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The Geography of Sport As a Cultural Process: a Case Study of Lacrosse

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The Geography of Sport As a Cultural Process: a Case Study of Lacrosse THE GEOGRAPHY OF SPORT AS A CULTURAL PROCESS: A CASE STUDY OF LACROSSE By CECILE MARIE BADENHORST B.A. (Hons), University of the Witwatersrand, South Afr i ca, 1984 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1988 © Ceci Ie M. Badenhorst, 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Cf60 > Department of &A/tf H'V The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 33 AUMJST /%& ABSTRACT Over the past two decades, the geography of sport has become a rapidly expanding body of literature. Although a potentially dynamic field of research, there are at present several theoretical weaknesses. First, enquiry has focussed on diffusion patterns to the exclusion of the processes that create these patterns. Second, sports scholars in the discipline tend to participate in an isolated discourse with few connections to the broader scope of geography or with the expansive non-geographical sports literature. One key focus of debate outside the discipline centres on the role of the city in the modernisation of sporting activities. 'Modernisation' theory is valuable for establishing the intricate links between sport, as a process, and the social fabric. Despite this advantage, critics have argued that these links are analytically weak and the relationship between cities and sport should be more broadly theorised. In an attempt to provide a broader theoretical basis for analysing sport as a cultural process, as we I I as a means of overcoming the fai I ings of modernisation theory, Raymond Williams' 'cultural materialism' is examined. Williams Identifies three cultural elements in society, which constantly interact through the process of hegemonic control: the dominant, residual and emergent cultures. i i i The case-study of lacrosse, examined through the lens of 'cultural materialism', illustrates the interaction between these three elements of culture. Among the residual North American Native cultures, lacrosse was one of the most widespread of outdoor games. Shrouded in religious symbolism and ritual, lacrosse was closely tied to economic provision and group protection. Escalating contact with European culture and the Imposition of foreign values and ideas resulted in the modification and eventual transformation of lacrosse. Increasingly, the ritual assumed a purely recreational function. During the early nineteenth century, Europeans began organising lacrosse as a 'modern' sport. The early clubs remained socially- exclusive and membership was strictly reserved for the social elite. Submerged in a legacy of British values, this dominant cultural element also left an Impression on the sport. As the dominant British cultural Influence waned, an emerging Canadian culture became a decisive factor in the history of lacrosse. Further modifications to the game were made as spectators and gate-receipts became increasingly important. Changing values and attitudes led lacrosse on a path towards professionalism. Despite the widespread acceptance of 'play for gain', the dominant amateur ideal prevailed. Lacrosse remained nationally amateur and suffered a serious decline after the first few decades of the twentieth century. The Interplay between the dominant British, the residual Native and emerging Canadian cultures, presents a view of the struggle for hegemony over control of a cultural process. This study's primary conclusion is that Williams' theory of 'cultural materialism' is a powerful interpretive framework for the geography of sport. It overcomes the theoretical weaknesses of geographical sports research as well as addressing the problems of the modernisation theory. In addition, 'cultural materialism' provides an invaluable interpretation of the concept of hegemony. Williams' theory places sport firmly in the context of particular social, economic and cultural heritages. It leads geographers away from a narrow concern with pattern to a fuller exploration of process. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i LI ST OF FIGURES viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Context of Study 1 1.2 Thesis Structure 2 CHAPTER 2 SPORTS STUDIES: A REVIEW 6 2.1 IntroductI on 6 2.2 The Geography of Sport 8 2.3 Sport and the City 14 2.3.1 Agrarian vs Industrial Society 14 2.3.2 A Cure for the 'Malaise' 16 2.3.3 Product of Progress 19 2.3.4 Sport as Control 20 2.3.5 Sport as Symbol 22 2.3.6 Sport as Process 24 2.4 Raymond Williams and 'Cultural MaterlalIsm' 27 2.4.1 The CuIturaI Ist/StructuraI Ist Debate 27 2.4.2 The Material Production of Culture 33 2.4.3 Material Cultural Production Critiqued 43 2.5 Culture, Sport and Geography 46 2.6 Summary 47 CHAPTER 3 THE RESIDUAL CULTURAL ELEMENT 49 3.1 Introduction 49 vi Page 3.2 Lacrosse and the Hegemonic Process 50 3.3 Lacrosse among North American Native Cultures 56 3.3.1 Religious Status 60 3.3.2 Pre-game Ceremonial Rites 62 3.3.3 Tribal Provision 66 3.3.4 Physical Protection 67 3.3.5 *Bal I Play * 69 3.4 Interaction with European Culture 72 3.4.1 Negotiation 74 3.4.2 Dissolution of Tradition 76 3.4.3 Dominant Ideology 77 3.4.4 Compromise 80 3.4.5 Conflict and Resistance 82 3.5 Summary 85 CHAPTER 4 THE DOMINANT CULTURAL ELEMENT 92 4.1 Introduction 92 4.2 Urban Class Society 94 4.3 The British Cultural Legacy 99 4.3.1 Philosophical Roots 100 4.3.2 'Muscular Christianity* 102 4.4 Appropriation of Lacrosse 106 4.5 Introduction of Rules to Lacrosse 111 4.6 Diffusion and Increasing Popularity of Lacrosse 113 4.7 Summary 115 CHAPTER 5 THE EMERGENT CULTURAL ELEMENT 117 5.1 Introduction 117 5.2 The Decline of the Dominant Cultural Influence 119 v i i Page 5.2.1 Weakening Colonial Ties 120 5.2.2 Canadian Nationalism 120 5.3 The Emerging Culture 125 5.3.1 Democrat I sat Ion of Lacrosse 125 5.3.2 Rise of Professionalism in Lacrosse 129 5.3.3 The Amateur/Profess IonaI Struggle 135 5.4 The Preservation of Dominant Ideals 137 5.4.1 Dominance of the Amateur Movement 137 5.4.1 The Olympic Ideal 138 5.5 A British Columbian Example 140 5.5.1 Amateur Lacrosse in British Columbia 142 5.5.2 The Pattern of Seml-professIonaIism 147 5.5.3 Declared Professionalism 149 5.5.4 Implications of the British Columbian Example 151 5.6 The Decline of Lacrosse in Canada 153 5.7 Summary 157 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS 163 6.1 Lacrosse and 'Cultural Materialism' 163 6.1.1 Constraints and Pressures 163 6.1.2 Negotiation for Hegemony 165 6.2 'Cultural Materialism' and the Geography of Sport 168 6.2.1 Lacrosse and 'Modernisation' 168 6.2.2 Lacrosse and Hegemony 171 6.2.3 Contribution to Geography 173 6.2.4 Limits and Significance 175 NOTES 177 BIBLIOGRAPHY 180 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 3.1 Pre-game Ceremonies 87 3.2 'BaI I Play' Dress 88 3.3 'BalI Play' 89 3.4 Instruments of the Game 90 3.5 Choctaw 'Ball Player' 91 5.1 Canada's National Game 159 5.2 Advertisement for a Lacrosse Match 160 5.3 Advertisement for a Lacrosse Excursion 161 5.4 New Westminster Wins the Minto Cup 162 I X ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, a big thank you Is due to my supervisor, Gerry Pratt, for providing invaluable advice and criticisms on several drafts of this thesis. I am also indebted to David Ley for his encouragement and Richard Gruneau, from Simon Fraser University, for his inspiration. Thanks, also, to Archie Miller, curator of Irving House Historic Centre and the Canadian Lacrosse Hall of Fame, New Westminster, British Columbia. His suggestions and ideas were gratefully appreciated. In addition, the UBC Geography Department deserves thanks, particularly for providing financial support. A special thanks to Matthias Roth, Becky Elmhlrst and Josephine Kelly for sharing the trauma of writing a thesis. At home, thanks to Chris Rogerson, from the University of the Witwatersrand, for his unwavering support; and to Cath for the constant source of amusement. Finally, behind the production of any thesis is a support team. Mine consists of my family, especially my parents, who have assisted in every way possible - financially and emotionally; and, of course, Charlie Mather whose task was the most arduous of all: thanks. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION "There Is, of course, a great deal more to human play than apparent freedom of expression, peak experiences, or transcendental fantasy. While play certainly has its aura of unreality - its sense of abstract form - the nature and meaning of this form are greatly influenced by different social structural relations and cultural formations" (Gruneau, 1983, 20). 1.1 Context of Study Since the late 1960s, the growing sports research has indicated that sport Is important. Constant evidence of this is being provided by the massive human commitment to this leisure activity. Contemporary research demonstrates not only that sport Is worthy of academic attention; it is an integral component of society. As Metcalfe stated: "Sport is not peripheral to society; Indeed it is central to life and reflects the dominant social and poI itIcaI concerns.
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