 ...... 358 44. Bertall Partie Carree rue Mantorgueil "Canine on Mange a B aris" Le Diable à Paris, 1846, 314 ...... 358 45. Pierre Puvis de Chavannes Return of the Prodigal Son, 1854-1855 Le Brouchy, Collection Truchies de Lays Boime, 487 ...... 359 46. James Tissot The Prodigal Son's Departure from Venice, 1863 Michall Justin Wmtworth, James Tissot; Catalogue Raisonœ of his Prints, Minneapolis, 1978, 245," £xg 576 ...... '...... 359 x i i i 47. J. B. Boudard Licence Boudard edition of Ripa's Iccxiologic Garland rqprint 1976 ...... 360 48. Ocxistance tfeyer Le Reve du Bonheur, 1819 B aris, Musée du Louvre Guiffrey, I, Eoole Française, XDCe S i^le, Ire partie, plate 57 ...... 360 49. Gustave Cburbet Dem oiselles au Bords de la S eine. 1857 R uris, Musée du P e tit B alais Sloane, Frencài Riinting Between the Bast and the Present, plate 4 1 ...... 360 50 Hendrik Goltzius L ust The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 3, 89 ...... 361 51. Jacques Callot L ust callot's Etchings, figure 94 ...... 361 52. Heinridi Mdegrever l u s t The Illustrated Bartsdi, vol. 16, 196 ...... 362 53. Château de Versailles Latona Basin nuseizn postcard ...... 363 54. Delaporte "Sautez Grenouillères" Collection Ehilippon Simond, I I , 53 ...... 364 55. la Grenouille et le Boeuf; le petit et le grand bbwlecm Ihris, Bibll othêcÿie Ifetionale Thcmas, H istoireSocialiste, X, 405 ...... 364 XLV 56. Belsson after Schall Le Panier Renversé 18th century ^ La Mus^ Galant du Dix-Huitiems S i^le, P a ris, n .d ...... 365 57. Rtüouard Manet Olynpia, 1863 P a ris, Musee d 'O rsay Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 366 58. T itia n Venus of Urfaino, c. 1538 Florence, Uffizi Reff, Olympia, fig. 22 ...... 367 59. Francisco Goya The bfaked Maja, c . 1800 bbdrid, Museo d e l Prado Reff, Olympia, fig. 31 ...... 367 60 J . A. D. Ingres la Grande (Malisque l a r i s , Musee du Louvre Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 368 61. Lucas Cranach the Elder Nymph of the Spring lÂshingtcxi D. C., The National Gallery Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 368 62. Jean-^ptiste Greuze Indolence, 1757 HartfordT The Wadsworth Atheneun Eric M. Zafran, The Rococo Age, esddbition catalogue Ihe Hic^ Museun of Art, Atlanta, 1983, 103, no. 48 ...... 369 63. J . A. D. In g res Vhlpinçggi tether, 1808 P a ris, Musée du Louvre Museun p o stca r d ...... 369 XV 64. School of Fontainebleau after Primaticcdo Venus Regardant Mars Qui Port The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 16, 336 ...... 370 65. Gustave Oourbet 1 'A te lie r ^ P e in tre , 1855 P a ris, Musée du Louvre MuGeutn p o s tc a id ...... 370 66. Edouard ^tmet Rendez-vous des C hats, 1868 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale R eff, Olympia, f ig . 57 ...... 371 67. After Viollet-le-Duc "Libertas Sine Lahore" Otempfleury, Les Chats, Ruris,1869, 226 ...... 371 68. Albrecht Durer The Fhll of Man, 1504 Gardner's Art Through the Ages, 610, fig. 18-37 ...... 372 69. Jan Saenredam after Goltzius Eve giving Adam the Ftorbidden Fruit. The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 4, 356 ...... 372 70 Heinrich Aldegrever G luttony The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 16, 196 ...... 372 71. Jan Saenredam ecfter Goltzius Allegory of Sight Art Bulletin, IXV, June 1983, 312 ...... 373 72. Pierrc-Antoine Baudouin Le Modèle Honnête New York, lan Wbodner OoUection Za&an, The Rocxxx) Age, 150, no. 79 ...... 373 73. Alfred Stevens Les Rameaux, c . 1862 Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery Ooles, 18, no. 9 ...... 374 xv i 74. Alfred Stevais News from Afar, middle 1860's Baltiirore, Itie Walters Art Gallery O oles, 26, no. 11 ...... 374 75. Alfred Stevens La Liseuse, c. 1865 Ccuiiaridge, Hie Fitzwilliam Museum Ooles, 28, no. 1 2 ...... 375 76. Alfred Stevens La en Rose, c . 1865 Brussels, Musée RoyaOx des Beaux Arts M itdiell, 13, IV ...... 375 77. Edouard Manet Le Fifre, 1866 E^aris, Musée d'O rsay MüSëiün p o s tc a r d ...... 376 78. Edouard ^bnet Jeune Dame en 1866, 1866 Naf York, Metropolitan Museum of Art Manet 1983, 255, no. 96 ...... 376 79. Thomas Oouture Ihe fklcxaner, 1844-1845 Toledo, The Toledo îïuseum of Art Boime, 106 ...... 377 80 The Prodigal Son Thpestry Paris, Musée Cluny Réunion des Musôës Nationaux photograph ...... 377 81. Jan Steen The Wciy You Hear I t Is the W&y You Sing I t The Ifague, Maurxtshuxs Museum Museum p o s tc a r d ...... 378 82. Jan Steen The Effects of Ihtenperance London, The Nhtxonal Gallery Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 379 xvxi 83. Jaodb Jordaens Young Mbneui A lloving an Old Man's P a rro t to Nibble her Fruit Mrs. George Kaufinann Oollection Michael Jaffe, Jaoob Jordaens, Ottowa, 1968, 283, no. 62 ...... 380 84. Jaoob Jordaens The Fruit Seller, c. 1635 Glasgow, Glasyo* arwl Art Galleries Jaffe, 275, no. 48 ...... 380 85. Jem Saenredam after Oomelius Oomelisz Eve giving Adam the Rarbidden Fruit The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 5, 351 ...... 381 86. Peter Paul Rubens after Titian The Ih ll of Man Ffedrid, Museo d e l Prado C. V. Wedgwood, The World of Rubens: 1577-1640 New York, 1967, 23 ...... 382 87. Frans Vhn Mieris Wbnan with a Ehrrot Charles Blanc, Histoire des Peintres de Toutes les Ecoles, l 'eoole Hollandaise, II, 21 Hadler, 119, fig. 3 ...... 382 88. Gavam i Lorette in a Pressing Gown with a Parrot Etienne de Neufville, Physiologie de la Femne, 184^ Ross, plate 30 ...... 383 89. Vittore Chrpaccio The Oourtesans Venice, Cbrrer Museum Pietro Zanpetti, la Monstra Vittore Chrpaccio, Venice, 1963, 224, no. 49 ...... 383 90 W. Scholz (Kladderadatsch) Louis Ifeipoléon as a Melancholoy Kurrot, 1860 Mireoourt, Napoléon III Karl bturx, The Ei^teenth Brunaire of Louis- Hbpoléon, 85 ...... 384 x v iü 91. Bclouard Ifenet La Joueuse de G u itar, 1867 E^rmington, H illstead Museum Itouart and Wildenstein, no. 122 ...... 385 92. Jan Bruegel the Younger detail of Hearing Madrid, Museo d e l Prado M. Eemsns, Breughel de Velours Bruxelles, 1964, 60. n1. 43 ...... 386 93. Hendrik Goltzius Heeuring The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 3, 118 ...... 387 94. Gabriel Bollenhagen Amor do cet Musicam, 1611 Nucleus Bnblenatum Christopher Brown, Dutch Genre Painting London, 1976, 18, plate 13 ...... 387 95. Honore Fragonard Mile. Guimard Playing the Guitar ItLLlace OoUection Georges Grappe, La Vie e t Oeuvre de J . H. Praqonard Paris, 1929, plate XXVII ...... 388 96. Antoine Watteau La P ln e tte Paris, Musëé du Louvre A nita Brocikner, VÆitteau, M iddlesex, 1967, p la te 1 6 ...... 368 97. Alfred Stevens Les Fleuris d ‘Automne, 1867 B ru ssels, Musée Royaux des Beaux-Arts Mitchell, plate 6 ...... 389 98. Alfred Stevens In the Oountry, c. 1867 Henry C. Gibscxi Collection, Pennsylvania Acadeny of Fine Arts Ooles, 32, no. 14 ...... 390 x ix 99. Alfred Stevens Le Bain, c. 1867 Oanpidgne, Musée bbticmal du fôlais Ooles, 36, no. 1 6 ...... 391 100. Alfred Stevens l'A telier, c. 1869 B russels, Musée Royaux des Beaux-Arts Ooles, 7 ...... 392 101. Henri Ehntin-Latour Atelier aux Ba^gnolles % ris . Musée d'O rsay Museum p o s tc a r d ...... 393 102. Edouard Mânet Chemin de F er, 1872-1873 Washington, D. C., The National Gallery Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 394 103a. Jean-Baptiste Boudsurd D o cility Boudard edition of Cesare Ripa, loonologie Garland r^ rin t, 1976 ...... 395 103b. Gottfried EÜrhler the Younger R eflection J . G. B e rte l e d itio n o f Oeseure Ripa Iccxologia, 1760 Dover reprint, 1971, no. 186 ...... 395 104. Edouard bbnet The Croquet P a rty , 1873 Frankfort, Stadelsdhes Kunstinstitut Rouart and Wildenstein, no. 211 ...... 396 105. Jan Saenredam after Goltzius Venus Presiding Over love and Pleasure The Illustrated Bartsd*., vol. 5, 393 ...... 397 XX 106. Edouard Wfemet *nie tesked Bail at the Opéra» 1873-1874 Washington, D. C ., Ttie Ifatio n al G allery Manet 1983, 351, no. 138 ...... 398 107. B i n a r y , Almamach Musicale pour 1860 Chio S ta te University Music Library" O o U e c tio n ...... 398 108. J. F. Bosio The B ail a t th e Opéra, 1804 Art in America, Vkÿv. 1983, 197 ...... 399 109. Gustave Dore Loups, 1860 A rt in America, Nov. 1983, 189 ...... 399 110 A lfred Grevin "£%uris s'Airuse" Le Petit Journal pour Rire, 1873 Reff, Manet and Modem Paris, 122, fig. 62 ...... 400 111. Morin "Scene du Bal Masqüé d'O péra, Théâtre Française, Dec. 5, 1865" l'Univers Illustrée, 1865 ^ Lucien Dubech, Histoire Generale Illustrée du Theatre, vol. 5, 132 ...... 401 112. Edouzml Manet d e ta il o f fig u re 102 Chemin de F e r ...... 402 113. Edouard Manet d e ta il o f fig u re 106 The tesHed Bail at the Opéra ...... 402 114. Edouard btmet d e ta il o f fig u re 106 The ^hsked Bail at .th e O p é ra ...... 403 XXX 115. Edouard Manet d e ta il o f Autwm, 1881 Ifency, Musfee des Beaux-Arts ^bnet 1983, 490, no. 215 ...... 403 116. Edouêtrd Manet George Moore, 1879 New York, Metropolitan Musain of Art Ifenet 1983, 428, no. 176 ...... 404 117. After E. Land Le Foyer des A rtis te s G. Hartmann Collection Simond, II, 51 ...... 405 118. Français Dequevaùbillier after N. Laurence Eoole de Danse Claude Berton et al. Les %)ectacles a Travers les Ages II, Musique, Danse, E^ris, 1932, plate 13, facing 280 ...... 406 119. after H. de Montant ^ Le Poyer de la Danse a l'O p éra en 1855 Henry lyonnet, Denys Atniel et a l. Les Spectacles a Travers les Ages: Iheatre, Paris, 1931, 180 ...... 406 120 J. B. E^tas after Jean Michel Moreau the Younger La P e tite Loge Amiel et al, 83 ...... 407 121. Norbert Goeneutte la Toilette de Jean Guerard, 1889 de Kj^f, loi ...... 408 122. Norbert Goeneutte la Tireuse des Cartes or la Ri^ssite, 1890 de Khyff, no. 33 ...... 409 123. Heinrich Aldegrever Sooordia The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 16, 191 ...... 409 x x ii 124. after Chrle Vemet la Rue a Paris, les Petits Metiers; la Tireuse des Partes Bibliothà^e de la Ville de E ^is Simond, I I I , 1 8 5 ...... 410 125. Gavami ^ R a ^ i t e "Les Drouaireres'* Les Francpis Peints par Eux-^femes, 1874 ...... 411 126. Paquet Les I^eussites “Les Drouaireres" Les F rançais P e in ts p a r Eux-Mêmes, 1874 ...... 412 127. Norbert Goeneutte La Penne au Singe de Kryff, illustration in text ...... 413 128. Heinrich Mdegrever SlQt-h, the Seven Deadly Sins The Illustrated Bartsdi, vol. 16, 191 ...... 414 129. Genmn Woodcut Amorous Oouple Janson, Pqpea and Ape Lore, fig. 2 0 ...... 414 130 Nioole de la Barre I n i t i a l L. The Golden Legend, Ehris, 1499 Jansen, Apes and ? ip e Lore, 126, fig. 4 ...... 414 131. A fter A. M arlet la Rue a Paris en 1821; Les Singes Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de E ^is Simond, I , 452 ...... 415 132. Mexandre Gabriel Decaitps a v o y ard and Monkey, 1823 Bibliothèque HistScïque de la Ville de Paris Dewey F. Moshy, 1977, I I ...... 416 X X llX 133. Hendrik Goltzius 'fa ste Hie Illustrated Bartsdi, vol. 3, 119 ...... 416 134. "faste The Lady with the Unioom fapestry P a ris Musee Cluny Museixn p o s tc a r d ...... 417 135. Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec A la Mie, 1891 Boston, Ihe Museum of Fine Arts Museun p o s tc a r d ...... 418 136. faul Sescau photograph for Ibulouse-Lautrec van Deren Coke, Hie fainter and the Riotograph from Delacroix to warhol, 1972, 91, fig. 207 ...... 419 137. Bertall Ooupe d 'u n e fbieon f a r ls ie n t Cinq Etages du Monde Parisien Le Diable a Bans, 1846, 27 ...... 420 XXIV CHAPTER VII 1870 - 1874 Kmtin-Latcur's Atelier eux Batignolles (figure 101), eadiibited in the Ssdon of 1870, celebrates Manet as the leader of the avant-garde. Its oonpanion at the Salon, la Lecture, was give*: a msdal, Manet's name had even been entered on the lis t 2 for the jury that year, although subsequently it was erased. Then, during the Ecanoo-Prussian Wàr, Manet served in the Ifational Guard at the rank of lieutenant,^ while his fomily was 4 sent to safety at Oloron-Saint-Maire. Although elected a delegate to the Federation of A rtists under the Ocmmune, Manet 5 vas ab sen t fccm fturiLs during most o f th e f i r s t h a lf o f 1871. Victorine had also been away, in America, returning to France before 1872, vAien efhe again posed for btmet. The precise dates of this journey, her destination, and in whose ocnpetr/ She travelled are not known. Nevertheless, it has never been doubted that she made the journey, for she herself once mentioned it in a 6 7 letter. She had returned to France before the Autum of 1872, 238 239 but without specific travel documents or dates, it is impossible p to be certain of the length of time of her stay. Jaoques Goedorp believes that Victorine modeled for Puvis de Chavannes at this time, appearing in the clothed version of a Hope e^diibited in the Salon of 1872. However, John Rewald identified Puvis' model as Dma Dobigny, a model who also posed for Degas, Corot^^ and Tissot. Since the same model seems to figure in both versions of %pe, and is extremely young, even pubescent in appearance, substantiation of such a hypothesis does not seem credible. Even so, Goedorp cites hiaurice Joyant, a friend of Toulouse-Lautrec, who claimed that Victorine s till had Puvis* sketch of herself in her possession euround 1890. None12 of Puvis ' other works appear to provide an instance in vhich Victorine can be securely identified. Victorine did model for tfanat during 1872 and 1873, posing fo r Chemin de P er (fig u re 102) which R iilip p e B urty saw in 13 Manet's studio in the autum of 1872. The datze which appears on th e canvEis w ith M anet's sig n atu re i s 1873, th e y e ar in which i t was so ld to a new patunon o f b h n e t's , Jean -B ap tiste Ehure, who 14 lOcined it for exhibition in that year's Salon. Ehure, a famous 15 Cpéra baritone of this period, purchased two paintings in 1873,^^ and later aoquixed many others,owning 67 in all. 240 E^ure is believed to have been a silent partner to the Durand- Ruel Gallery, 18 a firm whidi purcSiased 24 Manets in January of 1872. 19 Thcnas Oouture had suggested the railway eis an appropriate theme for modem art to his students, but2 0 Le Figaro's art critic cited Cbrot as the originator of the sketchy style employed by Manet. 21 Recently, Charles Stuckey found the painting's "hiÿi-key" palette and modem subject: painted in a "real" outdoor setting to be an influence of the Inpressionists, especially Degas and Renoir. He also believes that the hei^tened color demonstrates Manet's knowledge of pigments' fading capacities, used here in hiÿi keys with the knowledge that 22 time would "correct" the brightness of hue. The "real" site used was the garden of Alphonse Hirsch (1843-1884), a portraitist and genre painter, ' vhose23 address was 58 m e de Rome.^^ H irsch, a d th o u ^ n o t a member o f th e "Batignolles school" of realists, was a friend of bbnet's and cxice e s œ rte d th e a c tre s s Mery Laurent to M anet's studio.The 26 sitters are Victorine and Hirsch's dauÿïter, Suzanne. Moreau- Nelaton reports that Victorine was taken to be either the mother or governess of the young girl, and that Salon visitors did not 27 find this figure appealing. Arret claims that the painting dngwas thought to be "unintelligible," having "no subject at all. ..28 Bellony and Rewald viewed the title . Chemin de Per, < reference to the Gare Saint-Lazare station in the background 241 Daol and Qtienti note the busy intersection in the distance - the comer of the rues de Rome and Constantinople and the Pont de 30 l'Europe Which can just be seen through the steam. Ihis background landscape contrasts to the privacy of the foreground enclosure in Which the two figures appear. Burty notes that Victorine's blue tw ill dress was a popular style that season, and Tabarant lists Victorine's acoessoiries as a 'Niniche' hat with ribbons and marguerites, her hair filin g onto her shoulders, a blue outfit with vhite buttons, large sleeves and a jabot, blach nedc ribbon and long earrings, a sleeping pc^py, open book, and fan. 32 RoUowing fhnet's previous practice, these items seem to insist rpon interpretation as clues to her introrpective air. Eunice Lipton notes the "psychic distance" and lade of 33 sentimentality found in this wonan-child pair. This very quEüLity removes th e work from o rd in ary genre and anecdote and adds a sense of immediacy and an intensity to the juxtaposition of the tw5 figures. Lipton typifies this image of Victorine as "middle class," an identification testified to by her apparel,^ but. Professor thry Millican observes that her attire is "not ipper middle class, the hair is not 'done, ' there is no lace, the OC trims are not fancy, [but] aco^table and ordinary. " In short, Victorine's clothing places her within the category of middle bourgeoisie. 242 Vic±orine's outfit, in texms of status, contrasts to the starched, pressed, prim c±iarm of the young g irl's dress, whose laoe-^uriimed pantaloons peek out from the hem of her vhite frock with its blue satin sash. Her hadx is carefully bound eind tied with a ribbon. Victorine, a visitor, observes an in p o rta n t ladylike oonventim by weeuring a hat, crowned with daisies and poppies. The Marguerite or "Paris Haisy" had long been 37 associated with matters of the heart, Love's wounds and prophesies oonoeming the lover's sentiments and sincerity. A38 oontenporciry exanple exists in Ferdincind Birotheau's La Secret de la ^farqueri■te, pendant paintings subtitl.ed "II m'aime" and "II ne m'aime pas," exhibited in the Salon of 1850.^' Oonoeming this flower, Grandville tells us that daisies are "content with very little" and that men treat women as the latter treat the daisy. They wish for an answer to the double question 'lo v e me? love me n o t? ' Young g i r l never re p ly to it. Men will^oEist thee off after having plucked a%ay thy lea v es. Melancholy thoughts can also be assœiated with the daisy as a flower of sadness and regrets, 41 farw ells, 42 and even death. 43 The scarlet field poppy or cxx^uelicxat had been part of th e cra.‘!ns o f Hypnos ( s l e ^ ) , Thanatos (death) and Ni»x ( n i^ .t) . The goddess Ceres needed the poppy to induœ sleep when she 44 sought Persephone. Brtolematically, it is the flover of 243 ocxisolatixxi. 45 Poppies cire relevemt to eeurlier images in whic±i Victorine appears, as they are associated with Venus, who was worshipped by the Sikyonians with an apple, the prize Paris awarded h e r, in one hand and a poppy , in d ic a tin g th e ocMisequence 46 of it, in the other. Leneveux linked the poppy to the ephemeral nature of beauty and the melanciioly aspects of anticipated d e a th .De Neuville associates poppies with recollection and childhood memories. 43 Zola later described poppies as "febrile" and "reeking of death" in the cemetery in his Riute d*abbé Mouret, where th ^ surround a marble Cu^id with scabious and anemones while insects "tired of living" approached this part of tîie garden "to drink the poison of suicide." 49 The flowers cxi Vichorine's hat syiholizo love’s grief, perhaps even mourning. The bonnet's CMa dark cx>lor reinforces this aspect, recalling B ertall's caricature of the pointing acxmpanyied by: "’I t’s the departure of Ihure fo r Ehgland. ’ " 5 0 One can b u t wcxider, csonsidering th a t Ehure came to own many images in which Victorine appears, if there might have been some connection between him and Victorine^^ which has yet to be ccanfirmed. S till, Bertall may instead have been alluding to Manet’s sadness at the absence of his patron. Ehns and th eir coded lanrpwgf» were very much in vogue during the nineteenth cantury, and fans appear frequently in Manet's oeuvre. Historically, Winkleimnn claimed the fan to be 244 an attribute of Venus, 53 and Eaix has recently read the closed fan correctly as indicative of silence. 54 In her lap, Victorine holds a sleeping ptçpy, one of Riga's attributes for Docility (figure 103a), Whidi ocntoines am iability and submissiveness with obedience and the desire to please. White, a color symbolizing candor, 55 appears c*i the trim of Victorine's dress as well as predominating in the child's apparel. A cluster of grapes, symbolic of the autumn seeison in which the work was painted, is placed on the ledge at the ric^t.^^ Ripa assists us in an interpretation of Victorine's pose. Reflection is a seated mature woman of sober appeau^nœ, who pensively holds a closed bcxdc in her lap vhich she marks with her finger (figure 103b), just as Victorine does. The Hertel editicxi of Ripa includes an accxnpanying quote: "Ihere is nothing required of greater effort than to reflect on What must be done; henœ, fate, net cxwncâJ., rules those vho do not reflect. ' 57 58 Ihus, Chemin de Per is a studÿ in contrasts and types. On the left, Victorine, mature, in dark czlothing, with free- flowing hair, is seated with her back to the world, in an introverted pose of silent refLccticn. On the riggit, a young g irl in white stands with u^>raised arms, Icxjking outward at the passing world. The memories and thoughts of the one are juxtaposed with the hcapes and dreams of the other. Like the two c^pposing transitional seasons of spring emd autumn, the fresh 245 quality of the young g irl with her life ahead of her is balanced by the nature and e:iqperlenced wcxnan beside her. The Croquet Rurty (figure 104) takes place in Alfred 59 Stevens' garden at 65 rue des ^hrtyrs. The nodels, reading from left to right, have been identified as Stevens, Victorine, Alice Leoouvè (one of Stevens' and ^bnet's nodels) and Paul Roudier®^ (one of bbnet's close firiends).®^ Victorine wears the sane d re ss a s she d id in Chemin de F er. Recent studies on croquet have demonstrated its inplications socially and sexually, yet a long-standing tradition exists in its name alone. The origins of croquet date to the sixteenth century. As paille-naille and later pêle-mele G2 (confusion), it was played by the nobility. Croquet's great era of popularity occurred between 1850 and the 1880's as a form of zifter dinner recreation, especially among American "high society." 63 Played on a lawn with six wickets, wooden mallets and balls, four colors designate the players. Red and yellow are one partnered team, and blue and black the other. In order of play, blue strikes first followed by red. '64 Victorine, standing near the black ball and holding its matching mallet is opposed to Alice Leoouve, who plays the red. It is difficult to tell which of the males partner the women here, a tendency perhaps indicative of the game's own title and love, too. 246 Hie firs t real croquet handbook, Routledge's Hfeuidbook of Croquet appeared in 1861, to be followed by Cbptain Mayne Reid's Croquet; A Treatise and Ccmnsntary of 1863. Reid warned against the 'coquettes' Whidi meet with 'croquettes* on the co u rt,a statem ent Which seems to have meeining h e re . N otw ithstanding such famous sites a s Pall Mall^^ and Wiittoledon, or even an appeeirance at the 1904 Olynpics,^ croquet came to acquire an unsavory reputation. It was asscxnated with garbling, drinking and philandering.®^ Wbmen, moreover, held an unfair cidvantage, as they cxxild surr epti Uious ly advance their colors under their long sk irts.^ Such outdoor pastimes are sacred to Venus as exenplified in Saenredam's seventeenth century Venus Presiding over love and Pleasure sifter the Gods of the Seven Planets by Goltzius (figure 105). At the feet of the statue of Venus and Cupid are amorous couples and two boys playing paille-naille. Hie changeable nature of Venus and love indicated in the game's older title tends to symbolize inconstancy, and a standard rule in croquet involves "sending" an adversary's ball out of play. As mentioned earlier, both Victorine and Alicze modeled for Manet and Stevens. Had one displaced the other in cxie or both of these artists' studios? VicAorine is believed to have r^vmed an old eisscxd.ation 'with Alfred Stevens at this time. Her address at 1 boulevard de 247 Clichy nearly adjoined Stevens' own property. 71 The Belgian painter had been more successful with the critics and public than Manet, and awarded the Grand Prize in the 1889 and 1890 expositicxis. 72 In additiœi he operated his own school of art, vMch was attended by women, one of whom was Sarah Bernhardt. 73 Stevens occupied several successive studios in Montmartre. 74 When his rue des Martyrs property was demolished to make vay for a new s tr e e t named fo r him in 1880, he moved to th e rue de Calais. 75 His last studio was at 17 avenue Trudaine, where he died in 1906 at age 78.^® If, as Ibbarant suggested, Victorine returned to her close nei^Tbor, Stevens, one is reminded of a similar situation in Zola's I'Oeuvre. Irma Beoot, at the h ei^ t of her success, lived within signalling distance or her old admirer Ehgerolles. 77 In addition, like Mary Laurent was once reported to have done for I^ e t, Irma sent a protector away in order to keep Lantier with her for the night. 78 Other parallels exist: îhgerolle's tamer realism was strongly indebted to Claude Lantier's more daring art, 79 and EhgeroUe's connections with a successful deeder, bbudet, recall Stevens' introduction of Manet's work to Durand- 80 Ruel. The Croquet Party is placed on Stevens' property, eind Manet is not one of the players, while two women associated with the wealthy painter Stevens appear on the court as opponents in a game traditionally associated with Venus and love. What takes 2 4 8 place on Stevens' property nay be more than a game's temporary rivalry, and the "territory" nay represent Stevens. Never theless, as witness of the game, bbnet is felt to be present, just as lantier in I'Oeuvre was present at EhgeroUes' fency home (the symbol of his great success as a recognized and celebrated painter) when Ima made "a play for" EbgeroUes. During the spring of 1873, Ifenet expressed his intention to p a in t The Masked B a ll a t th e Cpera (fig u re 106), vhich he 81 completed and sold to Jbure the fell of that year. Submitted to the salon of 1874, the painting was rejected. 82 Duret informs us that Manet used his feiends as his models, insisting that they eissvsne their normal postures in order to catch tlieir character- 83 istic habits and mannerisms. Therefore, portraits must be sought within the work. The cpera ball was an old custom, with the first of its kind dating to January, 1716. Tat-j»T- i t became traditional to represent the fancy dress mi-careme ball as February in illustrated calendars (figure 107).^ In 1821, the opéra trocpe ■book over the garden site of Choiseul hall œ the rue le Peletier 85 as its provisionary heme, making it the site of this ball. The only defech was considered to be the narrow street which fronted the building, while for the rest, the openings function well, the peristyle is vast and grandicose; it has gocxl access with an elegant passage which goes straight 249 to the center of the boulevard des Italiens, thus one can hardly leave the Cpéra without a ll of its spectators, habitues of the restaurants and boulevards, that^only exist at that special point in Paris.®” Ihe interior, seen in rtmet's painting, was carefully naintedned, restored if not remodeled every year, and the foyer was particularly admired with reason, as it offers a truly magnificent view, and forms a long gallery... one must not neglect to see, even if only once, the salle d'c^era enlivened at carnival with a masked ball. This strange and curious spectacle, so changed from its ordinaury days, can not fail to be of lively Intarast to the observer wanting to view at first hand the moeurs and allures of a certain cla^ [the demimonde] of the Eturisian population. Ihe mi-carane beill began at nddni^t on Saturday lasting until six in the nomlng of taetare Sunday. James Jackson Jarves reports that "costumes or dominoes and masks are required of women, but men can enter in plain [black tcçper and tails] clothes; the former are free, the latter pay two dollars for op admission." Ihe favorite women's costumes were "satin slippers, silk stockings to the knee, light satin or silk breeches, the legs of different colors, and the whole surmounted ca by a sort of semi-shirt or open chemise." Ihe females who attended were considered to be "lower class types but everyone knew that curious "proper" ladies attended clandestinely in domino etnd sat, protected by escorts, in boxes. 90 250 Ihose Who drifted about in the crowd, especially the "domino intriguants," extracted money and suppers offered ty men they mat.^^ Delvau reports that the opéra ball resounded with sweeuring and slsmg matdies, rounded off with suppers at the bbison d'Or: so mu(A the better for than if they're taken off by the hand of a Duchess \dx>'s broken off from the ooat of arms, or so much the worse if they've passed their arm around the waist of a.sinple figurant of the Ihéâtre Dejazetl The crowls were enormous and the event vas ar. annual spectacd.e: This nob of strange masks^ grotesques^ ridiculous madness ... turbulently intermixed under a thousand gets lamps, recoiling from one room to another with cries borrowed from the zoo .. .voluptuous music, replete with invitations ... worth its weight in gold for anyone w ith a good fo o t, a gocxl eye, gocxl teeth and stomach. The masked ball is « g- real pleasure, folly characterized best.... According to Delvau the "priestesses" of the fête were "sill of Venus." ttenet takes us to the last mi-caremeA ball at / 95 the rue le Peletier Opera on bhrch 20, 1873. IXiret places the scene in the promenade behind the boxes.The custom o f oostunes being worn only by the fatales had beocme a practical assurance, preventing women from compromising themselves with lovers, husbands or close friends. 97 251 A rtistic precedents for Manet's painting have included go de Leiris' cAoice of El Greco's Burial of Count Orgaz, Nodilin's suggestions of Bosio's early nineteenth century image. The Ball a t the Opera (figure 108) emd Core's lithograph Loups (figure 109) 99 eis well eis Isaacson's choice of Alhred Grevin's cover for the Petit Journal pour Rire in 1873 (figure llO ).^^ In addition several scholars have noted an entry in Edmond de Gonoourt's journals refunding Nbnet and this painting: ''Today I was in Manet's studio, looking at his painting of the Ball at the Opera, which is, so to speak, the set for the first act of Henriette tfarechal."^^^ Goncmurt's play with this title premiered e i^ t years prior to the bhnet, cm December 5, 1865, cheating a scandal, and Manet's painting was rejected from the Salem of 1874. Recently, Eric Darragon found stage set directions for Henriette Maréchal corroborating the importance of Gonoourt's play eis a sourco. 102 A visual record exists in Morin's sketch of the first act which was published in l 'Univers Illustrée in 1865, "Scene du bal rtasqué d'opera, Ihéâtre Français, Decamber 5, 1865" (figure 111), a source which is cguite close to î^net's painting visually. Ihis illustration has the similarly "provocative" use of the ^mgling legs at the upper railing noted by Nochlin in the Bosio print, Manet's Masked Ball at the Cpera and in his later Bar at the Bolies Ber^re. Indeed, one has cmly to cncp Morin's illustration alcmg the 252 railing to duplicate the interesting effect of dangling legs in the Mànet. Ihe Concourt play and ^bnet's painting, as Maur noted, enbody the wilder sp irit of the Second Ehçire mi- carême. Boime, ençhasizing the role the Rococo revival plays in nineteenth century realism, recognized the significance of masked balls as a tradition rooted in both popular culture and the fé^e- oalante. Both shared a preference for ootnedia dell'eurte and rococo dress.Couture, too, pointed such themes, producing seven works in which cxam^ia dell'arte costunes are worn between 1854 and 1870.^^ Of cxTurse, Vfeitteau treated such themes a century earlier in Sous un habit de Mezzetin, Les Ifabits Sont Italiens, which Msuriette stated r^>resented real people dressed in costune for a ball,^^^ and le Bal, in which the fete contained loft p o r tr a its . As Nochlin states, Manet's ball is "thoroucjhly modem" just as Watteau's was in his time, particadarized not only as to site, but also in terms of its participants, eus the MSnet ocxitains p o r tr a its lik e h is e a r lie r Musictue aux I td le r ie s and th e later Bar at the Polies Ber^are.^ ^ Mary of the males have been identified: the ocnposer Qiabrier, Manet's former classmate Riul Roudier, the banker Hscht, the painters (kiilladin and Andre, the wrdter Iheodore Duret, and Dtinet himself, whose signature appears cm a discarded program. 253 The vanen, however, have not been identified, although it is known that at this time Ptmet socialized with Alice Leoouve (Alfred Stevens' model). Marguerite de Oonflans, Nina de Cailias (Charles Cros' m istress), the actresses Jeamne Demarsy and Mary Laurent, and Victorine. In terms of their cos tunes, one finds a Oolunbine, two debardeuses, and several dominoes. 112 It may be Victorine Meurent vho appears in domino in the right foreground near the program with Manet’s signature whicii is at this figure's feet. Oomparison of Victorine's fece in Chemin de Fier amd this masked woman's (figures 112 and 113) shew the same line of foce and jaw, the same contours of the mouth with its slightly tumed-down comers, and the same red felnge of hadr on the biTOW. In addition, the debardeuse whose mask hais been removed in the le ft foreground appears to be Mery Laurent, whose roman nose and strong chin are almost unmistakable (oompare figures 114 emd 115). The garble of random partners concealed in the fenale's cloak of cxjstune was a nineteenth century custom a t the masked ball. According to Alfred Delvau: "La nuit du bal d'opera, tous 113 les coeurs sont gris, et tous les frimousses sont roses." Ror %ul Mahalin, an old axiom held true: "Le bal de l'opéra est une bourse où la fenme joue l'amour à la hausse et à la baisse. Nevertheless, aa the men wore no oostunes, it is apparent that 254 the masked ball permitted cxxçjlings to occur only on the basis of the "la^'s choice". In his array of its participants, Manet invites the spectator to enjoy this annual E^risian custom, adding another game o f dLacovery to i t s v e ile d r e a lity fo r th o se who knew how to penetrate the disguises of the women and to identify their f lir ta tio n s w ith men who may o r may not have recognized them. Tne discarded program on which his signature appears is provocatively placed next to what appear to be a fallen poppy and a marguerite beside Victorine Meurent, vho did not pose for Edouard. Ebnet again. Ihis figure of a "domino intrigant" does not seen to be partnered with anyone, in oontrast to the other women in the oonposition. In sizitnary, the Chemin de Per, The Ccoc[uet Psurty and The Masked Sail at tSu: Cy-cra tend to indicate that Victorine's life had altered. In the first painting of this series her mood is pensive and reflective, while in the second and third the changeable and fickle aspects of love and its games are emphasized. The opera ball as Manet's contemporaries, Delvau and Mohalin so cd.early en^hasized, ended seme associations and provided women with the freedom to exchange one heart for another, and a t this time Victorine's eisscxsiation with Manet ended. H X m O T S TO CHAPTER V II ^Rewald, 205 and 240. ^Dalx, 206. ^r&barant, 1947, 183, ftonet served under the popular and decorated artist. Meissonier for a time. ^Storeau-Nelaton, I, 121. ^A. Eanoel, "Les Musées, les arts, et les sirtistes pendant la Cbntrune," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, series 6, vol. UOŒX, January 1972, 50; tfanet 1983, 512-513. See also Wentworth, 80, at the capitulation of Ruris on January 28, 1871, emd as soon as the siege of the Prussians was lifted, the wealthy fled Ruds, leaving the Icwer classes to meet the Germans. ^Letter from Victorine Meurent to Suzanne Bbnet, August 1, 1883, in Tbharant, 1947, 488-489. ^labarant, 1947, 221-222; Schneider, 27; Earwell, Nude, 160; Reff, tenet and Madem feris, 56; Eaix 179. ^lahazant, "Le Pin Douloureuse de celle qui fut l'Olyspia," l'Oeuvre, July lO, 1932; Wheeler, 42-43; Jedlicka, 78-79, once believed that this trip took place in the late 1870's with Victorine returning to Planoe in 1883, after teuiet had died. Thbarant altered his view on this in 1947, and modem scholars have adopted it as well. ®Goedorp, March 10-25, 7. 255 256 ^°Rewald, 267. ^Ventaærüi, 65-66. Richard J. Vfettenrnaker, Puvis de Chavannes and the tfodem Tradition, ejôiibition catalogne» Ctitario Art Gallery» 1975» 60» no. 15» th e nude Ifape i s new in th e lo u v re. The clothed Hope is in the Walters Art Gallery. ^^Goedorp» Itir. 15-25» 7» cd.ting Joyant» btiurice» Henri de Ttoulouse-Iautrec; Peintre» 1926. ^^Ph ilippe Burty» "Les Ateliers» " la Renaissance littéraire et a rtistiq u e » I , 1872» 220-221. ^^Manet 1983» 340-342» entry ty Françoise Gichin» Ehure loaned it to Manet the Salon exhibition. ^^toreau-Nelatoo» II» 10-11. ^^ ia n e t 1983» n o s. 133 and 138» Chemin de P er and The Masked Ball at the Op6a. ^^Ibid» nos. 93 and 33» the Eifer and Mile. V. en Oostune d*Espada from Durand-Ruel; no. 32» tdie Chanteuse des Rues from the Haschede Sale in 1878» and no. 62» the Déjeuner sur~T‘Herbe in 1878 from btmet. ^^Ibid» 67 and 236. IQ Ibid» no. 118 and 513. See eüLso 537-538» the najor sales of Ihure's painting collection were to Durand-Ruel from 1890 onward» with the largest S2d.es in Ehris» London and Berlin in 1906. ^ i m e » 475. ^^Laix» 253» ffenet was found to be as "intransigent" as the Inpressicnists in this regard. 257 22 Stuckey, 167, Bertall, on a v isit to ^bnet's studio in 1876, noted that opaqueing and dullness had affected the Olytqpia over tim e. 23 Benezit, vol. V; George C. Williamson, Bryan's Dictionary of Riinters and Ehgravere, London, 1904, vol. III. Hirsh had been a student of Meissonier and Bonnat, his Salon debut vas in 1869. ^^buret, 76-77; Rouart and Wildenstein, I, 176; Moreau-Nelatcn, II, 11-12; Ibbarant, 1947, 222; Bool and Qrienti, 102, no. 180. ^^Proust, 1897, 179. ^^Ibbarant, 1947, 222; Rouart and Wildenstein, I, 176; Hamilton, 176; Moreau-Nelatcn, II, 11-12 identiJfy cnly Victorine; Reff, Manet and Modem teris, 56, gives the g irl's name as Suzanne. 27 Moreau-Nèlaton, H , 11-12: "Les visiteurs du Salon de 1874 y reoontxaient sa personne, que très peu trouvaillent de leur gout... mauvais ocnpliments daaxhês è 1'heroine pour son physique d%xourvu d'attirance, et la querelle decnainée ^ cause du choix de scxi modèle... " ^®Duret, 1937, 76-77. 29 A. Bellony and J. Rewald, The Lost World of the Inpressionists, London, 1976, 191-193. ^Dool and Qrienti, 102, no. 180. olfiurty, 1872, 220. ^^Taharant, 1947, 222. ^\ipton, "Radicalized...," 52. 258 ^ I b id , 52. 35 Interview with Professor btiry Millican, Ihshion Historian, Ohio State University, July 7, 1982. ^^Zola, la Bete Humaine, translator Isoneird lanoock, Middlesex, 1977, 68, "a classy woman, a real lady who alvays wore a hat." 37Culp^çer, 51: this flower was under the sign of Cancer and the dominion of Venus. The wild daisy was an herb used for wounds of both the inward and outward kind. Freeman, 132, in medieval times the daisy was believed to cure "Devil's love" an excessive love which stems from melancholy and leads to infidelity. 38Gubematis, II, 220, the Italians exceed the standard request of ‘loves me, loves me not?' wondering 'w ill I live, or not?' leneveux, 216. When a lady was uncertain over whether to accqpt a kni^it, she wore marguerites on her brow as a sign that she would think on it; Bertram, 7; Oortanbert, 205, "^brguerite des près." See also Adolfh Adam and Hyppolyte Lucsis, la Bouquetière, opéra-comique, 1847, 4, "j'a i la marguerite, dite, l'oracle des chaitps." Ihis play was brought to my attention by Glenn Roulette. Baris, salons, 1850, 42, nos. 254 and 255. See also Salon of 1857, 72, Cbuder, Alexander, student of Gros, no. 163, la Marguerite efeuillee and 167, Hofer, Henry, student of couture, no. 1364, Ihe Fenroe efeuillant une fbrgue^te. ^Grandville, "daisy." ^^Tjeneveux, 217, the grande marguerite; de Neuville, 178, 'Marguerite, fleur de tristesse. Je t'aime mieux qu'un autre fleur; De ma jeune blanche maitresse ne m 'offres-tu pas la candeur? L'aureole qui te couronne attire et repose les yeux. Le doux éclat qui t'environne est l'aimant d'un coeur mahheureusel ' 42Greenaway, 15, Michaelmas Daisy. 259 43Elisabeth Kent, 120, B eilis, Synqenesia Pplyqamia Superflua. In Chauoer, Oieen Alceste sacrificed her own life for her husband's and returned as a Daisy. Love himself introduces her crcwnfid with daisies in thr Prologue to the Legend of Good Wbmen. Shakespeare, Hamlet, act IV, scene 3, lines 168 and fol.î Oghelia with her garlands at the water's edge, crow- flowers (buttercups), nettles, daisies and long-purplea called dead men's fingers. See also Vfood, Christopher, The Pre- Raphaelites, Nev York, 1981, 145, John William Waterhouse, Opnelia, "vath poppies and daisies in her hair and the folds of h e r gown. "^Gubematis, II, 283-285. 45Oortanhert, 201; Greenaway, "poppy, red;" Bertram, 16; de Neuville, 97. ^^Pomey, 130. ^^Leneveux, 81. See also Kent, 295, V irgil's Georgies: poppies offered to Orpheus in funeral rites. "^de Neuville, 139. ^^Zola, The S in of gather Mauret, 132. 50 r^zoduced in A. cailen, "ïhure and (bnet, " Gazette des Beaux- Arts, series six, bbrdi 1974, 164. ^^raure owned th e Chemin de P er, th e Masked B all a t th e Opera, th e Fifer, Mile. V. en Oostmie d'Espada, the Chanteuse des Rues and Déjeuner sur l'Herbe in 1878. ^^Por exanple, fans appear in Miisigue aux Tuileries, 1860; Jeanne Duval, lo la de Valence, Ifijung Vfanan R eclining in Spanish Oostume, 1862; Angelina, 1865; Le Balcon, 1868; Le Repos, 1869; Berthe Morisot with a ran. Les Violettes, 1872; Chemin de Fer, 260 M^ked Ball at the CJpera, 1873; Nina de C^llias, Berthe Marisot with a Ehn, 1874; Sultana, 1876? la Kurisienne: Ellen Andrée, 1875?, Ellen Andrée in C^unnen, 1878-80; Countess "Iza" Albsizzi, 1881. ^^iriklenann, de 1*Allégorie, 129. ^Daix, 191. 55 Ripa, Boudzund edition, no. 165. ^®Ripa, Richardson e d itio n . I , 11-12, Autumn and Septeniaer. 57 Ripa, Hertel edition, no. 186. ^®Daix, 241. Moreau-Nelaton, II, 3; Rouart and Vtiidenstein, I, 178; E rnst H olzinger and ftm s Joachim Zîiemke, Die Genalde des 19. Jahrhunderts, Stadelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfort, 1972, 210- 211; Peter Mitchell, Alfred Qnile Leopold Stevens, London, 1973, 26. ^^^Taharant, 1947, 223; Pool and Orienti, 102, no. 181; Moreau- Nelaton, II, 3; Rouart and Wildenstein, I, 178; Holzinger and Ziemke, 210. ^^Proust, 1897, 169. Roudier C3onsoled bhnet after the nodel Alexandre, the model for 1‘Ehfant aux Cerises hanged himself in the studio in 1859. He attended the Ihursday evenings at the Manet's as well and met with the grocç» at the cafe Guerbois. Grand Dictionnaire Universel, V, 586; James Charleton and W illiam Thonpson, Ccocjuet; The Conplete Guide to History, Strategy, Rules and Records, Nw York, 1977, 15, dates paille- naille to the fourteenth century. 261 ^^Qiarletoo and Tnampson, 15 zmd 18. ^ I b id , 17 and 35-36. 17-18 and figure on 18, TTie Cmgnet. Oieen. ^^Grand Dictionnaire Universel, V, 586; Charleton emd Ihcrpson, 15; Patricia Ward Bierderitin, "Of Pbllets and ftilice, " Atlanta n&fkly Magazine, April 1, 1984, 10-11. ^^Bierdeninan, 10. ®®Ibid, 11 . ^^Charleton and Thcnpscn, 19. ^^^erdernan, 11. ^^%harant, 1947, 221; Blancâie, 24; Ehrwell, Nude, 160. ^^Benezit, IX, 826. 73 Peter Risoo and H. W. Jansen, The Ratantica to Itodin, eriuM tion catalogue, Los Angeles, 1984, 141-142; Peter, Rene, Le Th^tre et la Vie sous le Troisième Republique, Kiris, 1947, II, 131-132. 74 Coles, XV; JuUien, Montrartre, 38, on the rue de lavel, rue Victor ^bsse, rue des Martyrs, and avenue Trudaine. ^^Ooles, xxxiii; H illiaret, II, 576, the area of his old property is still called the rue Alfred Stevens. ’^ lliaret, II, 576. 2 6 2 77 Zola, The Masterpiece, 253-255; Les Rougon-Maoguart, vol. IV, 271. 78 ^ Zola, Les Rougon-Maoguart, vol. IV, 250. The tale of Mery Laurent, Doctor Evans and Manet appeeurs in George Moore's Memoirs o f My Dead L ife , New York, 1906, 59 7 9 Zola, Hie rfasterpiece, 187-188, Lantier's au Plein Air and 289-290, Ehgnrolle's Picnic. ^Ibid, 187-188; Mitchell, 24. ^^Manet 1983, 350 and 352, entry ty Françoise CStchin, purchased by Eciure CXI November 18, 1873. ®^NOchlin, A rt in America, 188. '^Duret, 109. Moleri emd O. Oomet tan t, Almanach Musical pcur 1860, Ebiris, 1860. ^^Guide dans les Théâtres, 1855, 32, the surchitect was Debret. ®^Ibid, 32. ®^Ibid, 34. 88James Jackson Jarves, Parisian Sights and French Principles, New York, 1852, 178. 8 9 Ibid, 180-181, Jarves is describing the debardeuse (stevedore costune). 2 6 3 QO ^ ^ Ibid, 183. See edao Zola, la Corée, Renee attends in dcndnu emd tfana, the seoond act in the "Blonde Vemjn" is a Shrove Tuesday Chmival at the Boule Noire. ^4bid, 183. ^^Delvau, Les Plaisirs de Paris, 1867, 210-212. ^^Ibid, 212. 94 ^Ibid, 212. ^^ianet 1983, 349, Chchin entry and Reff, Manet and Modem Ruris, 122, the structure burned in October. ^Suret, 1902, 88, cited in bbnet 1983, 350. ^^Alain Ehure, Ruris cargne-Prdftent du Chmival à I^ris au xixe Siècle 1800-1914, Ruris, 1978, 76. After 1830, wanen had to be nBsked in order to gain entry. go de Leiris, Arts Magazine 1980, 95-96 and 99. 99 Linda Nochlin, "A Thoroughly Modem bhsked Ball, " Art in America, November, 1983, 189-190. ^^Joel Isaacson, "Dtpressionism and Journalistic Illustration, " Arts Magazine, vol. 56, June 1982, 103. ^^■^ainond de Gonoourt, Jo u rn a ls, Nov. 20, 1873, a ls o c ite d in Karin V. tour, "Edmond de Gonoourt et les A rtistes de la Fin de XIXe Siecle," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, series 6, LXXII, Novenber 1968, 210; Eric Darragon, "Le Bal de l'Qoera espace et realitie post-rcnanesque chez Manet," l 'Avant-Garde sur l'A rt, III, cited in Nochlin, 196 and Cachin, 3 5 o , no. 6. 2 6 4 as cited in C&chin and Nochlin. ^^^Nochlin, Art in America, 196-198. Gazette des Beaux-Arts > 226. Other theatrical treat ments include Meilhac and Balévy’s, la Mi-Cai^ne, lisjbed in Henry Buguet, Foyers et Ooulisses, Ruris, Les Vhriétes, 1874 seasŒi, 103. ^°^Boime, 295-300 and 305. ^^ Ib id ,293 and 165, Victor Hugo opened his Lucretia Borgia with a itEuSced ball, v*iich for Parisians "automatically conjured up orgiastic imagery." An exanple of such an attitude appears in Albert Vfolff's bèioires du Boulevard, Ruris, 1866, 39-44. ^^^Bosner, Antoine Whtteau, 256, and 208. ^^ I b id , 203 and 141. ^^Nochlin, Art in America, 190. ^^^EXaret, 110-111; Ih b ara n t, 231; B azire, 139; de L e iris , 98; Chchin, 350; Reff, tenet and Modem feris, 122; Nochlin, Art in America, 193 and 195; Daix, 165. It should be noted that Nochlin and Chchin fe lt that althougla Duret assures us that tenet deliberately included portraits, to their eyes "In evening dress, one bearded man tends to lock rather like another." ^^^Nochlin, Art in America, 189. 112 ±ÉèÉ' 189. ^^^Delvau, Les Plaisirs de Ihris, 211. 265 ^Mahalin, Au Bal Absque, E^irls, 1868, 11 and 71, in addition to actresses acte found the women of the Prado and Bullier dance halls like "the trinity" of Henriette Zouzou, Ima Chnot, and Louise Voyageur. CHAPTER VIII CjBORŒ: MOORE, VICnORINE AND IHE PELliEGRIN PROBLEM On Màr(±i 13, 1873, th e Irish itan Càeorge Maore had h is first passport issued for travel to laris.^ He resided at the Hotel du CXiai Voltaire and enrolled himself as a student of Alexandre Gabanel in preparation for entry to the Ecole des Beaux- Arts. later he moved to the I^tel de Russie and attended the 2 académie Julian. In th e sp rin g o f 1874 Moore l e f t P a ris fo r Londcxi smd Ireland, returning during the fell of 1875, and residing in the 3 Passage des fenoramas. IXiring the sim er of 1876, he traveled to Boulogne and decided to abandcn painting for literature. his return to Paris in September, he moved to the rue de la Tour 4 des Dames, retu rn in g to London in th e summer o f 1877. By 1879, Moore had ccme back to Paris at whidi time he met Manet, either at the Rat Mort café or at the cafe Nouvelle Athènes, vAiidi Manet had begun to frequent during the early 2 6 6 267 5 seventies. After 1880, Moore made only brief visits to Paris, visiting Emile Zola at Medan twice, in 1882 and 1888.^ Moore claim ed th a t Bernard Lopez, "an o ld d ra ita tic author, " took him to the Rat Mort cafe in Montmartre, introduced him to V illiers de I'Isle Adam, who introduced him to Stsçhsn rfellarme, who in his tmm took Mooro to the Nouvelle Athènes introducing him to Manet.^ Bernard Lopez collaborat^ed with Rochefort on Les Pages et les Boissemls, the play whidi had appeared at the Iheature des Nouveauté in October, 1867, with a Q "Victorine" in i-ts cast. O airville and Lopez re-wrote Roger Bontiemps for tfartinet's Eantaisies-Parisiennes in March, 1868, in which a "Victorine" debuted as Babet.^ The Rat Mort Café, where Moore claim ed Lopez esco rted him to meet the avant-garde, appears frequently in his memoirs. It was truly extraordinary. Located beside the cafe Nouvelle Athènes at 7 Place Pigalle, it had a picture of a dead rat painted on the ceiling,innprtalized there for disturbing a pair of lovers in a private enclosure.Ihe cafe's colorful patrons included "Fleur de Pipe, " who had inspired Balzac, and another wanan vho claimed to have been a mistress to Baudelaire. In the 1860's the Rat Mort was described as: neither luxurious nor comfortable... aindable hetaires go there and ornament it. On any evening one could find a dozen 268 or so smoking cigarettes, playing 'ndstran, ' lovers of pleasure seeking men of spirit, who permit thenselves the luxury of loving ’pour le vrai. ' In 1871, it was a radical center associated with the Oonmunards. Its greatest v o g u e occurred around 1880. Daniel Halevy, in his introduction to the French edition of (txsre's Menoirs of My Dead Life (1922), claimed that Moore first met Manet here, joining a table where the painter sat with lopez, V illiers de I'Isle Adam, CStulle Mendes and two filles. The patrons of the Rat Mort included Degas, Pissarro, Manet, CSrrier- Belleuse, Cabaner, Goeneutte, Cezanne, and Paul Alexis: "En g&ieral, la bande des modernistes."^^ Five-fifteen v r i s i t s absinthe hour, but Manet's groqp, vhich succeeded Courbet's there, held discussions at eight o'clock . O n e o f i t s 17 best-known patrons was Maroellin Desboutin, whose portrait Manet painted in 1875. Eccentrics came there, like "Bouffe de Montmartre," a local fat fool surrounded by his band of "parasites." At m idni^t, customers from the neeu±y bal Elys^ Montmartre m i^t be seen fittin g on the Rat Mort's terrace or at the basin of the 18 Place Pigalle frcxiting it! By the 1890's the Rat Mort had beoome a "notorious lesbian center" and was frequented by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec. Alfred Stevens, old, white-haired and reduced to modest means, ate its price-fixe meals. By 1900, it 269 had beocme a meeting place for the illustrators of le Courrier Français; Jules Qiéret, Jean-Louis Rarain, Théophile Steinlein and Louis Anquetin. 19 Moore claimed that Victorine came to the Rat Mort, to o .^ And art historians have believed Moore's descriptions of Victorine's "descent into oblivion," which appears in t-tocre's short story, "The Death of btirie Pellegrin." This tale was published several times with inportant revisions between 1890 and 1906. Moore's memoirs, in which the Pellegrin's story is told, describe an old and broken-down Victorine dependent on another deminondaine for her living. It was plagiarized from Paul Alexis' "La Fin de Lucie Pellegrin" of 1875, 1880, and 1888. Furthemore, Moore's account is both fictional and, the credibility of both Moore ai3d liis story nusL be re-examined in an effort to discover how much is imagined, hearsay, gossip, and how mucdi can be believed as a proper witness acxxxont. Scholars b e lie v e th a t George Moore and Edouard Manet did not meet until the spring of 1879. 21 Nevertheless, Moore's description of Victorine, eis we shall see, should be from the spring of 1874, a period when he nay have already returned to Ebgland, and, a period which smtedates his introducrticxi to Minet. Moore was perceived by the Frenchmen at the Nouvelle \ 22 Athenes as a "figure of fun," self-oonscnous and vain. Moore, OR several cxxasions, modeled for ^fanet, who became exasperated 270 with his sitter over a pastel portrait (figure 116) Which Moore pestered him to alter acoording to his own narcissistic needs. The Irishman's insistance on changes in it caused Manet to ask Proust: "'Est-ce que ma faute à moi si Moore a l'a ir d'une jaune d'oeuf écrase et si sa binette n'est pas ensemble?' The portrait was later referred to as " 'the drowned man taken out of th e w ater. The naive Moore had come to Paris as "an impressionable pilgrim" to leam about art, wanen and life. He subsequently claimed himself a graduate of the Nouvelle Athenes whcm the greatest artists and literary men of the epoch had served as 25 professors. However, the effech he had on them was not that of a pet student and certainly not that of an ecjual. Duret described Moore as & ^ish: a romantic idler who desperately 26 wished to appear sophisticated. Admiring Menet's effect on women, Moore visited his studio hoping to meet the famous women who were said to have visited there, especially the actress Mery 27 Laurent. Desiring to beoome a Naturalist literary figure, he was not above theft. The tale of the Pellegrin's death was originally published by Paul Alexis as "Etude I^risienne" in Reveil 28 littéraire et surtisticpie, November 20 and 27, 1875. When the story was published again in 1880 by Charpentier, Alexis prefaced 271 th e s to ry w ith a d escrip ticx i o f how he had ootne v^)on i t , r e - titling the piece La Ein de Lucie Pellegrin. In his prefece, Alexis claimsd that at the beginning of his litereiry career, he took his meals in a low restaurant on the rue Germain Pilon, a restaurant which disappeared before he published "Etude Eferisienne." Eighteen months after hearing the story of Lucie Pellegrin's death there, he published it in "une feuille de chou 29 littéraire" (a literary rag). This preface permits us to place the site in which Alexis first heard this tale and, the date of the character's death. May or June of 1874, a period vhen George Moore may n ot even have been in P ra n c e .^ In A le x is' work, th e Pellegrin's cxxipanicxi is "Chochotte, "that horror, " a lesbian transvestite, a type that Moore duplicated but did not name at a ll in his first versicxi of the &cui«s sLory in 1890. I f Moore d id n o t know o f th e f i r s t p u b lic a tio n d a te o f Alexis' (1875), or the Charpentier edition of 1880, he had to have been aware of its theatrical début on June 15, 1888 at the Theatre Libre, which caused a " 'grrrrand scandal.Alexis, at the time he was involved in this play's rehearsals, had been commanded by Zola to d e liv e r Moore to Medan, where th e g re a t Ikturalist author sœlded Moore for the untruths and exagger ations which appeEured in h is Confessions o f a Young bbn; Zola a n g rily to ld Moore: "You c a ll th e se cxxifessions, eind whoever does 34 that means he is going to te ll the truth." 272 Moore's first Pellegrin story appeared as one of a series o f "Notes and Sensations" in a magazine c a lle d The Ifavik: a S hart Maqaizine for Shart People (1890). It was edited by Moore's younger brother Augustus. This version had no Victorine. Instead tferle, not Lucie as Alexis had called her, Pellegrin's unnamed ccmpanion was a d u p lic a te o f A lexis ' tr a n s v e s tite ChodxDtte, vhcm Moore described a s ... a short bloated little creature, thick set in fat, and dressed in a nan's clothes .... the horrible creature ["that horror" in Alexis] in the round jacket sat in a green euonchair, her leg tucked under her, smoking a cd.garette. In The Havk's version Moore claims to have met the Pellegrin êuid her friends throuÿi "a vague acquaintance" from the académie Julian, which he frequently mis-spells as "Jullien." In th e 1904 v ersio n published in L ip p in o o tt's Magzudne in Philadelphia and Dana in Ehgland, the story is one of his "Moods and Memories" and he is introducsed to the Pellegrin by a painter friend he calls Octave Barr^, a name later changed to Barre and then Briot.^^ More impo r ta n tly , in th e 1904 "Moods and Memories", th e "Chochotte type" used earlier, is no Icnger "bloated" and "thick with fat," but thin, and known as "la Glue" [sic], identified as the Victorine who had posed for Memet's Olympia. She is dressed in a grey shapeless frock wearing no corset. 37 By this time, the 273 short piece from The Hawk had been heavily revised, enbroidered and expanded. But, never in any of these versions did Moore credit Alexis or his Lucie Pellegrin, thereby purporting the story to be original, entirely his own. By 1906, something appears to have happened. Moore began an attenpt to eaçjiain himself as the seccxid author of the Pellegrin's tale. And, in the London Heineman edition and the New York Appleton edition of Moore's stories. Memoirs of My Dead life , "The Ehd of Marie Pellegrin" is given a title much closer to Alexis' of 1880. Robert J. Neiss, oonpeuring Alexis' 1880 version to Moore's 1906 version, \iAiich he believed was Moore's earliest, noted nany close parallels, stating: Moore was ev id en tly conscious th a t such sim ilarities m i^t someday bring a charge of plagiarism against him, for he adds this passage [to a short story called "La Butte"] 'I'hrie Pellegrin is really a part of iry own story, so why should I have any scaaple about telling it? Merely because ny friend had written i t from memory? Whereas I was her friend and watched by her death-bed. Am I not her natural historian? Will not everybody acc^t ny title,to her as valid, and aoguit me of plagiarism?' Perhaps scmecxie had ca'ught up w ith Moore, 'h a rg in g him directly, or, possibly notifying his publishers of the sim ilarity. As noted, prior to 1906, no mention of aiy other acxxxmt appeared in Moore's works. Suddenly, however, in 1906 2 7 4 Moore re-writes another story, "la Butte," in order to attenpt to call the Pellegrin his own. "la Butte" had appeared earlier in a different form and under other titles just as the Pellegrin story had. First appearing as one of Moore's "Notes and Sensations" in Ihe Ifawk on Septentoer 15, 1890, i t was later revised as one of the "Moods and Memories" in Lippincott ' s and Dana in 1904. In these printings it had preceded rather than followed the Pellegrin story, as it has in Memoirs of My Dead Life. The earliest version, one of Moore's "Notes and Sensations," related an attenpted visit to a feiend "of fifteen years" named Paul. Moore informs us that "three out of four plays vAiich he [%ul] wrote for the Th^tre Libre were quite exquisite, seme of his short stories cire remarkable, and he has a novel en carton." Moore claims that he and Paul "used to meet every niÿit at the cafe" and then "go to the Elysée Montmartre together" and that Ehul is his closest friend: "there is no one that I know better than Paul." He claims to understand Paul's mind completely, even to know every book that Paul ever read. Nevertheless, Paul's last name is not mentioned in the story and Paul is not at hems. Moore p>ersuades the maid to let him rest a bit in the study and then departs. In this first version, none of Paul's works are directly named, nor his plays, the most famous of which was Le Fin de Lucne Pellegrin 39 275 Revised and re-appearing as a "Moods and Memories" in Lippinoott's and Dana in 1904, this story continues to avoid mentioning Paul's last name, emd even omits mentioning Etui's plays at the Iheatre Libre, his stories and his books. Rither, one is led to believe that Paul merely reviews the books of other w rite rs . In 1906, tliis story is revised txioe more and given its final title, "la Butte." Paul, whom Moore never refers to as Riul Alexis, is also never home. Moore again gains access to the study, but now adds a conversaticxi whicii the two authors ostensibly had about their Pellegrins. At last Moore admits that he was not the first to write about her. In t h is 1906 version Moore a ls o provides h im self w ith Alexis' blessing. Alexis had been dead since July, 1901, tout Moore was planning to publish his Pellegrin story again, and in France, in La Revue Bleue where it appeared on August 17, 40 1907. Alexis' work Wcis too w ell known in France fo r Moore's not to be questioned. Therefore, in his 1906 "la Butte," in Memoirs o f My Dead L ife one fin d s: Here are his own books: The Ehd of Lucie Pellegrin, the story that I have just finished writing. I think I must e:q>Iain how it was that I have cone to ro-w'izc of Etui's stories, the best he ever wrote. I remember cisking him why he called her lude, and he was surprised to hear her name was Murie; he never knew her, he had never been to Alphonsine's, (the restaurant vhich Moore sa id she frequented) and he had to ld 2 7 6 the story as he had picked it from the vonen Who turned into the %it Mort at tiddni^t for a soupe à l'oignon. He said it was a pity he did not know me When he vas writing it, for I oould have told him her story more sympathetically than the vcmen in the %it Mort.... Of course, A lexis ns'/er claimed to have heard Sues', a story at the Rat Mort, a very well-known place, but in an unnamed, obscure restaurant on the rue Germain Pilcxi Whicâi had closed before his 1875 printing. Ror all we know, Moore nay have thought that the woman died in 1879, or ei^teen months before the 1880 Charpentier edition, a spring When Moore himself had been in B aris. Nevertheless, anticipating the French translation of his story, Moore attenpted by revising "la Butte" to defend and acquit himself beforehand of any charge of plagiarism. La Revue Bleue, too, attenpted to ejç>lain itself. The nagazine's translator, Firmin Roz, pre&oed Moore's story with the statement that Riul Alexis had published on the same woman's life emd death in 1880, but that, "in the interest of literary ocnparison" euid because Moore claim ed to have known th e wonan, l a Revue Bleue was publishing his story. This time the artist making the intro ductions is Octave Briot, and "Glu" is correctly spelled. Once agarn, "la Glu" is said to be Victorine. Robert J. Neiss avoided calling Moore a oonplete literary thief in 1947 in spite of What he noted as his "only too clear 2 7 7 source." 4 3 But Moore did, in fact, steal Alexis* story. The ocxitrived re-writings and preposterous attempts at satisfactory e:glanations in 1906 combined with Moore's ficticxialized treatment of real people for his own self-service is exasperating, especially when it has been accepted as historic fact by art historians for nearly a century. Moore h as lie d and h is l i e has m isled u s. Zola was justifiably enervated with him for his not very true . 44 "confessions" in the Revue Independents of 5by 8, 1888. In 1945 Douglas Oooper s ta te d th a t Moore "was never given to 45 accuracy." Blanche claimed that Moore asked him for notes in order to write about E^isian art: "he simply had no ideas and opinions of his own." 46 Moore's own brother, Pburice, admitted that certain material in his memoirs was "quite fictitious. Noel even found problems with Moore's claimed Ebrisian addresses.^ E&ewald smd Cooper found him generally unreliable in Manet matters. 49 He obviously inflated mere acquaintance into 50 close friendship. By 1889, he held alienated Zola, Gonoourt, Mendss, Degas^^ euvi ultim ately Yeats, James, Conrad, W histler, his brother Eburioe and a cousin, Edwin ^hrty^.^^ Daniel Ihl^/y, in his prefece to the 1922 Cahiers Verts Grassett edition, Maipires de na Vie Morte, accurately described it as "a book of 53 fantasy." Moore's details, as Susan Dick politely noted, "break with fact. 278 Ihese departures from the truth mist be taken into greater account by a r t historians. Chn one ignore the evolution in his short stories sis a defense against plagisirism? Can one believe that Alexis, who provided Zola with infonration used to create the vicious debauchee, Satin, for ttema, would not have knorvn about a place like "Alphonsine's"? Even the soubriquet "la Glu" wsts lifted from the work of smother habitué of the to t Mort sind the Nouvelle Athlnes. Jean Rithepin published his la Glu in 1881.^^ The term did not acme into popular use until 1883 with la Glu's production as a play, nearly ten years after the Pellegrin, if she ever really existed in feet, had died.^^ Indeed, one must accept the fact that naturalist n o v e lists were known n o t to have used r e a l p e c ^ le 's names iii their literary vorks, choosing instead to write a clef. Thus, it is most probable that the Pellegrin's name, if a reed, person was the basis for the character, wsis not ever Pellegrin at all. ^^çarently, Moore desperately wished his readers to believe that he knew the most famous and naughty female celebrities in ferls - Julia Baron, Leonide Leblanc, Cora Pearl, and Blanche d'Antigny. Ihat wish even led him to claim that Blanche d'Antigny spoke to him on his return to France, an impossible feat, in 197S.^ That famous courtesan had been dead for_ a year. 59 279 Moore, a lesser talent sumouncled by Baris' geniuses, wanted to be thought of as an intisate to Zola, Manet and a msnber of E ^is' avant-garde. To achieve these egotistical and undeserved ends, Moore became both lia r and thief. Adolphs Tabarant, Manet's most meticulous biographer wsis the first to provide scholars with specific and accurate information about Victorine Meurent. Believing Moore's 1922 Manoires de ma Vie Morte to be Actual, Ihbarant linked Moore's account to a painting by Norbert Goeneutte dated 1890, Olynpe déchue, concluding that Victorine came to a sad end late in the nine teenth-century. Kiowing what Moore was, we need not come to the same conclusion, therefore, information based on Moore must be corraborated by other more reliable sources. At this time, only one item in Moore's description of Victorine can be verified as accurate to the 1870's: she had beocme an eirtist herself. This has been reported by Tabarant and can be confirmed in the Salon liv r e ts . Tabarant states that Victorine transformed her apartment at 1 boulevard de Clichy into a studio, took lessors at "some academy" and received advice from the genre painter Etienne 60 Leroy, who lived on the rue Turgot. The cadastre for 1 boulevard de Clichy indicates that the property abutted the cne next to Stevens' on the rue des Martyrs. A Charles Auguste wallet owned the boulevard de Clichy property, which was three 280 stories tall with a sous oomble (garret) under the roof. Goedorp disoovered that Victorine lived in a t:\io-room flat on its third floor in 1873, moving to a better location on the same floor in 1876 at the modest rent of 280 firancs per year.®^ MSnet's sutndssions to the Salon of 1876, laundry and The A rtist, a portrait of bfeuroellin Desboutin, were rejected and 63 subsequently shown in his studio with other works. One of Victorine's paintings, a Self-Portrait, was accepted at the 1876 Salon. In the livret, she is not listed as ai^one's student.^ In 1879, listed as a "student of E. Leroy," Victorine ejdiibited Po’trqgoisq de Nurenberg au XVI S i^le at the Salon with 21 rue Brëda as her address. Norbert Goeneutte, (1854-1894), a friend of Renoir's who appeared in la Moulin de la Galette (1876), and v/as a habitue of the Nouvelle Athaies, rented an atelier in the building at 21 rue Breda where Victorine lived, btiroellin Desboutin supposedly stayed there as well.^^ Both would have known Victorine as the model for fbnet's paintings, and âxxn the Nouvelle Athènes. The Nouvelle Athènes group in the 1870's included Manet, Claude Monet, Auguste Renoir, Camille Pissarro, Ihntin-Latour, Alfred Stevens, Edgar Degas, Federico Zandomeneÿii, Jean-François Raffaelli, Jean-Louis Forain, teroellin Desboutin emd Victorine Meurent, seen smoking cigars Euid even a pipe, eis well as Edmond Duranty, Armand Silvestre, V illiers de I'Isle Adam, Paul Alexis 281 and Jean Richepin.^^ Riilippe Jullien includes three other women as a part of the Nouvelle Athenes crowd: Suzanne V^ladcxi, Irma Brunner and Mina de C a illa s . Tabarant states that Victorine began to avoid the Nouvelle Athènes around 1879, vAien her amorous adventures became a topic of gossip there.Jacques Goedorp informs us that according to Georges Riviere, another friend and itodel who appears in Renoir's la Moulin de la (Alette, she was known as "la Crevette, a slang term for the prostitutes of the rue Breda, and the mistresses of the "petits creves."^^ On the boulevard Rochechouart nearby, a popular thorough- fare for prostitutes, 73 one found the Boule Noire at nuntoer 120, . 74 a restaurant and bal popular with the aitire Breda quarter, and the Elysée Mmitnartre at number 72, one of the most celebrated danoe-halls in Baris.The early stars at the Elysée Montmartre included Celeste Mbgador, Rigolbodie, v^iose oonpanion was a "Victorine, " Rose Bzrpon and Cdrabinc. More extravagant and sordid, more dangerous than some places, the Elysée Montmartre continued to draw crowds until the opening of the Moulin Rouge on 76 the boulevard de Clichy in October of 1889. During the heic^it of its &me, the Elysée Montmartre had as its regular customers a mixed bag of writers, clerks, artists, men too handsome to do anything, elderly libertines. The women are kept or looiking to beoome kqpt, gigolettes and their 282 gigolos, the droll, or note or less droll, sellers of love, and seme Siamese [lesbians] Baudelaire speaks of in Les Fleurs du Mal. Hie "Siamese” also frequented la Souris at 29 rue Breda, one of several sites suggested as a source for Laure's in Nana. Zola himself visited la Souris in 1880, and Ttoulouse-Iautroc became a Aricnd of its prcprietor, Mte. Balmyre. 78 Another proposed source for Laure's was Louise Ibillander's table d'hote 79 at 17 rue des Martyrs, vdiere old lorettes gathered: "butterflies reverted to caterpillars, former gallant actresses now spectators to others' gallantries," advisors to the new crop of young hopefuls, who congregated in a " 'cciuion ocean of misery' " after their degeneration into box-cpeners and porteresses. 80 And there was Amandine's table d'hote at 11 bÎÆ, cité de la Perrière. Amandine, a friend of the café-concert singer Theresa, loved Theodore de Langlac of the Univers illustrée. After he died. Amandine loved only women. The quote at the entry door promised unheard of d elicts. The parties and games held there drew a ll sorts of women, among them Ehnny Robert, the Countess de Tessanoourt, 81 a type not unlike the debauched Nbdame Robert in Zola's Ifana. Zola may have blended several such places together to create the place that he called Laure's, end George r-ioore may have done the same wiüi his Alphonsine's. 82 If cme believes 2 8 3 Moore's statements to have m erit, Victorine beocmes êussociated with the lower ranks of mistresses and the lesbian sisterhood of Montmartre, a subculture within a subculture, a racy subject considered shocking and scandalous in Riul Alexis' La Ein de Lucie Pellegrin and Zola's tfana. Apparently, Victorine was a survivor. Without a trade other than modeling and minute theatrical parts, she had to find a protector. One of the means to that end would have been to frequent the dance establishments and the dining places where lorettes and prostitutes congregated. Here one oould leam valuable gossip about available men who had broken off from or been left by their mistresses. One m i^t also discover how the previous mistress had been treated, avoiding unfbrseen difficulties. About 1876, Manet's health began to decline. This, too, may liave made him less accessable to Victorine. In spite of the four thousand callers to Mhnet's studio exhibit between j^ ril 15 83 and May 1, 1876, sales were not good, and tlie next fall, Eug&ne Manet ccxifided to his wife Berthe Marlsot that " 'Edouard talks of limiting eoqoenses cind liquidating his studio. '" 84 During the sutitner and fa ll of 1876, Manet suffered from foot pain, an early syiptom of looonotor ataxia. During the suimer and fall of 1879 and the spring of 1880, the pain became acute, acocnpanied by weakness in the lints and great difficulty in walking, hbnct 284 sought hydrotherapy treatment a t Bellevue from Doctor Seredy. By now, the true nature of Manet's illness must have been known. Ibbes Dorsales, looonotor ataxia, is a late side effect of syphilis. It attacks the sensory nerves in a gradual but permanently degenerative nemner. The first signs are weakened or absent knee-eunkle reflexes anâ 'lightenin g* p ain s whic±i a re stabbing, sharp, paroxysmal. These are nore aggravated in the presence of infection or fever. 86 In ^hnet's time, it vas incurable. At times, he was almost oonpletely confined to a 87 chair, as walking became inpossible. If MSnet's morale was low in the fa ll of 1879, it nay indicate the point at which his leg problem had become iïotice- able. Doubtless, ccxifinement zmd the awkward gait brought on by such a disease as well aa the difficxilty of standing at the easel would have nade btinet anxious not only as an a rtist but sis a nan of fashion. Even now scholars politely avoid the emotional turmoil and medical difficxilties which such problems posed in the nineteenth century. Syphilis was not only a scxnal problem, but a horrible, unarrestable, incurable disease. Inflicted survivors miÿit have tenporsiry remissicxis smd then lose one facnilty after sm other, o r be Icxdced away to degenerate and d ie . During T^ril of 1879, Manet cxxxpied his last studio at 77 rue d'Amsterdam, the studio which George Moore visited.®® By 285 1881 1 the State permitted eirtlsts to take control of the Salon through the Société des A rtistes Pran(^ais. Léon Bonnat, cdianpion of academic realism, was elected head of this society. Manet, his health failing, won a second-class medal for his portrait of Pertuiset in May and in Deceniier, at last became a knight in the 89 legion of Honor through Proust's efforts. Proust inforrs us that Chbanal, on the jury which awarded (6net his medal, refuted his recalcitrant fellows with: '"'There aren't four of us here capable of painting sudh a piece, ' " a statement which is nade eibout L a n tie r's work in Z o la 's I'O euvre by Bongrcind to a ju ry . 90 In the fall of 1881, Ttmet was at Bellevue for hydro therapy. I3aix claims that by this time it was known that Manet was "done for." Barely able to walk, bhnet was cloistered through much of the surrmer and fall of that year. 91 Yet, for his last Salon, 1882, Manet, ailing, produced another masterpiece. The Bar at the Itolies-Bergére. Ch April 20 of the next yecur, Manet's leg was anputated in a desperate attenpt to save his life. Ten days later he died. At his funeral at E^ssy on rtiy 3, 1883, his pEdJL-bearers were Proust, Zola, Monet, IXiret, Burty and Stevens. 92 ^bnet's w ill, dated Septenber 30, 1882, designated Suzanne sole heir and Leon residual legatee. IXuret, as Manet's executor, væis requested to sell or destroy the studio's contents 286 acxx>râing to his own discretion. 93 Manet had instructed Suzanne to give his brothers emd friends those items she deemed appropriate. 94 Outstanding b ills were presented to Suzanne, vAn awaited the liquidation of the studio. After the funeral, she and been 96 visited Holland. On August 1 , 1883, V icto rin e meurent wrote lo fûnet*s widow from an address of 1 boulevard de la Seine, Asnières.^^ RXJTNOrES TO CHAPTER V III ^Joseph Hone, Hie L ife o f George Moore, Lcmdon, 192%, 44, Moore was twenty-one. ^fergaretta Salinger, "îfenet and George Moore, Metropolitan Museun B ullet^, vol. XV, 1956-1957, 117-119. The t©tel de Russie advertised in Galignano’s New Paris Guide of 1873, New York and London, 1873, 441. Located at 1 booulevard des Italiens with an entry on the rue Drouet, its prices ranged from 3 francs a day toward. Hie academy Julian was a t 5 rue FTomentin in the nintdi eœrondissement, Rochegude, 1910, arr. IX. "Lewis bbrshall" is believed to be Lewis Vfeldan îfen^cins by Susan Dick, 236, note 3, in confessions of a Young Man, Mbntresü. and London, 1972, zuid Georges-Faul OoUet, George Moore et la France, % ris, 1957, 3, as well as Richard Cave, in George Moore, Hall and farewell, London, 1976, 690, note 119. Ifevkins wep a student at the Academy J u lia n in 1873. ^Douglas Cooper, "George Moore and Modem Art, " Horizon, XI, no. 62, February 1945, 113-114. "^Ibid, 115-117. ^Ibid, 117-119. ^ id . 119. ^George Moore, Manoirs de ma Vie Morte, cahiers Verts Grasset edition, Ibris, 1922, pre&ce by Daniel ibilévy, v ü and Hone, 65. ^Henry Lecomte, Histoire des Hiéatres de % ris, vol. V-VIU, 182; Wicks, Hie I^risian Stage, lists forty plays authored by 287 288 Lapez cQœe or in collaboration betai g Leocmte, vol. x, 51. ^^^licien Chanpsaur, “Le fet Mort," Revue Moderne et Ifeturaliste, III, 1880, 435. ^^Gerstle bhck, Toulouse-Lautrec, New York, 1949, 158; Guide des Plaisirs à Paris, 1900. ^^Fcan ^^Delvau, Tes Plaisirs de Ruris, 89-90. ^^Daniel Ifalévy, introduc-ticxi to Manoirs de ma Vie Morte, v ü . 15 Chaiipsaur, 435. Lhder the Second Ebpire, Duranty, Delvau, Vemet, Courbet, CSstagnary, Daudet and Nbdar also came there. ^^Ibid, 436-^37. 17 Gabriel Astruc, 102-103. Desboutin sdso posed for Degas' Absinthe with Ellen Andrée in 1876. 1 P Ib id , 103. ^^illiam Rothaistein, Men and Memories, New York, 1931, 59. 289 ^G eorge Mx>re, Modem New York, 1923, 34: "The re d - haired woman who used to dine at the Rat Mort, " in liis discussion of fe e t's Olyrrpia, first puibli^ed in 1893. 21Rool and Orient!, 84, dated their meeting to 1878, and Proust, 1897, 204, suggested th a t Mmet met Moore in London. Jane Chrisler, "George Moore's Paris" in George Moore in Perspective, Irish Literary Studies, vol. 16, 1983, 52, suggested 1877i citing Crespelle, Degas et son Maide, 133-138. Manet 1983, 427, entry by Oarles Moffett, puts the meeting in the ^ring of 1879, following Ronald Pickvance, "A newly Disoovered Drawing ty Degas of George Moore," Burlington tegazine, vol. CV, June 1963, 279, sin ce Moore had been in London and Ire la n d from 1877 to 1879. ^^Salinger, 117-119. ^^Proust, 1879, 306. ^^landie, 1937, 137. Manet e^diibited i t at La Vie Moderne Gallery in 1880. ^^Ross, 65. ^^Ibid, 66. ^^Ibid, 66; Hone, 70. H. Bakker, Ifaturalisme pas Morte, Toronto, 1971, 95, note 6. 29 %ul Alexis, La Bin de Lucie Pellegrin, £aris, 1880, pre&ce. 30 Oooper, 113-114, Moore left Paris in the spring of 1874 and returned in 1875. 290 31Jean-Dïdle Bayard, The latin Quarter K at and Present, translator Percy M itciiell, New York, 19—, 264-265, interview with Gustave Surand. A reed, "chocâiotte" (the nama means 'Duckie' ) sang in the café his parents owned between 1872 and 1876 in the Latin Queurter on the rue Saint-André des Arcs. Among its patrons were Verlaine, Mallarmé and Jean Richepin. ^% e Gonoourt, Jo u rn a ls, Monaco, 1965, XV, 127-127, June 15, 1888 emd note 1. Gonoourt attended the premiere. 33Baldcer, 153, note 10, on October 26, 1887, l 'Evénement gave advance publicity on the play's protection and 515, it became th e "'grrr r and scandale" o f th e T héâtre L ib re . Moore himself published on the Théâtre Libre in 1891. ■^^toore, Oonfessions of a Young ftm, notes by Susan Dicdc, 242: Moore attempted to defend himself in a letter of March 17, 1888 to Zola; Bakker, 355-356; Hone, 143. 35 Georqe Moore, "Notes smd Sensations," The IhvAc, March 11, 1890, 286-287. I would like to e^qiress ny gratitude to Dr. M. B. line. Miss Betiy Siith, and Mr. Michael Stein of the British I library who provided ms with phototoopies from The Rmdc of 1890. For a bibliography smd the listings of Moore's re-titlings of works and their publication, see Edwin Gilcher, a Bibliography of George Moore, Ddcalb, 1970. ^^In Lippinoott's Macazine, 1904-1905, vol. LXXIV, 202; Dana, Septgitoer 1904, 134; M&oirs de ma Vie Morte, 36, "Octave Barre;" in la Revue Bleue of 1907, 7: “Octave Briot." Georges- Eaul Collet, George Moore et la France, attenpted to identify the painter vho introduces Moore to the Pellegrin as Louis Anquetin, but in Benezit, I, 205, Anquetin did not even arrive in Ehris until 1882. 37 George Moore, "Moods and Memories," LLppencott's Monthly Magazine, 1904-1905, vol. IXXIV, 202-206 and IXXV, 107-113; Dana, Septenber 1904, 134-130 and Cetcber, 170-175. 291 ^Robert J. Neiss, "George Moore and Kiul Alexis: Hie Death of the Pellegrin," Romanic Review, vol. 38, February 1947, 37, note 7. Quoted from Moore's Memoirs of My Dead Life, Heinenan e d itio n , Londcxi, 1906, 47. The l a s t lin e N eiss quotes a c tu a lly appeared in later editions. The Heineman editicxi reads: "Now I think that everyone w ill accqjt iny excuses, and w ill acquit me of plagiarism," and is on page 48. ^^George Moore, "NObes and S en sations," The Hbvk, Septenber 16, 1890, 323-324. ^George Moore, "Souvenirs Ehrisiens: La Mort de bhrie Pellegrin," translator F. R. (FirmLn Roz), Revue Politique et L ittéraire: Revue Bleue, 1907, 193-199. ^^Hoore, Memoirs o f My Dead L ife , New York, 1906, 68. ^^Revue % litique et L ittéraire: Revue Bleue, 1907, 193-199. According to Joseph Hone, 50 27R-27Q, gratm er, spelling an? punctuation were "as unconventional as a kitchen imids. ' Moore had to use a translator because his French was very poor. Hie 1922, Grassett Chhiers Verts edition of MÉroirs de ma Vie Morte was translated by G. Jean Aubrey. ^^Neiss, Ronanic Review, 41: "Wherever he may have found his naterial, he made it his own artistioally and philosophically." ^^^feore, Oonfessions o f a Young Man, Susan Dick notes, 242; Hone, 143. ^^Douglas Oooper, "George Moore and Modem A rt," Horizon, XI, no. 62, Bbb. 1945, 113 and 126. ^^Ibid, 126. ^^Hone, 24, in reference to a childhood incident in Lhil and îh re w e ll. 292 ^ J . Noël, George Mbore: I'Hbnire e t l'Oeuvre, E^uris, 1966, 679-680. 49 Rewald, 401; Cooper, 120 and 122. ■ ^*^ne, 143, quoting Mne. Zola: "'There never was any real intiitacy between my husband and Mr. Msore. ' " Cooper, 121, Moore's insistance on referring to his 'great friend' Manet, an acquaintance Wiiidi Moore exaggerated and e:q>loited for the sake of his own notoriety emd fame. ^ ^ n e , 159. ^^Maloolm Brown, George Moore: A Reconsideration, Seattle, 1955, preface, ix-x. ^"Wlevy, prefece to Manoirs de ma Vie Morte, x iii. ^Susan Dick, notes to COnfessicxis of a Young Man, v ü and 18: "■nie amount of truth in episodes he recounts is questionable, and his whimsical, sometimes humorous, neumer suggests that the narrative is more fiction than fact." ^^Matthew Josqfhson, Zola and his Tine, New York, 1928, 260-261 and 266. ^^Jeem Ricdiepin, la Glu, Charpentier éd., E^ris, 1910, first printed in 1881. la Glu’s motto: 'Que s'y frotte, s'y ooUe. ' Glu was a form of bird-lim e. ^^Alfred Delvau, Dictionnaire de la lar^ e Verte, 1881, 521. A fte r th e performance a t th e Ambigu in 1833, l a Glu came t o mean th e o ld cxxx3tte, th e b e lle p e t it e o f yesteryear. ^see Moore, Hail and Ihrewell, "Vale" ed. Richard Cave, londtxi, 1979, 503-505 and Lewis Seymour and Some Women, London, 1917, 101 and 112. 293 ^^Henry lyonnet, Dicticmnaire des Oorn^ens Prancais, Geneva, 1911, I, 95-96 and 429. See also Mitterand, notes to Ifana, 1167, and Joanna Ridiardson, Tne Oourtesans, Cleveland and New York, 1967, 25-27. Moore even claimed to have known Cbra P earl and to have lost his virginity to Adele Courtois, "la Belle Hollandais" in "Vhle, " Ifail cuod Ehrewell, 505-506. ®\abarêuit, 1947, 272. Goedorp, "Non...," 7, Leroy was bom in E^uris in 1828, a student of Picot, showed in Salons from 1850- 1873. One can find his name in Salon livrets for 1878 and 1885 as w e ll. am most grateful to Mile. Brigitte Laine of the Ardiives of Efeiris fo r h e r kind and generous a ssista n c e w ith th e h is to ry o f this property. Chdastre, Ardiives of the City of Paris, 1 boul. de Clidiy, 1876. This structure as well as nvirbers 3, 5, 7, and 11 of the same block were owned by W allet, vAxo kept nurdoer 1 until 1891. The building abutted 67 rue des hbrtyrs, whidh was beside Alôred Stevens' property at 65. Vhladon and Henry Guérard, Eva Gonzalés* husband, had studios a t the same address in 1876. ^^Goedorp, "Non...," 7. Ihe property at no. 11 boulevard de Clicdy became the property of Declasse, minister of foreign affairs, and was occupied by Sarah Berhhardt around 1876 and Picasso in 1909. As in HiUiaret, I, 357-359, and Bernhardt, Sarah, Memoirs of My life , London, 1968, 262. ^^Bazire, 1884, 94; Proust, 1897, 179-180; Thbarcint, 1947, 282- 288. ^^rabarant, 262; Goedorp, 7; Benezit, 369; Paris, Salons, 1876, 181, no. 1457. ^^Tabarant, 346; Jedlicka, 79; Goedorp, 7; Paris, Salons, 1879, 78, no. 2128. The Cadastre for this building no longer exists. ^G ilbert de Kiyff, L'Art Libre au XIX Siecle ou la Vie de Norbert Goeneutte, eriiibit.ion catalogue, % ris, 1978, 69-70; Bailly- Herzog, "Marcellin Desboutin and his world," jppollon, vol. 95, June 1972, 496-500; Vfeisberg, The Realist Tradition, 294-295. 294 67 Crespelle, D^as et son Mande» 135. ^®Rfiwald, 399-401. ®^Jullien, 66-67. ^*\feibarant, 1947, 278 and 346. ^^Goedorp, 7. ^^Delvau, Dictionnaire de la Langue Verte, 115, "Crevette: petite daine de Bréda-Street. " See also Grand Dictiotmaire lAiiversel, vol. 5, 512-513, and 515: "oooodes" and "crevée,** petits crevais, a term used by Roqueplan to describe foolish young stingy men vftio drink absinthe. Whose goal is to balance being vile with being chic. This was a type ridiculed in vaudevilles; effeminate, petty, vain and desiring to appear elegant, "la crevette, " elegant women of li^ it morality, the vcman of the types called petits crevës. ’^JuUien, 41. ^^^Jelvau, Les Cytiieres Parisienne, 246-249. ^^Jullien, 41. ^^Ibid, 41^2 and 95. 77 Delvau, Les Cytheres Parisienne, 144-145. 78 JuUien, 89; Le Cleroq, Ihul, Autour de Toulouse-Lautrec, Geneva, 1354, 69-70. 79 M itterand, notes to Ifetna, 1719, note 1 fo r page 1301. 295 0 0 Delvau, Les P la is ir s de E^Lcis, 143-144. . 81 A Astruc, fevilions des Ectntotnes, 105-106. ®^M3ore, The ItoÆ, March 11, 1890, 286; "Alphonsine ' s was to the aged courtesan what the Chelsea hospital is to the aged soldier,” and Menoirs of My Dead L ^e, New York, 1906, 27: "Alphonsine'8 is in the queurtier Bréda, she was formerly a light o'love and her amour is an old waiter from the Champs ELysées cafés." The only real Alph-y zines that I have been able to find were Jeanne Benoist (1829-1883) a ocmic actress mentioned in the Gc»ioourt Journals, III, 184, and a quadrille dancer of the Salle Markowski mentioned by Delvau in Les CyÆeres Eteurlsiennes, 92. This last Alphonsine appears in de la Bédollière, Le Nouveau Kuris, 142. She danced a benefit for debtors sponsored by Le Figaro, and as a revard was immortalized in paint on the celling of the Diners de Ruris on the passage Jouffroy with her oonpanions, one of whom vas Bigolboche. 03 Proust, 1897, 179-180; Bazire, 90-98; Thbarant, 282-288; Daix, 268. 84 Duret, 109. ^fanet suffered a bad fall at his studio in the autism of 1879. ®^Daix, 277, 287, and 293, that this particular cure was associated with ataxia. 86 C. E. lyÿit, editor. The Merck ^tmual of Diagnosis and Therapy, 10th edition, Niew Tbrk, 1961, 1511-1513. Other acoonpanying symptoms included severe g a s tric d if f ic u lty , p a in , vom iting, laryngeal crises, urethral problons, foot ulcers, Charoot's joint (bone splintering), optic atrophy. Morphine cQleviates th e ' lig h te n in g ' pains to some degree. See also Tsao, Hsi-Wen, 74 and 343, note 5: "hbnet died of syhphilis." Duret, 109. In Manet's case, Duret assures us that he vas lucid to the end, his mind unaffected. 2 9 6 ^^Kbarant, 319 and 326. ffenet's feinily lived at 49, then 39 rue de Saint-Petersbourg. Tenporarily, bbnet occupied the studio of a Sviss painter, Otto Rssen, at 79 rue d'Amsterdam. 89 Proust, 313; Duret, 152-153. Proust had been appointed iilnister of Fine Arts by Gantoetta on Novenber 14, 1881, tenet 1983, 517. Gonpare Proust, 1897, 413 and The testcrpiece, 282. ^\abarant, 1947, 415; Daix, 292-293. ^^TcJbarant, 477, in itial source cited in tenet 1983, le Figaro, tey 4, 1883. go Rouart and Wildenstein, I, 25. See also Kovacs, 196-197, \Ak> feels that the w ill further proves tenet's paternity. In Daix, 297-298, the obituary announcement written by Proust. Stuck^, Art in America, 167-171, relates the difficulties êurising from Duret *s decision to destroy no work - a situation vdiich resulted in cutting, r^ainting and finishing of work later. ^^Tabarant, 1947, 480: 'Je charge ira ferme de donner à mes frères et mes amis les souvenirs de moi qui lui conviendront. ' ^^Tabarant, 1947, 485. ^^ i d , 485. 97 Ibid, 488-490. CHAPTER IX AFTER THE DEATH OP MANET In her letter to Suzanne ^tmet of August 1, 1883, Victorlne expressed her condolences and apologized for reviving Suzanne's grief. She reminded Suzanne that she had posed for imny of Manet's vorks, in particular for Olynpia, "his masterpiece." She stated that Manet had promised her a gratituity from the sale of his works vMch she refused to accept. "Young and careless, " she had dqarted for America and then returned to find that Faure had purchased many paintings. Again Manet offered her something in payment, which she refused, promising to remind him of this when she could no longer pose. Victorine states that the last time she had seen Manet, he offered to help her become an ouvreuse at a theater. Next, she lists her misfbrtunes: she can no longer pose, has broken a finger and cannot work, and is responsible for her elderly mother. She concludes by naming Gustave Manet and 1 Monsieur Leehhoff as having knowledge of her claims. A cadastre s till exists for Victorine's Asni^res address, 7 boulevard de la Seine, but from a later year, 1891. At that 2 9 7 298 time twenty-eight persons resided there. The occupations of the residents, all Erendi citizens, included a corset-noker, typographer, chef, linen-seamstress or laundress, locksmith, 2 restauranteur, cocik, dishwasher and domestic servant. Obviously, the residents were of modest means. Jacques Goedorp notes that theater box-openers had to post a security, an cbligation which Victorine apparently felt 3 that btmet had volunteered to asstme. C. V. Wheeler states that regardless of Manet's intentions with respec± to Victorine, "his estate was not in a position to be liberal with anybody."^ No response fxxxa Suzanne is known, and the liquidation of Manet's 5 atelier did not occur until early February 1884 at Drouot's. Victorine's hope to become an ouvreuse is interesting, itself, as it was "not a profession, or a metier or a function, or an honor." Rather, by the law of Septenber 1868, an ouvreuse was classed as a servant instead of a theater associate, and dq>endant on tip s from those who cxxaipiod the boxes she tended.^ After 1868, box-ppeners were required to pay in advance a sort of rent, tax or tenure fee for such a post, despite the pittanczes they could receive. Most holders of this job had once been figurantes (actresses with walk-on parts), who, now old eind poor, needed erplcymcnt. By day, typically a children's nurserymaid or a housekeeper, at night the box-opener returned to haunt the site of her triutphant past.^ 299 Hie theater, which had once been her cradle, was new her tonb. She stays on the same site, changing her place. She leaves the boards to be transported to the corridors of the hall. In place of singing in the choir, she offers the small bench and program to beautiful young ladies of the boxes in a tremulous voice. Such women, whose pay was meagre a t 4 sous per bench and g one per program, found ways to sufplanent their inoomes by- arranging meetings or delivering bouquets and dinner invitaticxis to performers from the gentlemen whose boxes they t e n d e d . îbr the ouvreuse, placeuse and figurante, there was no association, and employment was often tenporary. Some had to give bade a percentage of their wages to the theater direchor in order to retain their position. Althcuÿi their d^xssit was retumod if they left the theater, nany ouvreuses had to apprentie» by "werkdkvg the qppermost balconies where receipts n d ^ t not alvays equal the payment by perfomance they had to pay.^^ Literary examples of the cxtvreuse-enLremeLteuse can be found in LudO'.'ic lÈil^/y's writings. In Frisian Points of View, Mne. Picard, a box-opener on the first tie r of the Opeca had functioned as an "Aunt à la Mode de Oyth&e" to a dancer and thereby lived for several years at the expenses of the g irl's prlnœly lover. 12 In Les Cardinals, one leams the inner- apparatus of theater gallantry - the green room, the coulisse and the living arrangements of the theatrical family and its p atro n . 300 The function of the ouvreuse was like that of the lorette's bonne, a oonbination of servant and procuress. A discrete ouvireuse was a special messenger, a natch-naker and requisite chaperone rolled into one. A rtistioally, such services and sites are represented in an engraving after Eugene-Louis land, (1800-1890)Le Rayer des Artistes (figure 117), Francois Dequevauvillier (1745-C.1807) after N. lavrenée's Eoole de Danse (fig u re 118), Le Boyer de la Danse a l'Opéra, en 1855 a f te r a lithograph of H. Montant (figure 119) and Jean-Baptiste Patas after Jean-Michel Moreau the Younger (1741-1814), la Petite Loge (fig u re 120). Politeness and a gentle nature were required in an ouvreuse, as well as a readiness to supply the box-holder with ^lecial personalized attentions, as figure 120 demonstrates. An older woman aware of the world's and the theater's ways oould, as a box opener, continue to survive in an interesting milieu. Rigolboche, in her memoirs of 1863, indicated three pxsssible ends for those lorettes who had not retained their wealth: charwonan, scavenger or box-opener. De la BodoUiere listed the careers of one hundred old lorettes: seventeen died prematurely, eiÿiteen inscribed as prostitutes, ei^teen employed by inscribed prostitutes or houses of prostitution as servants, six go-betweens or pinps, eight ocrpanions or chaperones to debutante lorettes, nine wardrobe sellers, three spies or skimners, two renters of chairs, six 301 housèke^>ers, four emigrated, three saved non^ and moved, two advantageous narriages to foreigners, two Frendi marriages, one fortune teller, five insane and sent to Salpetrière, five suicides frcm ennui or poverty and one suicide for love.^^ Ccxisidering the options, Victorine wanted what was among the more gentle and respectable modes of survival. By 1885, Victorine had returned to E^ris from Asnieres, ejdiibited le Jour des Rameaux at the Salon as a student of Leroy, with an address of 2 bis, avenue des Tilleuls.Rameaux, sp rig s and boughs of box were associated with Palm Sunday, le Dimanche des Rameaux, sin c e th e middle ages when th e Bishop o f Ruris would lead a procession to the church of Saint-Genevieve-du-Mont, blessing the wood prior to its distribution to the faithful. Houses were decorated on that day with ivy and box, and the king's eldest brother, Monsieur de Paris, would release a prisoner vho would carry his train from the prison to the c ath ed ra l o f NÔtre-^Jame in g ra titu d e . During E^sicxi week, les Bblles became a distribution center for box, vhich was sold for a franc or two everywhere in Ehris. According to custom, ^rig s of box were placed on portraits of deceased Zanily menrbers beside the head of the 18 bed, as in Stevens* Les Rameaux of 1862 (figure 73), or planted 19 an graves. Appropriately, box was a synbol for fortitude in adversity and stoicism. Requiring no care, enduring for 302 centuries, loving the shade, surviving on the drippings of water from the trees above i t,^ box, es^ressed the motto 'I never change. ’ 21 Alfred Stevens’ Les Rameaux of the 1863 Salon, for which Victorine may have posed, \a a a ls o known a s 1*Amour Etemelle, 23 zind Sarah Bernhardt, one of Stevens’ pupils, painted her own Jour des Rimeaux, depicting a little g irl with box, vhich was sold in London to Prince Leopold in 1878.^^ Jean-I&m Gcrôme’s le Jour des Rameaux of the 1890’s demonstrates the enduring nature of the theme, with its overtones of religious steadfastness, filial piety and popular tradition. Victorine’s address 2 bis, would be appropriate for a porteress’ lodge on the ground floor. The avenue des Tilleuls is a tiny street off the rue Lepic in Montmartre, 25 and was paralleled by Georges Montorgeuil to the lati.n O iarter’s Plaœ Maubert as hang-out for the souteneur and apache, the paid protectors and pirps for prostituties : The souteneur is a distinct specie.... who begins his evil cxxirses coming out of the Msulin de la Galette in the shades of tiie iitpasse Girardon. He's a yca^ ruffian full of words and vç> to nary dodges. At the Place bhubert the criminal in question follows the Italian methods and enploys the knife; in Montmartre he is less violent, merely knocking you down. In the avenue des Tilleuls, Bons the filte r openly keeps a tavern frequented by this class, his den being boih an arena and a gyimasiixn, vhere professionals give instructions to a ll 303 th e young blackguards o f la B utte, who edm a t founding their empire on terror, liie denunciation of a souteneur indeed exposes the poor creatures, [prostitutes] as they well knew, to certain punishment. In 1887 Victorine's mother was placed at la Salpetriere hospital.Hie Sal,p»etriere liaJ originally been established as a place of confinement for debauched wanen during the 1600's, but after 1823 it doubled as a depot for the poverty stricken eind a prison, and was re-named the Hospice for Elderly Vfcmen. Whether ill or healthy, old indigent vroroen were têûcen to la Salpetriere, where the epileptic and the insane would be placed in separate quarters. 28 The grounds of la Salpetriere were as large as those of a villa. Indigents lived in large dormitories where they oould enjcy a regular and acxo^xtable life , three daily meals and outings from six in the morning until nine in the evening on Wednesdays and Sunlays. Visitors were permitted on Thursdays and Sundays during the afternoon and outings of several days oould be 29 curranged w ith fam ily. Although we do n o t know th e o ondition o f Victorine's mother, we can only presvsne that her care had beccxne inpossible, either because of illness or poverty. About 1889, Victorine posed for Norbert Goeneutte, a former neic^iber from 21 rue Breda. Goeneutte (1854-1894), the eldest son in a middle class fendly, vas a friend of Desboutin and Jean François Ifeiffeelli, a painter who lived at Asnieres during the 1880's when Victorine was there and specialized in 304 paintings of the poor and the d é c la s s é s .Goeneutte enrolled in the Eoole des Beaux-^Arts under Isadore Pils in 1872. At Pils* death in 1875, Goeneutte emd several others asked Manet to take them as pupils, but Manet refused to open a school. 31 During the middle 1870's, Goeneutte met Desboutin, vho had a flat in the same building where Goeneutte and Victorine Meurent lived, at 21 rue Bréda. Goeneutte took tç) etching, and frequented the Nouvelle Athées. His first Salon acceptance coincided with Victorine's in 1876 and during the same year he and Georges Riviere posed for Renoir's la Moulin de la Galette. In 1891 or 1892, in poor health, Goeneutte sought treatment at Auvers-sur-QLse from Doctor Gachet, who was later faitous for treating Vincent van Go^. Goeneutte, althou^ treated at Auvers 32 from 1887, retained his studio on the rue de Rome in Efeuris. Goeneutte was also friendly with the prlnt-maker Henry Guerard, the spouse of Manet's only pupil, Eva Gonzal^, euid he engraved Guerard's portrait. His prints number about one hundred: aquafortes, drypoints, lithographs, and an engraving of tenet's Flfer.^^ He exhibited la Toilette de Jean Guerard (figure 121) at the Salon of 1889. Eva Gonzal^ died suddenly on May 5, 1883, leaving her husband with their eight-day-old sen Jean. 34 Henry Guerard, X who had attended ftmet's funeral, 35 had his studio in the same building as Victorine's during the 1870's, at 1 boulevard de Clichy. 305 Hie woman bathing Jean CXiérarcl in Goeneutte's painting has been identified by Gilbert de Knyff as Suzanne "Riene" Goeneutte, who with their sister Ifethalic took an interest in Guerard's little boy. The painting remained in Suzanne's possession. After Norbert Goeneutte's death, it was exhibited at the Ecole dec Beaux-Arts retrospective arranged for by Antonin 37 Proust, Manet's old friend. A child's bath was one of the duties performed by domestic servants, the "gouvernante" or "fenme d'aifans" or the "bonne d 'enfants." This household mentoer cares for the child, his room, his linens and clothes, cleans the child's shoes and stochings, prays with him, even takes those old 38 enouÿi to mass on Sundays and holy days. In ^ ite of de lüiyff's identification of the female in la Toilette de Jean Gu6ard as Suzanne "Riene" Goeneutte, one has difficulty believing that scxsial conventions for middle class maidens would have permitted a lady visitor to the home of her brother's friend to asstme the role of domestic servant. Instead, one oould more readily believe that the wwnn Goeneutte painted was Victorine Meurent, who would have known the Guerard family, and was a menber of the class for whom domestic service would have been appropriate. 39 If one ocnpares the general bo(^ build, the very red hair, the coiffure and the profile of this figure with those in Goeneutte's la Tireuse des Cartes ou la Réussite, subtitled 306 Victorine Meurent (figure 122), c*ie finds the same model. As the young Guerard approadied the age for school, a nurse-maid would no longer have been needed. Goeneutte, however, may have wished to retain Victorine as a model, perhaps partly to learn about the studio practices of Manet, vhcm he had wanted eis a teacher. Nor is Goeneutte *s the first painting in which Victorine appears as a governess in charge of a child. One is reminded of Manet's 40 Chemin de Fer o f 1872. Goeneutte enployed Victorine again in 1890 or 1891 for his la Tireuse des Cartes or la Réussite (figure 122). Chrds and card playing were among the games favored by those of Venus ' astrological houses, 41 and synioolically asscxoiated with Idleness (fig u re 23) and human mortality.Old ladies were asscxoiated with fortune telling amd card readings. "Chire les réussites" (to play patience or to use cartomancy) was also oie of the methods used by some to s e le c t lo tte ry n u rh ers. 43 De la BédoUière informs us that the little modistes (dressmakers) loved to dine in the gargotes (cheap eating houses) near the barriers Rochechouart and to v isit the Tireuse des 44 cartes. Rsrtune telling was one of "les Petits Metiers" of Ibris zisscxnated with street eitertainers (figures 124, 125 and 126). A "cartomancien" or "Tireur des cartes" was said to be able to predict, the future and interpret the past. Ihe most famous one, A liette, a hair-dresser, wrote the card-readers * 307 nanual in 1770 which was re-printed endlessly, E tteila; ou Manière de se lêcx ésr avec un jeu des cartes. Nevertheless, Aliette himself claimed to have no faith in such predictions, even his own. 45 In Les Excentriques (1842), Qianpfleury wrote about (me of the nost famous Parisian card-readers, "Ihe Student of Moreau," who gave his seances in a low cabaret and operated under the pseudonym of "Sifflard" (the w histler). Moreau had become famous for predicting Ehperor Ifepolecm's disastrous campaign of 1814. "Sifflard, " who claimed to have been his pupil, worked the crowds in a cheap bar, reading a single card for 2 sous and distributing his own business card with a private address for conplete readings at 10 francs. Friday evenings were best, as that was the time at which the cards were believed to "tell the m ost."^ Edmond de Gonoourt's Fille Elisa (1876) consults a card-reader called the "Eythoness" who sees in her cards "la Justice et une nort prochaine," justice and death close 47 a t hand. La Tireuse des Chrtes was the title role and occupation of the Mother eind heroine in Victor Séjour *s play, performed on Janueury 8, 1876 at the Iheatre Historique with lé r y Laurent playing Gaaea.^^ If one interprets Goeneutte's paintings of Victorine biographically, as one can ffanet's, about 1890 poverty seems to threaten the model once more. In Goeneutte's Olynpe dechue, Tabarant recognizes bbnet's old model, reporting that in 303 order to earn enough for bread, Victorine, disgraced,, became a fille among filles, played her guitar in taverns, took to drink 49 and lived in sluns. Goeneutte's painting depicts Victorine at a table with her guitar, a bottle and a ntaikey in a red oostune. A preliminary drawing for this work, titled La Pemme au Singe (figure 127), still exists. Animals, as noted earlier, often provide clues to synbolic meanings. A long tradition of singerie in eut extended from the Renaissance to the nineteenth century including works by Durer, Holbein, Chardin, Huet, Decamps,and Rosalba.^^ In addition, the nineteenth century seems to have been a period in 53 vhich one finds eccentric, if not outlandish, pets. Ihe monkey was a synbol for Sloth (figure 128) and the follies of man, 54 apeing his vices, lust, drunkenness and pride, acocmpanying Venus as she spied cxi the amorous, giving the fru it to Eve in the garden and as singess was a terra for a prosti- tute. 55 Visual examples include a Renaissance woodcut in which the courtesan synbolized by a falcon with a suspended lure pinches th e mcxieybag o f h e r vain and fo o lish c lie n t symbolized by the monkey (figure 129).^^ Ihe persistance of such traditions endures; in Zola's I'Oeuvre we find: "all the bitches were good fo r was to irake a monkey o f a man, " 57 v h ile in Hugo we fin d 'homo- CO diplex' with the body of a morik^ and the soul of an angel. Cesare Ripa used apes emblematically to symbolize Ibste, and its 309 excesses, especially drunkenness. 59 In his recent bock on Ehris, T. J. dark identified the la<^ with the norik^ in Georges Seurat's Sunday Afternoon on the Islcmd of la Grande Jatte (1886) as a cocotte partly throu^ the presence of her leashed and 60 ^ incredible pet. dark also noted that cafes, in contrast to theaters during this period, included performing nonkeys among their "vulgar" entertainments.^^ Performing animals have been classed by H. W. Jcinson as indicative of the low quality of life vhich the performer and creature shared^^ and a long tradition of such performers and performances appeared in a rt. Nineteenth century exanples include Iferlet's lithograph. La Rue a Ebris en 1821: Les Singes (figure 131) and Alexandre-Gabriel Decanp's Savoyard and Monkey of 1823 (figure 132). Monkeys were amusing because they resenbled people and parodied human behavior. A ssociated w ith d h ste (fig u re s 130, 133 and 134) apes can also be linked to the Ehll of fbn, as gourmandise in the simian kno.-.’s no bounds, extending to Vanity 63 and Gluttony. Chained to its earthly desires, the impudent monkey craves even m ore.^ Edmond de Gonoourt summarized tbna as a bock about gluttony, in vhich "too much of everything" prevails.In genre paintings, the clothed ape generally appears gaming or eating and drinking at a table, and was cissociated with sloth and slovenliness. Sleep, an act of sloth, is in such cases, drunken stupor. 66 David Teniers the Younger 310 used apes to syntx>iize inebriation in the same \vay that Steen used the gray parrot in the Effects of Intempérance (figure 82). Frencli calendars sometimes associated the sanguine type of d rin k e r vilno becomes amorous with the "vin de singe, " but after the sixteenth century nonkeys were used to acocrpany the 67 melancholy drinker, usually a female, like Goeneutte's la Penrne au Singe, whose pet mimics the act of drinking straight from the b o ttle . Victorine's rise had been recorded in Manet's Dejeuner sur l'Herbe and Olynpia twenty-seven years earlier. In 1890 Victorine would have been forty-six years old. Goeneutte's painting is melancholy, involving the approach of old age, poverty and loneliness with a pet as a conpanion and no solaœ b u t d rin k . Then eiround 1891, Toulouse-Lautrec rediscovered Victorine. Several reporta of his visits to her garret exist in the writings of bhurice Joyant, %ul Ledercq, Henri Perruchot and Jean-Kiul Crespelle. Joyant descadbed a melancholy pilgrimage [from the Dihau residence CXI the rue Frochot] to see a shapeless old lady on the fifth floor of a building c^pposite. She'd posed for bbnet and for Puvis da Chavanne's Hope. She'd kept a drawing of her head-with a purity and sinplicfLty like that of Ingres. 311 Paul Lecleroq, whose portrait painted by lautrec in 1897 is in the louvre, also acoonponied Lautrec on such a visit: One day when I vras in his atelier, lautrec sa id to me: 'L i tt l e man (he o fte n c a lle d me th a t) , taOce your cane and hat, we are going to see her ... ' I began to interrogate Lautrec. He put a finger in front of his mouth and murmured m ysteriously: 'n o t a word'... With short steps, I followed lautrec through a maze of Montmartre streets... At the end of a fifteen minute walk and after stopping at a spice shop v^ere he bought a box of sugared almonds, he was swallowed up in the porch of an old house in the rue de Douai. He went slowly ip the five flights to an obscure staircase, hanging on to the greasy bannister and propping himself on his little cane. And, arriving at the roof timbers, he stopped, panted, and spoke to me again, lifting his finger: 'She is more &mous than M. Loubet'... He knocked, finally, at a little door. An old lacfy came to open i t to us and Lautrec presented me to - the Olynpia of Manet. Jean-Paul Crespelle r^orts that Victorine was less talented than Suzanne Valadon vdx> had once been a model and had also beoome a painter. Victorine rapidly came to grief in oblivion. Only Toulouse-Iautrec remembered her, and one day in order to surprise his friends after dinner, he took them to her place by way of dessert. The mo^l for The Flfer was a miserable toothless woman. Crespelle knew that Suzanne Vhladcsi had posed for lautrec and Degas, and that both Suzanne and Victorine were painters. Suzanne, Victorine and Eva and Henry Guerard had once had studios 71 in the same building on the boulevard de Clichy. Valadon 312 became firiends with Degas zmd Lautrec, and later occi^ed a studio in the same building as lautrec. 72 In addition, Victorina's residences on several occasions were not far fzota those of Lautrec. Between 1887 and 1897, lautrec*s studio was at the comer of the rue Chulainoourt and the rue Tourlaque, not far from the Mantnertre cemetery. 73 The avenue des Tilleuls where Victorine lived vas only about a block or two away. In 1893, Lautrec's mother lived on the rue de Douai, 74 where Victorine also lived according to Riul Leclercq. In 1897, lautrec's last studio was at 15 rue FTochot near the Place Pigalle,^^ not & r from the last known address of Victorine Meurent at 2 bis, rue Dancourt. The rue de Douai, where lautrec visited Victorine, had been called rue Pierre-Lebrun and the rue de 1'Aqueduct, and was begun in 1841, between the rue Ebntaine where Couture's studio had been, and the rue Blanche. The rue de Douai extended north in 1854, reaching the rue Pigetlle in 1856. 76 Leclercq, who gives us the rue de Dotai as Victorine's garret address, vaa a young symbolist poet. He wms twenty years old when he met Lautrec around 1891. LecdLercsq founded the Revue Blanche writh h is brother Charles; the Natanson brothers (Alexandre Thadée, and Louis- 77 Alfred), and a Belgian, Jeundxxtme de E^ix. During 1893, lautrec lived temporarily wd.th his mother on the rue de Douai. 78 313 Henri Mitterand described the rue de Douai as one peopled by writers and artists during the second half of the nineteenth century. Edmond About, Jules d a ritie , Ludovic Itilevy and Ivan 79 ^ Turgenev once lived on the rue de Douai, along with Honore Daumier, Gustave Dore, Bug&ie Fromentin, FTançisque Saroey, Catulle Msndès, and the famous chanteuse Anna Judic.®^ At about the same time that Lautrec was visiting Q1 Victorine, he stayed in brothels as if they were hotels. ^ One of his friends, btiurice Guibert, was the Kuris agent for Moet and Oicindcn Chanpagne, supplying their products to the naisons closes. Guibert frequently served as a model for lautrec. 82 He most often appears in the same group scenes a t the bals in which Lautrec used the photographer Paul Sescau. Guibert also appears in about 16 or 17 drawings, mostly caricatures, many pornographic. 83 Sescau appears in Au Moulin Rouge; la Danse of 1890, Au Moulin Rouge of 1892, a t the Chicago Art Institute aind on the curtain Lautrec generously painted for "la Goulou" (Louise Weber) the can-can dancer's booth for the Foire du Throne of 1895. Lautrec painted Sescau's pxortrait in 1891, and included him in a caricature and drawing of 1895 and 1896, the lithograph 84 Protnaioir in 1899, and in 1894 made a four color poster for Sescau's photo studio at 9 Place Pigalle in the same building a s the Nouvelle Athènes.®^ 314 A (Aotograph s till exists (figure 136) Which was taken by Sescau of Maurice Guibert emd a "Mantnartre model, " who appear in poses dictated by lautrec. Lautrec's resultant 1891 painting, à la Mie (figure 135), is believed to have been eAibited at the Salon des Independents in the same year.®^ Ihe model's brilliant red hair and her fece and proportions are those of Victorine Meurent in Goeneutte's La Fenme au Singe and La Tireuse des Chrtes of 1890. (Gtirpare figure 135 with figures 127 and 122). Gustave Geffrey, in la Vie Artistique of 1892, described the figures in à la Mie as "horrible creatures, the larvae of 87 vice and poverty." IXiring 1893 and 1894, Geffrey wrote a series of cirticles for le Figaro illu stré, "Le Plaisir à P a ris: pp Les Restaurants et les cafes Concerts des Chanps Elysees. " Geffroy wrote a description of Olympia for February 10, 1890 and the presentation date of the painting to the State. Ihis is the description quoted in chapter two, vhich seems to be a description of Victorine, vho "lived in the most evil placées" and had been a model, a Bdhenuan, a lover, and a libertine, and oq "the product of a great city." lautrec illustrated Geffrey's works for le Figaro illu stré . Geffroy, apparently, either knew Victorine, or was made familiar with her life by Lautrec or other artists. Iherefore, his description of her is most likely to be trusted. 315 In feet, he ooocludms his statement of 1890 in the present tense: "this is one stray of civilization destined for misery and the hospiteLL," probably because he knew that Victorine was s till a l i v e . ^ With regard to Victorine's rue de Douzd. address, the floor on vftiich she lived tells us itore than the street. A fifth floor one-room flat before the age of the elevator indicates poverty, as one can see in B ertall's 1846 illustration for le Diable à Baris (figure 137). Leclercq's vivid description of the greasy bannister, five flin ts of stairs, second obscure stairvay and room under the roof tiiriaers confirm the dismal character of Victorine's existance. 91 Nevertheless, Victorine survived and continued to paint. In 1904. cis a menber of the Société des A rtistes FTancjais, she exhibited la Chat à la Gueoe, a stu^, in the Salon, listing 4 bis, rue Dancourt as her address and Etienne Leroy as her teacher. 92 The rue Canoourt, ancient road of the Montmartre cxxmunity, is perpendicular to the boulevard Rochechouart and barely two blocks from the Place Pigalle. Ihe Brasserie Artistique, a cafe and painting gallery was Icxsated at nxixber 2 rue Dancourt in 1887. At nixiber 5, on property owned by the abbey of Saint Denis, was the Montmartre 93 winepress, which had existed there since 1303. The Grand Bocdc ^ 94 cafe had been located on rue Dancourt, a predeczessor to the 3 1 6 Brasserie Artistique. The address, 4 bis, permits us to consider Victorine as the ocxicierge, porteress, or housekeeper. Here, however, the tra il disappears, hut does not end entirely. At the Musée d'Orsay, M. Jean Ooudane produced a record of Victorine *s membership in the Société des A rtistes Français. On it, one finds the name "rfedenoiselle Meurent, Victorlne-Iouise, " the year of her admission into the society, 1903, a registry number, 395H, and in another heind "décédée 1928."95 Jacques Goedorp, the scholar who recently traced Victorine Meurent's origins and eeurly life so carefully, made a thorough seeurch of the £%urls archives, rest homes and hospices of the département de la Seine, finding no death certificatie for her. It is possible that the numbers 1928 may not sp>eciJ^ a year, but a date, February 19, 1908 - 19-2-8.^^ It is intieresting to note that the name Meurent still appears in teris tzelqphone directories, and that a Meurent s till lives on the rue Bppincourt vAiere Victorine was bom more than a century ago. It is also tempting to imagine her, visiting the Musee des Arts Décoratifs and the Louvre, an old lady, in 1906 and 1907 when Manet's Dejeuner sur l'Herbe and the Olympia ware finally on public via/. 97 The model, like the artist who had painted her, had cheated death and old age, and Vicrborine had beccme immortal. PDOTOOTES TO CHAPTER IX hjeo Larguier, in I ’Art Vivant, March 15, 1929, 233 and Tabarant, 1947, 48&-490. ^ am grateful tc Mile. Brigitte laihe of the Ardiives of Baris for the location of this infbmatlts:. ^Goedorp, 7. ^Wheeler, 14. ^Tabarant, 502. ^Grand Dictiocinaire Universel, vol. XI, 1594. Etormerly the theater *s administration ïpaid ein ouVreuse. ^Ibid, 1594. ^Ibid, 1594. ^Ibid, 1594. 317 318 Jacsques-Etlenne Arago, HTysiologie de la Penroe Entretenue, Bruxelles, 1870, 23: A ricii banker bas a box, admires a young actress and eisks the ouvreuse if the gii.'l is married or bais a lover. He tips the ouvreuse 5 napoleons requesting that she deliver a note to the actress. Initially, the ouvreuse objects- 'But, monsieur, ny morals prohibit it. I am not what you think, and Mile. D. might not receive it. ' He gives her a bigger tip. 'Monsieur, she'll have this letter within five minutes. ' ^^Pierre Ebraf, Les M^JLcrs du Ih^tre, Paris, 1923, 357-360. ^^Ludovic Walévy, Ebrisian Points of View, "The Most Beautiful Woman in Ebris," New York, 1894, 84-86. ^^Ludovic Iblévy, Les Cbrdinals, Ebris, 1879. ^^Rigolbodie, 49. ^^de la BedoUi^re, le Nouveau Ebris, 141. ^^Ebris, Salon, 1885, 154, no. 1755; Tbbarant, 489. ^^Foumel, les Rues de Vieux Ebris, 126-128. ^^Ibid, 128. 19,E. T. Itobscn, A Guide to French fêtes, London, 1930, 76. ^Osgood, 217; Greenavay, "box," Ldhner, 112. ^^Lehner, 112. 319 22Among the subtitles for Stevens' Les Rameaux was l ’Amour Etemelle. See also Weisberg, The Baalist Tradition» 96» no. 65, Jean^aoques Henner, The A rtist's Mother Prayiîw before the Body of her Daughter Madellene, c. 1852, where box In holy water is linked to the rites for the dead and the pemanence of the so u l. ^^Berhhardt, Memoirs, 303 and 328. ^^Geffrqy, la Vie Artistique, V, 310-311. 25 Goedorp, 7, described V icto rin e *s lo s t p a in tin g in term s v/hic±i parallel Sarah Berhhardt's; "A young woman holding eui eunnful of boxwood." Cited in Ralgh Neville, Bays and Nights in Montmartre and the Latin (Xarter, London, 1927, 203-204. ^^Goedorp, 7. 2ft Grand Dictlcnnaire Universel, vol. 14^ 140-141. ^^Ibid, vol. 14, 141. ^eisberg. The Realist Tradition, 294-295 and 307-308. Raffaelli, a friend of Degas' eadiibited with the Inpressionists. ^^Ibid, 294-295; Gilbert de Rrryff, I'A rt Libre au XDCe S i^ e ou la Vie de Norbert Goeneutte, 109 and 119. 32 de Khyff, 109 and 119. Goeneutte died of pulmonary tuberculosis or a bad heart at Anvers. ^^Goedorp, 7; Delteil, II, 329. ^^Tabarant, 1947, 479; Daix, 298. 320 ^^Proust, 1897, 418. 36 Archives of Baris, Cadastre for 1 boulevard de Clidiy, 1876. Nuitoer 16 vas rented to ai^rard. See also Paris, Salc^is, 1876, no. 3863; 1877, nos. 4427 and 4428; 1878, 4825, 1 boulevard de diciiy as Gueraid's address. ^^de Knyff, 100. ^ ^ i d . 100 . 39 Grand Dictiomadre IMiversel, vol. XI, 1594, in which vxxnen vho were children's .nursery maids by day, are ouvreuses by n i^ t; de la Bedolliere, le Nouveau Ehris, 141, one of the jobs for old lorettes was that of housekeqier. ^^Wrty, la République Français, June 9, 1874, quoted in Cburthion, Edouard Manet, New York, 1984, 92. ^^Mirinonde, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, vol. 68, 268, figure 4. 42Christopher Brown, Dutch Genre Painting, The Ibitional Gallery, London, 1982, 11. ^^Les Eranpais Peints par Bux-fAnes, Ehris, 1841, 167-168. ^de la B»3olli^re, le Nouveau Ehris, 141. ^^Alfred Franklin, 129, "cartonanciens". 46 Chanpfleury, Les Excentriques, Earls, 1864, 215-227. In the Gazette des Tribuneaux i t vas reported that someone was robbed by two men who had followed him from Sifflard's, but the student of Moreau vas not blamed as he had permit medal nvmher 329 (a havker's badge) granted by the Prefect of the Siene and the best reputation as a card-reader in Earis. 321 47 E. de Gcxiocuirt, La Fille Elisa, Paris, 1886, 51, 73, and 106. ^Annales des Iheâtres, 1876, 591-593. In the 1861 Salon, Wne. Mathilde Drucket, a student of Couture, exhibited a Tireuse des Chrtes, vhich may have been related to eeirlier producticms of Séjour*s play. Paris, Salon, 1661, no. 947. ^^Tabarant, "La Fin Douloureuse....," July 10, 1932; 1947, 490. Goeneutte's painting was in the Roche collection in 1932 and the Arsene Alexandre collection in 1947. ^de Knyff, 155 and 168. ^^Dewey P. Mosby, Alexandre-Cabriel Decanps, dissertation. Harvard, 1973, printed by Garland, 1977, I, 99. 52 de Gonoourt, Journals, II, from 1857, 125, cccrparing Juliette (Beau) to Rosalba's Fenme au Singe pastel at the louvre. 53Lis and Barbier, February 25: Baudelaire had a hedgehog, Dunas pere a white mouse that scranpled about in his hair, IXnas fils a performing turtle. Dore a great homed owl, Saint-^euve a parrot, and Alphonse Karr a tiger. Sarah Bernhardt, Memoirs..., 330-331, in addition to her many dogs had a cheetah, a lizard, six chameleons, a parrot, and a monkey. ^^eryl Rowland, Animals with axnan Fhoes, London, 1974, 8-14. ^^Rowland, 8-14; Morton W. Bloomfield, The Seven Deadly Sins, Lansing, 1967, 245, lechery. W. Janson, 7^>es and Ape Lore, 261-263. 57 Zola, I'Oeuvre, translated by Walton, 33. 58cited in Miuner, Manet; Peintre-Philosophe, 17. 322 59Ripa, Hertel edition, % ste, no. 112, a joUy toper and girl vdth peadies acoonpanyied by an ape. In the background aire Bacchus and Siienus with fauns, nynphs and satyrs. J . Claude, The K iin tin q o f Modem L ife : P a ris in th e A rt o f ttenet and his FoUcwers, New York, 1985, 265. ^^Ibid, 212. ^^Jainson, 146 and 203. Dame Acedia (Sloth) ais a parallel to the Mistress of Rally, riding an ass, holding a cuckoo in travesty of the falcon, aviary oounterpairt to the ap>e. ^^Janson, 36, in France monkeys and apes had been eissociated witdi Avarice since the twelfth century. Ihe Boudeund edition of Ripa, I, no. 175, enploys a monkey as an attribute of Effrontery and lacivious indencency while Gravelot and Cochin, II, no. 67, use the ncnkey êis an emblem of Inpudenoe. Janson 241-242 and 247-248. See also terchand Gcyot, Calendrier des Ber^res, E ^is, 1943, the sanguine drinker with a falcon and monkey and t.ir and Rarhier, October 25, "vin de singe" meVas for gaity. ^Janson, 82-83 and 107; Florence McCuUcxh, Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries, Chapel H ill, 1960, 88. cited in Mitterand, notes to Nana, 1178, n. 1: de Gouucurt, Journals, Feb. 17, 1880. ^Janson, 241-242 and 274-248. • ^^Janscn, 247-248 and 252; jtterchand Guyot, Calendrier des Bergères. Earls, 1943, a sanguine drinker acxrnpanyîêd by falcon and monkey. See sdso lis and Bzubier, Oct. 25. Brcwn, Dutch Genre Eainting, 33. ^^iaurice Jbyant, Henri de Toulcjuse-Lautrec, 2 vols, Earis, 1926-1927, cited in Goedorp, 7. 323 69Riul Leclercq, Autour de Itouloüsc-Lautree, I^ is , 1920, re printed Geneva, 1954, 54-56 and 124-125. A sim ilar aœount appears in Henri Perruchot, Ibulouse-Iautrec, translated by EfuicSirey Bare, New York, 1960, 173-174. B nile lo u b et was th e president of the Erencsi Republic from 1899 to 1906. ^Jean-Paul Crespelle, Degas et son Monde, Paris 1972, 135-136. 71 , T^rciiives of Paris, Cadastre, 1 boulevard de dichy, 47 units, nunbers 8 and 9 in 1876 rented to Vhladon, nirnber 16 to E. Guérard [Eva Gœizalès]. 72 Gerstie bbck, Toulouse-Lautrec, 269. ^^Ibid, 71. ^"^Ibid, 71. ^^Ibid, 71. Hochegude, vol. IX, 70. 77 b^ck, Toulouse-4Jautrec, 263 and 266. ^^ i d , 71. ^^Mitterand, notes to Nana, 1148, note 1 for page 168. ®W niaret, I, 438. ®^Perrudhot, 173; Julia Prey, "Toulouse-Lautrec: A Biograpihy of the A rtist," in Henri de Toulouse-Iautrec, edited by R. Chstelren and W. Wittrock, Museum of Modem Art, New York, 1985, 32. 324 Huisrtan and M. G. Dortu, Lautree ty lautrec. New York, 1964, 154; J. Mhinar, G. Bauer, P. COlin, G. Domergue, M. G. Dortu, E. Julian, P. Orlsm, H. Perruchot, M. Ehiens, C. Rager- Marx, Toulouse-Lautrec, I^uris, 1962, 190. ®^Mack, 272. ^Ibid, 270. ^^Ibid, 286. ®Slack, 272; lÉins Tietze, Ibulouse-Iautrec, New York, 55; Coke Van Deren, Hie Kiinter and the Ehotograph from Delacroix to Vfarhbhl, Albuquerque, 1972, 91. ®^Cited in Mack, 306. 192. ®®Geffroy, La Vie Art.isti.qiue, I , 19-20. QQ Ibid, 20. See also Julia Prey, 19, his art portrays exact places and real people whom he knew. ®^Lecleroq, 54-56 and 124-125. ®^Paris, Salons, 1904, 133, no. 1264. ® ^U iaret, I, 409. ®^Wrlel Oberthur, Chf& and Cbbarets of Montmartre, translated by S. Axoulai, Salt Lake City, 1984, 21. Herbert, la Chanson ^ Montmartre, places the cafe at nuitoer 2 on this street. 325 Fisdiier, Scxdete des Artistes Français, with ny grateful thanks to M. Jecui Ooudane, documentalist, Musee d* Orsay, v isit of May, 1984. ^Shis author, too, has been unable to trace a death notice or death certificate with this or any other date. 97 The OlynpLa entered louvre on January, 1907, and was exhibited in the Salle des Etats beside Ingre's Grande Odalisque, ^bnet 1983, Chchin entry, provenance, 183. The Péjelmer sur l*Hert3e was exhibited witln the Moreau-Nélaton collection a t the Musée des Arts Decoratife in 1907, entered the louvre in 1934 and placed in the jeu de Ebntne in 1947, ^hnet 1983, Cachin entry, provenance, 173. OÛNCUJSICN Hiis a rt historical biography of Victorine-Louise Meurent has been critically built on What others have published and. While a full depth and range of information w ill probably never be possible, mu<±i has been added here. At this point, Victorine and her role as Edouard bbnet's model in his art can be better understood - she possessed for him that "natural" aspect vdiidi enabled him to treat her artistically. It is true that some of the contemporary "Louises" emd "Victorines" cited in this study merit closer scrutiny, especially Louise "Voyageur", Who may liave been called so because she was a "saltiitbanque", or amateur entertainer, a street singer. In addition, the "Victorine" Who debuted at M artinet's Ehntaisies Parisiennes deserves further investigation, as Adolph Ihbarant, ftm et's most thorouÿi biographer and the first to search for Victorine's identity, intimated that Mbnet'? Victorine was "comme beauoocp d'autres, le travers de se croire douée pour le théâtre."^ But, believing George Moore's description of 326 327 Victorine in M&piree de ma Vie Marte, and discovering Norbert Goeneutte's Olynpe d&aïue in 1932, Tbbarant came to believe that Victorine ended her days in squalor and drunkenness as a "fille" 3 parmi les "filles." However, this, the predictable outcome of a Naturalist novel, does not, in fact, appear to have been the true end of Victorine's story, as we can surmise from information calling into question Moore's trustworthiness, from Henri Toulouse-Lautrec's work and from Salon and Société des A rtistes Français records. More recently (1967), Jacques Goedorp firmly established the identity of Victorine's parents, the date of her birth and baptism, her modeling record at Qouture's and the conditions of her existance on the rue de la Eolie-Mericsurt aiKl the rue M iitre- Albert.^ Ihis study builds his foundation as well as pursuing the inferences of Jaoques-Ehille Blanche (1924) emd Ihbarant (1921, 1932 and 1947). Both stated, without speci:fying 5 their sources, that Victorine posed for Alfred Stevens. Hie present study proposes specific works: Les Rameaux (c. 1862), News from Afar (middle 1860's), La Liseuse (c.l865). La Dame en Rose (c. 1865), Les Fleurs d'Automne (1867), In the Oountry (1867), Le Bain (c. 1867), and 1'A telier (c. 1869). Then, Jean Sutherland Boggs (1962) and Hieodore Reff (1976) present evidence to suggest Victorine appeared in Edgar Degas work.^ And, Gilbert de Knyff (1973), in his book on Nbrbert Goeneutte, mentioned several of this a rtist'c '..crks for 328 7 whidi he believes Victorine posed. Ihese studies further teirper Tâbarant's c^inion that Victorine merely became derelict in her old age. It was Goedorp who reminded h ^et scholars that Q V icto rin e was known to Toulouse-Lautrec. This d is s e rta tio n proposes that she appeared in à la Mie (1891). In each instance, this text cUTd footnotes add to the work of other scholars - elaborating upon and extending it. In the cxxirse of this study, contenporary ethnological studies and Ifeturalist literature have been examined in an effort to discover how cdosely Victorine-Louise Meurent's life conformed to the grisette-lorette-courtesan type. Previously, others referenced sim ilar sources in examining Edouard bbnet's paintings. And, Iheodore Reff s enliÿitening, even inspiring, Q treatment of ffenet’s Olympia (1976) continues to serve as a guide and model for ffenet scholars. But, this study essays all of the works in vdiich Victorine appeared, using her life and role for a full thematic focus. tfoturalism, and the Naturalist approach, it should be remenhered, represent an interim phase, one which contains elements o£ both its predecessor. Realism, and its s’.'.ccessor, Synholism. The Naturalist depiction of real people, including models, is hei^tened, enlarged emd dramatized, tbturalist authors, such as Bnile Zola, provide enhodincnts zOcin to Eve and Venus, or personifications, such as Lust or Sloth. These 329 treatments, hwever realistically based on actual individuals, deliberately exaggerate, transcending what is individual, real eind s p e c ific in day to day human l i f e . Edouard Manet, a Realist, did not do this. Rather, he concentrated on the model's very specific character and 63^)erienoe, making nemifest his model's individuality in a more "natural" nanner. Victorine represented a certain type because she was a specific instance of it. This kind of "natural" portrait is found in the art of Toulouse-Lautrec as well. Thus, Edouard Manet portrayed Victorine-^Louise Meurent biographically cis well eis artistically in his eurt. Her self and her roles ccnpliment each other. She rose from the street in La Chanteuse des Rues (c. 1862), became an actress in Mlle. V. en Oostrme d'Espada (1862), a lorette in le Bain (Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, 1863) and a courtesan in Olynpia (1863). The public and the court saw only the profane so "naturally" embodied in btmet's contemporary Realism, neglecting the sacred role and allusions equally present and appropriate to Victorine '2 artistic role. Victorine's probable success in obtaining a sponsor and in modeling for others is recorded in Jeune Dame en 1866 (Femme au Perrocïuet) and la Joueuse de Guitare (of the same year). The complex nature of Victorine's existance and relationships with 330 others is evidenœd in ftm et's Qiendn de Per (1872), Croquet E^urty (1873) and The ftisked Ball a t the Opéra (1873), Which nark the end of ttenet's interest in Victorine as a model. Victorine, herself, became an a rtist successfully exhibiting in Salons. Nevertheless, she apparently continued to por,e for other eirtists. Like Manet had before him, Toulouse- Lautrec realistically presents us with Victorine, biographically and artistically, toward the end of her life. Yet, others elaborated upon What they knew of Victorine, ocitpcunding her with others of her caste, exaggerating an amalgam of personalities into one of heroic proportions better suited to their own purposes - Ehiile Zola, George Moore and %iul Alexis, perhaps also Jean Richepin and Guy de fhupaussant. In conclusion, a more ocnprchensive understanding of Vic±orine-Louise Meurent, arû. her role in Edouard Manet's art, enables one to better appreciate Manet's approach to contemporary life and his reconstitution of it in art. This study further provides us with a more certain and sensitive basis for further study and a model for examining the roles of other artist-models in îfenet's work. 331 POOINOTES TO ŒNaUSICN ^Tabarant, "Celle qui fut I'Olynpia," 298. ^Ibbarêint, "la Un Douloureuse 1932, n.p. &abarant, 1977, 489-490. ^Goedorp, "la fin d'une legènde ....," Peb. lO, 1967, 7 and Mar. 10, 1967, 7. ^Blandie, 24-25; Ibbarant, 1947, 221, 223, 272 and 346. ^oggs, 33 and 106; Reff, The Notebooks of Edgar Degas, I, 110-111 and notebook 21, folios 34V «md 35. ^de Krvfff, 160-163. ®Goedorp, Mar. 10, 1967, 7. "Reff, Olympia, 1976. 331 1 G. Ctauck, C harles A lix Dubosc» 1900. 3 3 2 333 m i - ' j 2 E. Manet, Le Guitanrezo, 1860. 334 i 3 E. Manet, Portrait of M. and Mne. Manet, 1860. 335 i 4 L. ferent. Père Lunette's. I 5 L. lu re n t. Le Château Rouge. 3 3 6 i 3 6 L. Gautier# Le rue Galande. 337 f i 7 E. Manet, la N^rtrphe Surpris, 1861. 338 8 E. Manet, Moses S&ved frcn the Vfaters, 1860-1861. 339 9 Tintoretto, Susanna at the Bath» 10 Reniarandt, Susanna. I 11 Vcsternan after Rjbens, 12 Raimondi, Pan and Syrinx. Susanna and the Elders. 341 13a Cbmeille the Younger A fter G. Bcmano, Bathsheba. 13b Ribens, Bathsheba Receiving David's Letter. 342 r-rvy^rrr' ;>s S ' I ‘ • r Y ,1 : /I-::.:': - . / hy¥^>..-. » ^ h:Jt£— 1 5 15 Rubens, Nyirph and Satyr. « 16 E. Manet/ Itortrait of Victor:Lne 17 E. Demy, La Mendiante Rousse, Meurent, c.1862. C.1845. 6 B Si 18 E. îianet. La Oicinteuse des Rues, 19 A. Stevens, c.1862. La Mendicité Ibleree, 1855. 345 20 C. Corot, Mbnan in a Ttoque with a Mandolin, c .1850-1855. ■lOllIi I t : jrt 21 G. de Saint-Aubin, F&ndion la Vielleuse. 3 4 6 22 H. Goltzius, Terpsichore. PLAISIR. 23 J . B. Boudard, P la is ir. 347 S 24 E. Manet, Mlle» V. en Costume d'Espada, 1862. 25 a and b A. A. E. Disdéri, imiiRe bbrquet in Graziosa, cartes de visite. I! I m. movuAj.'i ( t n t A M k T i 26b A. Levy, M. Bourdon, 26a E. Manet, "Hie Street Singer, d e ta il, 1862. Guitariste, 1867. 349 27 E. Manet, Le Dejeuner sur l'Herbe, 1863. 350 28 E. Manet, study for the Dejeuner sur l ‘Herbe, 1862-3. 351 29 Giorgione, Concert Champêtre, C.1510. g 30 Raiirondi a fte r Riphael, The Judgment of P aris. 352 m i 31 A. Watteau, Pilgrinage to Cythera, 1717-1719. 32 Gavami, illustration for Bhysioloaie de la G risette, 1841. 33 "Le Sauvage," Pierre Dupent*s Chants e t Chansons. 35 A. Deveria, Le Déjeuner sur l ’Herbe, 1834 34 A. Lerud, Ifecelle, " from Birenger, Oeuvres Conpletes, 1856. 36 A. Marlon, Boating party on the Banks of the Seine, 1860. w win 354 37 F. Frahken, The Prodigal Son. 355 & 38 D. Teniers the Younger, The Prodigal Son a t tlie leble with the Courtesans. 356 Ir.t r^nrmr.r 39 J . Cëillût, TOve Prodigal Son Squanders his Kartune. 40 A. Bosse, "Hie Prodigal Son in the Places vAiere Venus Bas Infeitous Gomterce. 42 T. Couture, Ihe Prodigal Son, 41 T. Couture, Young Venetian w a fte r an Orgy, 1840. C.1841. ui 358 I 43 T. Couture, les Prodigues, 1862. IL PtiU* eurca r#« M«nlerpi«il. 44 Bertall, "Partie carrée rue Mantorgueil, " feom Oarme on Mange en Paris, Le Diable en Kiris , 1846. 359 45 P. Puvis de Oxavannes, The Return of the Prodigal Son, 185^1855. 46 J . Tissot, The Prodigal Son's Depairture from Venice» 1863. 48 C. Meyer, Le Reve de Boniheur, 1819. LICENCE tffrênêe. g l’abus de U liberté, il fait d^énérer les chofes permifei en vices. On peint une femme nue, couchée nonchalamment fur un gazon, & coïf- fée de ralilns & de pampres ; elle ^ en aftion de parler regmdant un frein rompu. 47 J . B. _ .Kîard, Licaice, fran 49 G. Courbet, Demoiselles au Bords w lœ noloqie. de la Seine, 1357. L v XVRIA. ISixuric . . o^crno ccvtJt're nyritiitu A r^ 51 J. Ceilot, Lust, from the s caJlra J^in tu Juif c.Tiù yputfs Seven Deadly Sins. 50 H. Goltzius, Lust, from the Seven Deadly Sins. 362 liymiMf 4iM*l tmljÿne virtr. . CenlttmgtrKjumm i L t L t i h Da * 52 H. Mdegrever, Lust, £tcm the Vices and Virtues. 3 6 3 53 Chateau de Versailles, The Latona Basin. '. ..nT % >«lTCt CIIINOUI.lt!!... J llttl 1 • Im . 54 a fte r DeLaporte, 55 la Grenouille e t le Boeuf: "Sautez GrenouillesI" le petit et le grand tfapolëcHi. OJ 2 365 56 Beisson after Scàiall, Le E^mier Renverse, 18th century. 366 w 57 E. Manet, Olyitpia, 1863. 367 58 Titian, Venus of ürbino, c.1538. 59 P. Goya, The Naked Maja, c.1800. 368 60 J . A. D. Ingres, la Grande Odalisque, 1814, 61 L. Cranach the Elder, of the ^ring. t 63 J. A. D. Ingres, The Valpinçon 62 J. B. Greuze, Indolence, 1757. Bather. sw m I 64 School of Fontainebleau, Venus 65 G. Courbet, 1*Atelier du Regardant Mars Qui Dort. Peintre, detail, 1855. W 371 66 E. Nfeinet, Rendez-vous des Chats, 1869. 67 after Viollet-le-duc, "libertas Sine Lahore, " from Qianç>fleury, Les Chats. 372 68 A. Durer, Ttie R ill of Man. Ing/unwyrâ/«, C u L fvr,U Rii+'m .r rottiih ^aiuiia / h »i 69 J , Saenredam a fte r H. Goltzius, 70 H. Aldegrever, Eve Giving Mam the Fbrbidden Gluttcmy, from the F ruit. Vices cuid Virtues. .‘I'j.’ mimin .«ÿw' rij!ter/. 71 J. Saenredam after Goltzius# 72 Pierre-Antoine Baudouin, La Modèle Hônnete. ta Allegory of Visitai. w'J JL w 73 A. Stevens, Les Rameaux, c.1862. 74 A. Stevens, News from Afar, A middle i860*s. Ü 7 I w U1 75 A. Stevens, La Liseuse, c.1865. 76 A. Stevens, la Dame en Rose, c.1865. h 77 E. Manet, Le ??l£re, 1866. 78 E. f^anet. Jeune Dame en 1866, W {Femie au Perrxxâiet). 1866. o\ i E m 80 The Prodigal Son a t the Whores ', d e ta il. s The Prodigal Son Thpestry. 79 T. Oouture, The Fhlcx?ner, 1844-1845. 378 81 J . Steen, The »fay You Hear I t is the Wfeiy You Sing I t . 379 82 J. Steen, The Effects of Intenperence. 380 83 J . Joidaens, Ycxmq Waran Allowirq an Old M ^'s"^rrot to Nibble her Fruit. 84 J. Joidaens, The Fruit Seller. 381 / 85 J . Saenredam a fte r C. Oomelisz, Eve Giving Adam the fbrbidden Fruit. 3 8 2 86 Rubens a fte r T itian, 87 F. von Meiris, The Ebll of btin. Vfcean vri.th a Ihrrot. JOJ t. 88 Gavarrd, Lorette in a 89 V. C&rpaœio, Courtesans. Dressing Qzwn 384 90 W. Scholz, Louis Napoléon as a Melandxjly Bêurrot. 385 91 E. fbnet. La Joueuse de Guitare, 1867. 386 92 J . Bruegel the Younger, Hearing (d e ta il). ^X^UmÀ,JD4M/kt. 93 H. Goltzius, Hearing, from 94 G. Rollerihagen, flnor Docet Musicam, the Five Senses. 1611. w S3 95 H. Fragonard, Mlle. Guimard 96 A. Watteau, La Finette. W Playing the Qiitar. 389 J i.V . TV: ' ' ' K U ■V ' \ \ ~r-f—~\;- -, '■ — \ 97 A. Stevens, Les Fleurs d'Autoctne, C.1867. 390 98 A. Stevens, In the Oountry, c.1867. 3 9 1 99 A. Stevens» Le Bain, c.1867. 392 100 A. Stevais, 1 'Atelier, c.1869. 393 101 Ehntin-Iatcwr, A telier aux Batignolles, 1870. 394 102 E. Manet, Chemin de Per, 1872-1873. FRANÇOISE. mm DOCILITE. 103a J . B. Boudard, Docility, from Iconologie. 103b G. 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