Constitutional Reform and Political Participation in the Gulf Khalaf, Abdulhadi

Constitutional Reform and Political Participation in the Gulf Khalaf, Abdulhadi; Luciani, Giacomo 2006 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Khalaf, A., & Luciani, G. (Eds.) (2006). Constitutional Reform and Political Participation in the Gulf. Gulf Research Center. http://www.grc.ae/?sec=Publications&home=0&sec_type=h&sub_opt=68&frm_show=1 Total number of authors: 2 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Gulf Research Center 187 Oud Metha Tower, 11th Floor, 303 Sheikh Rashid Road, P. O. Box 80758, Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Tel.: +971 4 324 7770 Fax: +971 3 324 7771 E- mail: sales@ grc.ae Website: www. grc.ae “Constitutional Reform and Political Participation in the Gulf” first published March 2006 in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, by the Gulf Research Center. © Gulf Research Center 2006 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the Gulf Research Center. ISBN 9948-432-54-1 The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone and do not state or reflect the opinions or position of the Gulf Research Center. By publishing this volume, the Gulf Research Center (GRC) seeks to contribute to the enrichment of the reader’s knowledge out of the Center’s strong conviction that knowledge is for all. Abdulaziz O. Sager Chairman Gulf Research Center About the Gulf Research Center The Gulf Research Center (GRC) is an independent research institute located in Dubai, United Arab Emirates (UAE). The GRC was founded in July 2000 by Mr. Abdulaziz Sager, a Saudi businessman, who realized, in a world of rapid political, social and economic change, the importance of pursuing politically neutral and academically sound research about the Gulf region and disseminating the knowledge obtained as widely as possible. The Center is a non- partisan think-tank, education service provider and consultancy specializing in the Gulf region. The GRC seeks to provide a better understanding of the challenges and prospects of the Gulf region. Contents Introduction Abdulhadi Khalaf and Giacomo Luciani...................................................... 7 1. Political Reform Measures from a Domestic GCC Perspective Abdulaziz Sager .......................................................................................... 17 2. Rules of Succession and Political Participation in the GCC States Abdulhadi Khalaf ....................................................................................... 33 3. Generations of Gulf Constitutions: Paths and Perspectives Gianluca Paolo Parolin ............................................................................. 51 4. Elections and Parliamentary Activity in the GCC States: Broadening Political Participation in the Gulf Monarchies Andrzej Kapiszewski................................................................................... 88 5. Media Policy as a Litmus Test of Political Change in the GCC Naomi Sakr............................................................................................... 132 6. The Constitutionality of Discrimination: A Search for Women's Political Equality in Kuwait Farah Al-Nakib ........................................................................................ 157 7. Liberalization from Above: Political Reforms and Sultanism in Oman Marc Valeri .............................................................................................. 187 8. The Institutionalization of the Saudi Political System and the Birth of ‘Political Personnel’ Camille Ammoun...................................................................................... 211 9. The New Corporatism in Saudi Arabia: Limits of Formal Politics Steffen Hertog........................................................................................... 239 10. Democracy vs. Shura in the age of the Internet Giacomo Luciani...................................................................................... 274 Biographies ............................................................................................. 298 GRC Publications................................................................................... 301 7 Constitutional Reform and Political Participatio in the Gulf GRC Introduction Abdulhadi Khalaf and Giacomo Luciani The Success of the Ruling Families The countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – are ruled by dynastic regimes, and have relatively similar economic, demographic and social structures. They differ in size –Saudi Arabia is significantly larger than the rest, and Oman and the UAE occupy an intermediate position – as well in resource endowment – Saudi Arabia again dominates the group with respect to oil reserves and production – but their social and political similarities are very clear. For decades, the dynastic and patrimonial regimes of the Gulf have stood out as an exception, and indeed an oddity in international relations. Superficial observers identified these regimes as being mere remnants of the past, strange leftovers from the Middle Ages, dinosaurs doomed to extinction. Yet, until September 11, 2001, the ruling families of the Gulf seemed to have been doing well. They had managed to maintain the stability of their regime, consolidate the legitimacy of their rule, and retain the loyalty and support of their social power base. Their remarkable achievements are evident in the mere fact that the survival of the regimes has never been in doubt. This remains true even when one considers the eventful history of the past five decades of war, invasion, and border skirmishes, the various attempts at palace coups (only one of which succeeded in the last 20 years – in Qatar), and the chronic, and continuing, competition among siblings in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, the various emirates of the UAE and Qatar. In spite of these and other upsetting events of the past decades, Gulf monarchies fared well, on the whole. When compared to supposedly more modern regimes in other Arab countries, especially those of other oil exporting countries such as Iraq or Libya, their success cannot be doubted. For decades, the bulk of the literature on them has been dominated by negative assessments and predictions of imminent doom. They are normally 8 GRC Introduction described as being unstable, surrounded, embattled, unable to cope with runaway population growth, and unable to undertake “real” development. Yet, the facts have shown that their record is a mixed one. The Gulf dynasties’ success in holding out in the face of domestic and regional threats offers empirical and theoretical challenges. This stability has been explained in different ways, notably: the impact of the inherited political culture and social structures; the impact of oil revenue and the rentier state; the direct and indirect role of Britain, and later, the USA, in securing the regional status quo; or, finally, the ability of extended ruling families to penetrate state structures and ensure loyalty. With the exception of the last explanation (family size and its tentacular presence may be viewed as casting doubt on the viability of the system in the long run, even if it is an element of stability in the immediate) these interpretations rest on rather solid ground. It is indeed a fact that social segmentation along ethnic, tribal or religious fault lines hinders the formation of strong opposition coalitions and enhances the role of ruling families as ultimate arbiters. This is an inherited condition which, in more recent times, has been reinforced by the large and constantly growing dependence on expatriate labor. It is also a fact that the states of the GCC have access to substantial, and in some cases, massive external rents, that make them independent of society, and indeed allow them to engage in significant distributional politics. Finally, it is also true that the GCC countries constitute essential assets for the United States, and indeed all OECD countries. This facilitates the formation of international coalitions to prevent or reverse any significant change to political realities. And yet, the simple fact is that other types of regimes – supposedly more advanced and “modern” – that have prevailed in countries whose structural parameters are similar to those of the GCC members, have fared much worse. Experience confirms that the dynastic, absolutist form of government

Load more