The Geography of Sport As a Cultural Process: a Case Study of Lacrosse
THE GEOGRAPHY OF SPORT AS A CULTURAL PROCESS: A CASE STUDY OF LACROSSE
By
CECILE MARIE BADENHORST
B.A. (Hons), University of the Witwatersrand, South Afr i ca, 1984
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
i n
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
Department of Geography
We accept this thesis as conforming
to the required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
August 1988
© Ceci Ie M. Badenhorst, 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
Cf60 > Department of &A/tf H'V
The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3
Date 33 AUMJST /%& ABSTRACT
Over the past two decades, the geography of sport has
become a rapidly expanding body of literature. Although a
potentially dynamic field of research, there are at present
several theoretical weaknesses. First, enquiry has focussed on diffusion patterns to the exclusion of the processes that
create these patterns. Second, sports scholars in the
discipline tend to participate in an isolated discourse with
few connections to the broader scope of geography or with
the expansive non-geographical sports literature.
One key focus of debate outside the discipline centres
on the role of the city in the modernisation of sporting
activities. 'Modernisation' theory is valuable for
establishing the intricate links between sport, as a
process, and the social fabric. Despite this advantage,
critics have argued that these links are analytically weak
and the relationship between cities and sport should be more
broadly theorised. In an attempt to provide a broader
theoretical basis for analysing sport as a cultural process,
as we I I as a means of overcoming the fai I ings of modernisation theory, Raymond Williams' 'cultural materialism' is examined. Williams Identifies three
cultural elements in society, which constantly interact
through the process of hegemonic control: the dominant,
residual and emergent cultures. i i i
The case-study of lacrosse, examined through the lens
of 'cultural materialism', illustrates the interaction
between these three elements of culture. Among the residual
North American Native cultures, lacrosse was one of the most widespread of outdoor games. Shrouded in religious
symbolism and ritual, lacrosse was closely tied to economic
provision and group protection. Escalating contact with
European culture and the Imposition of foreign values and
ideas resulted in the modification and eventual
transformation of lacrosse. Increasingly, the ritual
assumed a purely recreational function. During the early
nineteenth century, Europeans began organising lacrosse as a
'modern' sport. The early clubs remained socially- exclusive
and membership was strictly reserved for the social elite.
Submerged in a legacy of British values, this dominant
cultural element also left an Impression on the sport.
As the dominant British cultural Influence waned, an
emerging Canadian culture became a decisive factor in the
history of lacrosse. Further modifications to the game were
made as spectators and gate-receipts became increasingly
important. Changing values and attitudes led lacrosse on a
path towards professionalism. Despite the widespread
acceptance of 'play for gain', the dominant amateur ideal
prevailed. Lacrosse remained nationally amateur and
suffered a serious decline after the first few decades of
the twentieth century. The Interplay between the dominant
British, the residual Native and emerging Canadian cultures, presents a view of the struggle for hegemony over control of
a cultural process. This study's primary conclusion is that
Williams' theory of 'cultural materialism' is a powerful
interpretive framework for the geography of sport. It overcomes the theoretical weaknesses of geographical sports
research as well as addressing the problems of the modernisation theory. In addition, 'cultural materialism' provides an invaluable interpretation of the concept of
hegemony. Williams' theory places sport firmly in the context of particular social, economic and cultural
heritages. It leads geographers away from a narrow concern with pattern to a fuller exploration of process. V
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT i i
LI ST OF FIGURES viii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Context of Study 1
1.2 Thesis Structure 2
CHAPTER 2 SPORTS STUDIES: A REVIEW 6
2.1 IntroductI on 6
2.2 The Geography of Sport 8
2.3 Sport and the City 14
2.3.1 Agrarian vs Industrial Society 14 2.3.2 A Cure for the 'Malaise' 16 2.3.3 Product of Progress 19 2.3.4 Sport as Control 20 2.3.5 Sport as Symbol 22 2.3.6 Sport as Process 24
2.4 Raymond Williams and 'Cultural MaterlalIsm' 27
2.4.1 The CuIturaI Ist/StructuraI Ist Debate 27 2.4.2 The Material Production of Culture 33 2.4.3 Material Cultural Production Critiqued 43
2.5 Culture, Sport and Geography 46
2.6 Summary 47
CHAPTER 3 THE RESIDUAL CULTURAL ELEMENT 49
3.1 Introduction 49 vi
Page
3.2 Lacrosse and the Hegemonic Process 50
3.3 Lacrosse among North American Native Cultures 56
3.3.1 Religious Status 60 3.3.2 Pre-game Ceremonial Rites 62 3.3.3 Tribal Provision 66 3.3.4 Physical Protection 67 3.3.5 *Bal I Play * 69
3.4 Interaction with European Culture 72
3.4.1 Negotiation 74 3.4.2 Dissolution of Tradition 76 3.4.3 Dominant Ideology 77 3.4.4 Compromise 80 3.4.5 Conflict and Resistance 82
3.5 Summary 85
CHAPTER 4 THE DOMINANT CULTURAL ELEMENT 92
4.1 Introduction 92
4.2 Urban Class Society 94
4.3 The British Cultural Legacy 99
4.3.1 Philosophical Roots 100
4.3.2 'Muscular Christianity* 102
4.4 Appropriation of Lacrosse 106
4.5 Introduction of Rules to Lacrosse 111
4.6 Diffusion and Increasing Popularity of Lacrosse 113 4.7 Summary 115
CHAPTER 5 THE EMERGENT CULTURAL ELEMENT 117
5.1 Introduction 117
5.2 The Decline of the Dominant Cultural Influence 119 v i i
Page
5.2.1 Weakening Colonial Ties 120
5.2.2 Canadian Nationalism 120
5.3 The Emerging Culture 125
5.3.1 Democrat I sat Ion of Lacrosse 125 5.3.2 Rise of Professionalism in Lacrosse 129 5.3.3 The Amateur/Profess IonaI Struggle 135
5.4 The Preservation of Dominant Ideals 137
5.4.1 Dominance of the Amateur Movement 137 5.4.1 The Olympic Ideal 138
5.5 A British Columbian Example 140
5.5.1 Amateur Lacrosse in British Columbia 142 5.5.2 The Pattern of Seml-professIonaIism 147 5.5.3 Declared Professionalism 149 5.5.4 Implications of the British Columbian Example 151
5.6 The Decline of Lacrosse in Canada 153
5.7 Summary 157
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS 163
6.1 Lacrosse and 'Cultural Materialism' 163
6.1.1 Constraints and Pressures 163 6.1.2 Negotiation for Hegemony 165
6.2 'Cultural Materialism' and the Geography of Sport 168
6.2.1 Lacrosse and 'Modernisation' 168 6.2.2 Lacrosse and Hegemony 171 6.2.3 Contribution to Geography 173 6.2.4 Limits and Significance 175
NOTES 177
BIBLIOGRAPHY 180 viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
3.1 Pre-game Ceremonies 87
3.2 'BaI I Play' Dress 88
3.3 'BalI Play' 89
3.4 Instruments of the Game 90
3.5 Choctaw 'Ball Player' 91
5.1 Canada's National Game 159
5.2 Advertisement for a Lacrosse Match 160
5.3 Advertisement for a Lacrosse Excursion 161
5.4 New Westminster Wins the Minto Cup 162 I X
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First, a big thank you Is due to my supervisor, Gerry Pratt, for providing invaluable advice and criticisms on several drafts of this thesis. I am also indebted to David Ley for his encouragement and Richard Gruneau, from Simon Fraser University, for his inspiration. Thanks, also, to Archie Miller, curator of Irving House Historic Centre and the Canadian Lacrosse Hall of Fame, New Westminster, British Columbia. His suggestions and ideas were gratefully appreciated. In addition, the UBC Geography Department deserves thanks, particularly for providing financial support. A special thanks to Matthias Roth, Becky Elmhlrst and Josephine Kelly for sharing the trauma of writing a thesis. At home, thanks to Chris Rogerson, from the University of the Witwatersrand, for his unwavering support; and to Cath for the constant source of amusement. Finally, behind the production of any thesis is a support team. Mine consists of my family, especially my parents, who have assisted in every way possible - financially and emotionally; and, of course, Charlie Mather whose task was the most arduous of all: thanks. CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
"There Is, of course, a great deal more to human play than apparent freedom of expression, peak experiences, or transcendental fantasy. While play certainly has its aura of unreality - its sense of abstract form - the nature and meaning of this form are greatly influenced by different social structural relations and cultural formations" (Gruneau, 1983, 20).
1.1 Context of Study
Since the late 1960s, the growing sports research has
indicated that sport Is important. Constant evidence of this is being provided by the massive human commitment to this leisure activity. Contemporary research demonstrates not only that sport Is worthy of academic attention; it is an integral component of society. As Metcalfe stated:
"Sport is not peripheral to society; Indeed it is central to life and reflects the dominant social and poI itIcaI concerns. In modern society, sport Is a visible and pervasive social system that has become an important institution for the transmission of cultural characteristics" (Metcalfe, 1987, 13).
In other words, far from being the apolitical autonomous activity it Is sometimes be I Ieved to be, sport is closely bound to the social fabric and plays a significant role in the construction of that fabric. Yet, despite this growing admission that sport is 'central to life' and the
increasing attention sports studies have enjoyed, wide 2
'gaps' in explanation remain (Adelman, 1986). It is the purpose of this study to address some of these 'gaps' by
locating sport firmly In the realm of cultural process. The examination of process, as opposed to static patterns or spatial variations, allows the study of sport to be placed within particular social, economic and political contexts.
Parallei ing the general interest in sports studies, has been the growth of geographic research in this field. This study draws on this literature, as well as cultural geography, historical geography and the extensive non- geographical sports literature. A central objective is to draw together different aspects from the literature In an attempt to examine sport as cultural process.
1.2 Thesis Structure
The thesis begins with an examination of the literature on the geography of sport. Over the last two decades, sport has developed as an ongoing interest within the discipline.
Geographical sports interest, however, has tended to be myopic, with few connections to the broader frame of geography or Indeed, with the expansive non-geographical sports literature. A frequently pursued theme in the non- geographical sports literature Is the role of the city In the modernisation of sporting activities. The attributes 3 and weaknesses of this modernisation theme are discussed and assessed, in an attempt to place the study of sport within a more broadly theorised context. Raymond Williams' theory of
'cultural materialism' provides one solution to the disadvantages of the modernisation theme. Williams
identifies three elements within the cultural process that combine in a dynamic way to maintain hegemonic relations: the dominant, the residual and the emergent cultures. It is through the combined actions of these cultural elements that social processes are actively constituted. 'Cultural materialism' effectively displaces the current fascination
for pattern in favour of the more analytically fulfilling explanation of process and, in doing so, contributes to an expanded geography of sport.
The history of lacrosse is used as a case study within which sport as a cultural process is examined. Lacrosse has played a central role in Canadian sports history. The game originated as a significant religious and cultural ritual among the North American Native cultures. Over time, it became a popular 'modern' organised sport and even earned the title of Canada's 'national game'. Through an analysis of the early development of lacrosse In Canada, the
interplay between the dominant, residual and emergent cultures becomes evident. Throughout Its history, lacrosse has been influenced by various cultures and aspects of the 4
game have changed accordingly. These changes were effected sometimes through negotiation, and other times through coercion or compromise.
Chapter Three Is devoted to an examination of the residual element in lacrosse cultural history. This chapter effectively prepares the background against which later changes to the game take place. It provides a view of the role of lacrosse within Native North American culture as well as the subsequent Native/European contact and conflict and the consequences of this on lacrosse. The fourth chapter Is devoted to the dominant cultural element. This section discusses the appropriation of lacrosse by the
British, the legacy of social values from Britain and the way In which these values are translated in the changes made to the game.
In the fifth chapter, attention turns to the growing emergent Canadian culture. Once again the sport undergoes a transformation and this is examined against the background of changing values and beliefs within Canadian society towards the beginning of the twentieth century. The social composition of lacrosse players is examined to determine the effects of emerging Canadian culture on players, clubs and attitudes. It is against this changing social context that 5
the amateur/professional struggle and the subsequent decline of lacrosse as a national sport, is examined. 6
CHAPTER 2
SPORTS STUD IES: A REV 1EW
"Sport provides a highly visible context within which a number of fundamentally geographical concepts are exemplified. Place and locality I ie at the heart of sport, yet sports geography has failed to explore the symbiosis between them. Sports are contemporary cultural forms which possess the potential for several kinds of analysis of the cultural landscape" (Bale, 1987, 13-14).
2.1 IntroductI on
Sport has attracted the attention of scholars from diverse disciplines, though only recently have geographers
become Interested in sports studies. Over the last two decades a burgeoning literature has appeared on the subject.
Publication of a new journal, Sport Place: An International
Journal of Sports Geography, in 1987, illustrates the level
of current interest in the field.
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the
expanding literature on geographical sports studies.
Although a potentially dynamic avenue of research, the
geography of sport has several theoretical weaknesses.
First, geographical enquiry Into sport has concentrated on diffusion patterns, to the exclusion of the processes that create these patterns. Second, the geographers studying 7 sport tend to participate In an isolated discourse, with few connections within the broader frame of geography or with
the vast literature on sport In other disciplines.
Non-geographical sports literature covers wide-ranging and diverse issues, some of which should be of Interest to geographers. One continuing concern isolates the role of
the city in the modernisation of sporting activities. A selection of the dominant urban themes is reviewed in this chapter to provide an insight into many of the key debates,
Ideas and issues. This discussion serves as a means of
introducing the non-geographical literature to sports
geography while simultaneously emphasising broad geographical themes, such as modernisation theory, which exist within this literature. The 'modernisation' theme, even though widely used In sport research, has come under
recent scrutiny. Supporters of the concept encourage the
use of this 'model' despite the lack of analytical depth, while critics argue that the relationship between cities and
sport should be more broadly theorised. In an attempt to
provide a broader theoretical basis for analysing cultural
activities, like sport, as a process and as a way of
breaking out of the modernisation impasse, a discussion of
Raymond Williams' 'cultural materialism' follows the non-
geographical literature review. Although by no means
exhaustive, In this review an attempt is made to examine critically the literature of the geography of sport, non- 8
geographical sports literature and Williams' theory of
'cultural materialism', the aim being to ultimately
contribute to an expanded geography of sport.
2.2 The Geography of Sport
In North America, Initial inspiration was generated by
the work of John Rooney who advocated that geographical
enquiry could help create a better understanding of sport
through locatlonal analysis and the study of human
behaviour. This approach, he argued, would enable
geographers to examine the significance of sport in society
(Rooney, 1974; 1975). Rooney noted the abundance of raw material from which spatial variations and geographical
patterns could be extracted. For example, sporting Interest
had created numerous spatial variations such as 'hot beds'
of sporting activities. In addition, media publicity had
helped define regional Ised areas of intensive fan loyalties
(Rooney, 1969; 1975). Illustratively, Rooney's subsequent
research on American football established that certain areas
of the United States 'produced' collegiate and professional
players and that other areas 'consumed' these players
(Rooney, 1969; 1974; 1987). Rooney also explored the use
of central place theory to explain the spatial organisation
of sport. He found that major league sports exist In major 9 cities, and that teams have overlapping 'fan regions' which extend over most of the United States (Rooney, 1975).
Similar studies conducted on the geography of baseball,
football and basketball proved that these empirical examinations of sport were of considerable practical use
(Rooney, 1987). By providing sports statistics and diffusion rates, the actual organisation of sport at the
high school, collegiate and professional levels could be altered 'to provide equal opportunity for participants and spectators alike' (Rooney, 1975, 113).
Across the Atlantic the most important contributions to sports studies are found in the writings of John Bale. Bale argued that while recreation studies In geography were considered legitimate, sport was regarded as peripheral despite Its obvious importance In society (Bale, 1981a).
Bale urged geographers to see sport for what it is: 'a subject of major Importance ...amenabIe to academic study'
(Bale, 1981a, 105). Following the guidelines set down by
Rooney, Bale's work includes research on the spatial diffusion and adoption of soccer In Britain (Bale, 1978;
1980a), the geography of world class athletics (Bale, 1979a;
1979b) and regional changes in the origins of professional 10 sportsmen (Bale, 1983). In his book Sport and Place, Bale emphasises the connections between geography and sport:
"A geographical approach recognises that just as sports evolved over time, they also diffused over space; just as different social groups participate in different sports, so different places are Identified with different sports; sport creates occupations and creates movement or spatial interaction between places; while sport leaves its Imprint on culture, it also leaves Its Impress on the landscape" (Bale, 1982, 1).
The research endeavours by other geographers have been documented by Bale (1987). He Identifies five approaches characteristic of geographic sports studies. The first encompasses spatial and temporal variations in sport (Rlmmer and Johnston, 1967; Pillsbury, 1974; Harmon, 1985). The second group focusses on the migration patterns of athletes
(Marals, 1979; McConnell, 1983). Local and national economic patterns, particularly the prediction of future
locational patterns for sporting activities, characterise the third group (Connell, 1985). The fourth group involves the analysis of externality and multiplier effects of sports events (Fein and Lynn, 1982; Humphreys, Mason and Pinch,
1983). Finally, Bale (1987) identifies a cuIturaI/humanistIc approach essentially concerned with sport and the cultural landscape (Orlard, 1976; Winters,
1980; Wagner, 1981; Adams and Rooney, 1984; Nei I son,
1986; Raltz, 1987). Although still significantly dominated by the analysis of spatial patterns, these shifts in interest reflect the expanding base of geographical sports stud i es.
There is little doubt that Rooney and Bale have effectively stimulated Interest In sport among geographers.
While both acknowledge that there are many aspects of sport yet to be studied (Rooney, 1974; Bale, 1982), the geography of sport Is overwhelmingly characterised by a positlvistic research method and the use of quantitative techniques to depict spatial patterns. Few explanations of the origins of observed variations have been offered (Ley, 1985; Bale,
1987). In an endeavour to rectify these shortcomings, Bale has attempted to broaden the canvas of geographical studies to include such topics as the soccer club as a noxious
locational facility (Bale, 1980b) and the effects of the feminist movement on the adaption of women's soccer in
Britain (Bale, 1980c). Paralleling these new research themes, fresh source materials have been discovered, for example, in the use of literary citations to document the expansion of cricket In pre-VIctorI an England (Bale, 1981b).
More recently, new ground was broken with a study of vernacular sports image regions In Britain (Bale, 1986). 12
Despite these attempts to broaden the range of sports geography with new themes and data sources, existing research is limited In its isolation from social theory.
The geography of sport could be further enriched by drawing on the expansive non-geographical literature on sport and by shifting the focus of attention from pattern to process.
The contribution of non-geographers is considerable and
Insightful. Most importantly, significant links with social theory have been made within this body of literature. For example, historians have shown the influence of sport in shaping working class culture in England, illuminating how class identification Is solidified through fan support of a particular team (Critcher, 1979; Baker, 1980). Feminist social science draws attention not only to the way in which sport reinforces the dominant male role In society (M.A.
Hall, 1980) but also the relationship of sport to feminist emancipation (Bulger, 1982/83). The effect of racism and resultant stereo-typing of certain races or cultures with particular types of sport have been analysed (Cashmore,
1981; Ruck, 1987) and, in addition, research on the effects of apartheid on South African national and international sport have highlighted the political implications of sport, and the process of racial discrimination (Lapchick, 1975;
Archer and Bouillon, 1982). 13
Marxist perspectives have linked the emergence of organised sport and the development of industrial capital
(Brohm, 1976; Hoberman, 1984). Other studies have explored political theory and the role of the state in the development of sport (Cantelon and Gruneau, 1982), class and inequality in capitalist society (Gruneau, 1983) and the use of the concept of hegemony In sports studies
(Hargreaves, 1982; Ingham and Hardy, 1984; Gruneau, 1987).
These studies highlight the cultural, Ideological and theoretical innocence of most current geographical writings on sport as It relates to and Is used by society.
One important thesis that has been advanced in the non- geographical literature is that 'modern' sport is a direct result of urbanisation (Oriard, 1976; Hardy, 1981;
Luschen, 1981; Bailey, 1983; NeiI son, 1986). Non- geographers have long been concerned with the links between the emerging city and the growth of modern organised sport.
The social circumstances created by industrialisation and the development of urban centres are seen as a crucial stimulant in the organisation of sporting activities. Since the turn of the century the pivotal role of the city has extensively influenced the non-geographical literature on the study of sport (Gruneau, 1987). Attention now turns to review this literature. 14
2.3 Sport and the City
Early research linked the growth of sport to both the perceived negative and positive features of the city.
Sport, on the one hand, was a reaction to the urban
'malaise'; and, on the other, a product of the technological Innovation peculiar to the emerging industrial city (Hardy, 1981). Both these react ions illustrate an adherence to the 'modernisation' theme In sports studies.
Before continuing to examine this literature connecting the
'modernisation' of sport and urban-industrI a I society, some definitions are necessary.
2.3.1 Agrarian vs Industrial Society
Generally, advocates of a 'modernisation' theme view pre-1ndustrI a I society as a social system based on agricultural production. The social order was heavily based on tradition, superstition and religious ritual, hence the term, 'traditional' society. No precise boundaries existed between religious and secular life (Adelman, 1986). Family, community and labour were all closely connected and
localised (Gruneau, 1987). Simi IarIy, work and leisure were closely tied and part of everyday life. Leisure did not occupy a separate portion of the day (Burns, 1973). Social
I Ife.was patterned by localised rural decentralisation. As 15
a result traditional sports tended to be periodic, unorganised, localised and governed by differing rules from place to place (Gruneau, 1987).
By contrast, modern urban society is characterised by dynamic cosmopolitan and technological attributes (Adelman,
1986) . In the transformation from rural economy to urban-
Industrial society, attempts to understand and control nature accompanied a rational skepticism which helped to undermine the powers of religion and tradition (Gruneau,
1987) . This belief that change occurs through the application of rational analysis is crucial to modern society (Adelman, 1986). The release of rural ties, coupled with new forms of production, led to an increasing complexity in labour relations. Related to this was the move of population from country to city. Once in urban-
industrial society, according to the modernisation theme, personal relations became less localised • and more cosmopolitan (Gruneau, 1987). As a result of work relations, separate leisure time was created (Burns, 1973).
Modern sports are characteristically organised, highly structured and regulated, and based on 'achievement' rather than 'ascription'1. 16
This brief resume fails to do justice to the numerous variations of the 'modernisation' theme as It has been applied by sports scholars. Yet it is sufficient to emphasise the importance placed on the dualistic model of two apparently distinct social contexts. A review of the empirical application of this dualistic model follows. This
Is by no means a homogeneous or identified literature but the following discussion highlights the extent to which threads of the modernisation theme exist in sports studies.
2.3.2 A Cure for the 'Malaise'
Sport researchers In the early decades of the nineteenth century believed that modern sporting activities developed to offset some of the deprivations of urban life.
In the transition from agrIcuIturaI-ruraI to industrial- urban society, traditional forms of play and recreation from the countryside were lost. In the city, the frustrated urge for the 'outdoors' was assuaged by the development of modern sport. Writing in 1917, Paxson attributed the rise of sport in America to the closing of the frontier (Fldler, Coroneos and Tamburro, 1975). He argued that a major reason why society survived urbanisation and was able to,withstand the unbearable pressures generated In an industrial society was because new outlets were provided through organised sport
(Paxson, 1917). Sport developed to combat the pressures of the closing frontier: 17
"The free lands were used up. The cow country rose and felI. The social safety valve was screwed down. But the explosion did not come" (Paxson, 1917, 145).
As more open land was developed, society was subjected to increasing tensions generated by congested city life.
The relaxation, once provided by the 'cow country' was, of necessity, replaced by organised sports such as baseball, tennis and golf (Paxson, 1917).
Paxson's ideas were modified by later students of sport and the emphasis shifted from the rapidly closing frontier
to the importance of the growth and spread of cities (Hardy,
1981). The development of organised sport was seen as directly related to the restrictions of urban living. City
life, with its Inherent congestion, ran into conflict with
'society's' allegedly intrinsic desire for open spaces.
Deprived of natural outdoor recreation, people were forced to seek new forms of relaxation. Modern organised sport was said to release pent-up energies and to replace the critical need for rustic life (Hardy, 1981).
A variation of this theme emphasised that traditional recreational activities were actively replaced by modern organised sports, particularly spectator sports. The 18 peculiar nature of the city defied the transplantation of the simpler, unorganised and often spontaneous traditional sports and recreational activities to the urban environment.
These 'primitive' or pre-modern sports could not be adapted, in their traditional form, to the rational and organised urban ethos. As a result 'old' activities were transformed or new diversions better suited to urban conditions were fostered. Thus, traditional recreational activities disappeared and were replaced by relaxations particularly urban in character (Somers, 1971; Hardy, 1981).
Underlying many of these ideas Is the theme of escapism. Urban life, particularly industrial life, was said to be characterised by bleak tedious drudgery. The rise of sport represented an escape from an oppressive present (Betts, 1953; Hardy, 1981). It was argued that sport provided a means to forget frustrations, routine and the dullness of urban-industrI a I culture. The struggle for survival in the urban centre necessitated the need for a social safety-valve and sport supposedly provided this release (Hardy, 1981).
These early themes, essentially anti-urban, attributed the growth of sport to societal needs for a palliative to combat the negative features of city life. Mid-century 19 sports scholars began to look at city-related factors that facilitated the growth of sport in a more positive sense.
Economic and technological progress effectively fostered the development of organised sport (Betts, 1953; Hardy, 1981).
2.3.3 Product of Progress
In this second view sport was seen, not as a reaction to the urban 'malaise', but rather a product of a new social environment: an environment that teamed with Industry, innovation and opportunity. The 'powerful inventive spirit' which flourished during the nineteenth century
'revolutionised' many aspects of economic life (Betts, 1953,
232). Improved transportation Increased the scope of competition and allowed more people to participate, as athlete or spectator, In sporting activities. As a higher standard of living was achieved and more free-time became avallable in the modern city, sporting opportunities were open to an ever-widening segment of the population. Swifter and cheaper modes of communication helped publicise and increase spectator enthusiasm. In addition, the larger, more concentrated populations meant a greater market for sport consumers and entrepreneurs (Hardy, 1981). Moreover, cities contained the economic, demographic and technological conditions for the growth of sport. 20
There are a number of assumptions underlying both the positive and negative explanations of sport in the city.
First, is the assumption that industrialisation would
Inevitably lead to the urban 'malaise', characterised by stress and tension and that sport would be the logical vent for this frustration. Second, It is assumed that there is a natural urge to partake in recreational and sporting activities. Third, it is argued that pre-industrI a I forms of recreation could not be adapted to the urban sphere.
Hardy (1981) shows how these assumptions can be traced through a number of subsequent studies and that many present discussions have elements of these early Ideas. The following section is devoted to a consideration of the current themes.
2.3.4 Sport as Control
Since the 1970s many sports researchers have continued to emphasise the negative aspects of the city. From this perspective, sport has been seen as an instrument of social reform and control (Meller, 1976; Parker, 1976).
Researchers have emphasised how sporting activities are attributed the ability to teach values and contribute to character development. Team sports, in particular, are believed to nurture values of nationalism, respect for rules, hard work and fair play (Hardy, 1981). Groups,
Individuals and philanthropic organisations concerned for 21
justice and social uplift organised sporting activities In order to overcome the apparent social ills of instability and disorder that appeared with growing cities and city life. Youth, immigrants and other disadvantaged groups were seen to benefit from 'healthy' sport activities.
In North America, In particular, sport was used to reform immigrants whose life-styles seemed 'un-American' and therefore, unacceptable. Sport was a means of immigrant assimilation Into the 'American way of life' (Goodman,
1979). Organised play has also been seen as a way for children to adapt to the conditions of the world, while filling the disciplinary void created by the dislocations of urban life. Research unveiled that the motivation of social control lay at the heart of most social reform movements
(Cavallo, 1976; Kirschner, 1980; Cavallo, 1981). In these circumstances numerous writers have argued that sport was used as a tool by elites or other privileged groups and imposed upon the disadvantaged or working class groups in order to divert or sublimate any feelings of political consciousness (Badenhorst and Rogerson, 1986). This social control theme In sports studies is problematic in that it often leads to an emphasis on a rigid 'top-down' approach and underplays the motives of the disadvantaged groups in wanting sports activities. 22
2.3.5 Sport as Symbol
Continuing the theme of sport as a product of progress, some current researchers have incorporated the positive aspects of the city. They suggest that sports figures, teams and sporting events often serve as vehicles of group consciousness and cohesion (Crepeau, 1981; Lipsky, 1983;
Scotch, 1983; Smith, 1983). The city characteristically impairs the ability of urban residents to experience local sentiments and form attachments. Sports, sport rituals and sports heroes operate as powerful symbols through which urban inhabitants derive organisation and meaning In their
I ives (Klapp, 1964).
The sports hero particularly provides meaning and order to existence by 'boosting morale, providing institutionalised role models and establishing group self- images' (Klapp, 1964, 44). Nowhere, it is argued, is the urban symbol more readi ly apparent than in the sports arena
(Oriard, 1976; Nei I son, 1986). According to this genre, sport is also seen to be socially cohesive, bringing together people from different social classes, ethnic groups, religions and interest groups (Hardy, 1981). Added to this, sport is viewed as a means of universal social mobility particularly for ethnic groups. Teams or individual sporting heroes have emerged to represent the 23 struggles and aspirations of particular sub-communities within the city (Wagg, 1984). By means of this symbolism, group antagonisms and culture clashes are brought to life on the field in ritual symbolism. Furthermore, sports teams operate as symbols and informal mechanisms of community identity, often uniting a wide range of sometimes rival groups through the solidarity of common spirit and enthusiasm (Taylor, 1982). In some cases, sport offers 'a
lesson In modern living in an imitation of a pastoral setting' (Barth, 1980, 190). In other words, the sports field is the classroom in which city dwellers can learn to bridge some of the conflicts inherent in urban life. Sport symbolism is also seen to have more direct influences on the
landscape. Some researchers, nostalgic for a more simpler rustic past, view sport as symbolic of the modern hero- worship for technology and progress. To them the baseball field signifies the 'remnants of a savaged countryside'
(Barth, 1980, 190) and computerised scoreboards 'have grown
Into altars of information and authority' (Nellson, 1986,
46) .
Sport symbol ism is also seen to have more direct
Influences on the landscape. Sports have been used as symbols of civic pride and success, and have played an important role in many cities' booster plans (Hardy, 1981;
Lipsitz, 1984). Successful sporting ventures attract 24 visitors, residents and wealth, which all serve to secure a popular self-image for the city. Sport symbols have remained an important tool for analysis and, it is argued, their role as meaningful urban symbols has greatly contributed to the widespread acceptance and popularity of sport in the city (Hardy, 1981).
2.3.6 Sport as a Process
Threads of the modernisation theme are clearly apparent
in the literature, which extols the growth of organised sport as the result of city characteristics. Despite its obvious appeal, strict adherence to the modernisation theme has been severely criticised. The model has been criticised for containing an implicit cultural bias and its proponents for having applied it In a reductive and deterministic manner. Supporters, however, claim that despite these shortcomings, and until the vacuum of alternate theory is filled, modernisation continues to be useful as a heuristic device to organise material on cultural developments during particular time periods (Guttman, 1978; Adelman, 1986).
Adelman (1986) distinguishes between the modernisation model of ideal societal types ('traditionaI'/'modern') and modernisation theory. He Is critical of people who attribute the 'rise' of modern sport to urbanisation and industrialisation but fail to locate their work in a theory of modernisation (Adelman, 1986). This support 25 notwithstanding, the limits of the modernisation theme are clearly apparent. A recent discussion has outlined these limits In detail (Gruneau, 1987). Only three sets of problems, all of which are relevant to this study, will be
Identified for further review.
First, the dichotomised concepts of 'traditional' and
'modern' have abstracted sport from the context of shifting cultural, political and economic factors. In effect, this serves to obscure the existence of historical continuities of 'traditional' sport, as well as the discontinuities of
'modern' sport. The modernisation theme implies that the
'development' of modern sport is complete, whereas sport,
like any other cultural form, is constantly changing
(Gruneau, 1987). Rather than analysing the complexity of sport as a process, modernisation theorists offer a static explanation.
Second, and continuing from the first set of problems, modernisation explanation tends to view sport as a 'mirror'
image of society. Sport Is seen to reflect technological and social change, ideas and trends, but is rarely viewed as
Influencing or interacting with society in any constitutive way (Gruneau, 1987). 26
The third limitation of modernisation theory concerns cultural bias. The theory involves the comparison of the dominant features of two different social formations. These social contexts often take the form of idealised models of
'traditional' and 'modern'; each with particular universal characteristics such as 'irrational' or 'rational'.
Ultimately, the model of 'traditional' society is held against the standard of 'modern' society (Gruneau, 1987).
Such a comparison Implies a value Judgement. Modern sport, with its inherent concepts of organisation, rationality and regulation, is viewed as an advance from the unorganised, irrational, and unregulated 'traditional' sports. Thus, modern sport is seen as the end point of a progression from a 'primitive' beginning. Despite the frequently held nostalgia for the non-commercial past, any cultural value in pre-modern sports is negated by condemnation of traditional aspects, superstition or religion, for example.
The modernisation approach fails to deal with the complexity of sport histories and as such, lacks explanatory power. The emphasis on a dualistic model obscures the continuing issues of class, race, gender, culture and capitalism (Bailey, 1983). It is only by examining sport as a process that these complexities can be analysed. In such an analysis, industrialisation and the urban sphere are 27 still intently scrutinised. The city as 'place' remains crucial because it Is within particular social, political and economic contexts that cultural processes are acted out
(Bailey, 1983). The relationship between sport and the industrialisation process must, however, be more broadly theorised. Raymond Williams' theory of 'cultural materialism' provides a more critical perspective of socially produced forms and practices and has the potential to fill the void in sports theory (Gruneau, 1987).
2.4 Raymond Williams and 'Cultural Materialism'
Raymond Williams (1977) proposes a theory of 'cultural materialism.', where culture is seen as an active process of material practice. This theoretical statement is a product of two decades of heated debate about cultural theory. Any discussion of Williams' work must be seen in the context of this debate in British Marxist literary and cultural theory during the 1960s amd 1970s.
2.4.1 The CuIturaIist/StructuraIist Debate
Will lams' earl ier work forms part of a body of
literature which has become known as the 'cuIturaI Ist' approach to cultural theory (Gurevitch et al, 1982).
Together with social historian E.P. Thompson and cultural 28 theorist R. Hoggart, the work of the cultural ists constituted a major shift in the theoretical perceptions of cultural production and its relation to society. Wi I I iams traced the origins of the word 'culture' in an attempt to define culture as a meaning which Is socially constructed and historically transformed (Silk, 1984). Rather than
'Culture' in the literary or artistic sense, Williams developed the idea of culture as 'a way of life'. Thompson added to these Ideas by emphasising the notion of conflict
in cultural studies in his seminal book on working class culture: Trie Making of the English Working Class (1968).
Both Thompson and Will iams placed culture and experience at the forefront of analysis, emphasising the role of human agency in the creation of traditions and practices rather than a 'side effect' of the capitalist mode of production
(Johnson, 1979a).
The cultural 1st approach opposed 'structuralist' formulations of culture. The structuralist contribution is diverse, including work by Saussure, Levi-Strauss and
Bar.thes, among others. At the pinnacle of the debate, however, is Louis Althusser's reformulation of Marxist theory (Johnson, 1979b). Althusser attempted to move away from reductionist economist Ic Marxism. Although his arguments are complex, three components of structuralism are highlighted here, in order to illustrate the break from the 29 more deterministic view of social relations: Ideology,
'relative autonomy' and 'overdetermination'. First and
central to this project, is the function of ideology.
Althusser challenged earlier efforts to reduce ideology
to the simple effect of the economic base (S. Hall, 1980).
For Althusser the role of Ideology is to secure the
reproduction of the relations of production (Althusser,
1971). Not only are workers reproduced to work, they are
also reproduced so as to be submissive to the ruling
ideological consciousness which legitimates the dominance of
capital and the subordinate position of the worker
(Althusser, 1971; Bennett, 1982). People's consciousness
is explained, by Althusser, as the product of their
relationship to work and capital (Bennett, 1979). Ideology
is not, therefore, a representation of real conditions of
existence but people's relation to those conditions of
existence (McDonnell and Robins, 1980). Ideology Is seen as
practice rather than a set of ideas. In other words, it is
the way in which people understand, experience and 'live'
the material conditions of their existence (S. Hall, 1980).
By concentrating on class relations Althusser challenged the
earlier attempts to reduce ideology to economic
determinants. He also challenged the Idea of simple
relations (only determined by economic relations) between 30 class and cultural formations. Classes, therefore, are not simply economic structures but also constituted by other practices such as the political and ideological.
In addition, class formations and ideologies are not
predetermined and therefore do not 'carry their ideologies
already prescribed and prearranged like number plates on
their backs' (S. Hall, 1980, 34). Ideology does, however,
structure and produce the consciousness of Individuals in ways in which people are not immediately aware (Gurevitch,
et al, 1982). Althusser argued that ideology has material
existence through apparatuses such as schools, the family
and the media. The relationship between these apparatuses
and ideology can only be analysed in its specific historical
context (Althusser, 1971).
In order to capture the idea that societies are
necessarily complex where unevenly determining and
determinate practices occur, Althusser addressed the
concepts of 'relative autonomy' and 1overdeterminatI on'. By
rethinking the base/superstructure metaphor, Althusser
allows the distinctions of Institutional sites and state
apparatuses at the super-structural level. To move away
from economic reductI on Ism, each level (the cuIturaI/ideoIogIcaI, for example) maintains some sense of 31 relative autonomy. In other words, cuIturaI/ideoIogicaI
institutions are not directly predetermined by economic forces. Closely related, is the concept of
'overdetermination'. Instead of a view of society where the economic is the determining factor, Althusser allows for multiple determining forces: the economic, the political or the ideological (S. Hall, 1980). Together ideology,
'relative autonomy' and 'overdetermination' were Intended to define an active process.
Raymond Williams (1977) criticises both the economlstic and the structural Marxisms for what he sees as a common
problem-.
"The analytical categories, as so often In Idealist thought, have, almost unnoticed, become substantive descriptions, which then take habitual priority over the whole social process to which, as analytical categories, they are attempting to speak" (Williams, 1977, 80-81)
Williams argues, therefore, that to distinguish between various ideological Institutions (such as education, law or
rel Igion) in a social formation, leads to the be I ief that
these exist substantially apart as physical objects separate
from each other (Anderson, 1980). Williams also dismisses
the idea that any ideology may be abstracted and then
imposed on a given society (Johnson, 1979b). By rejecting the notion of an 'imposed' ideology, the cuIturaI Ists, like 32
Althusser, also objected to economistlc explanations in which all culture is reduced to economic first principles
(Thrift, 1983; Silk, 1984). Williams, however, emphasised
that relations in society should be analysed in terms of how
they are 'lived' and experienced (Eagleton, 1976).
Experience is, therefore, granted an authenticating role In cultural analysis and human agency Is paramount (Silk,
1984).
Structuralist writers have criticised the cultural 1st
emphasis on experience, and instead followed Althusser's
notions of ideology, culture and class relations. The
cultural 1st approach, it was argued, led to a highly
problematic theory of culture (Swingewood, 1977; Johnson,
1979b; Silk, 1984). The rejection of ideology, In
Wi I I lams' earl ier work on the production of culture, fai led v
to make adequate connections between experience and the
political economy of the capitalist mode of production
(Swingewood, 1977). Furthermore, Williams' early concept of
culture was criticised for being overwhelmingly subjective,
and because no attempt had been made to explore the ways in which 'cultural meanings' were Implanted In society or how
they related to the overall processes of class formation and
social production (Swingewood, 1977). The stress on
experience, it was argued, led to an underdeveloped theoretical undertaking where results of empirical studies failed to be fully theorised (Johnson, 1979b).
2.4.2 The Material Production of Culture
In response to this critique, and due to the availability, during the 1960s and 1970s, of older Marxist works such as those of Antonio Gramsci and newly translated works of Marx (the Grundrisse), Williams rethought his work on cultural theory (Anderson, 1980). In Marxism and
Literature, Williams outlines a theoretical position subtly different from his earlier work in an attempt to overcome some of the problems highlighted through the cuIturaIist/structuraI ist debate. He suggests that his new pos ition, 'cultural materialism', is a theory 'of the specificities of material cultural and literary production within historical materialism' (Williams, 1977, 5)
Will iams' position is thorough and complex. For the purpose of this discussion, two major components of
'cultural materialism' are emphasised: his critique of the notions of base/superstructure and 'determination'; and his attraction to the concept of hegemony. The discussion of base/superstructure and 'determination' are crucial to the theoretical formulation of 'cultural materialism'. Williams argues that social existence determines consciousness, but 34
that this premise does not necessarily conflict with the original base and superstructure theory. It is only in the conversion from Marx to 'Marxism' that base and
superstructure have taken on a central role. By returning
to the original ideas of Marx, Williams illustrates the
various uses or 'senses' of superstructure. He suggests
that there are, in effect, three uses. First,
superstructure refers to 'legal and political forms which
express existing real relations of production',
institutions, for example (Williams, 1977, 77). Second, it
refers to the forms of consciousness which are shaped out of
particular class views of the world. Finally,
superstructure signifies a process in which political and cultural practices are fought for and acted out as, for example, In Ideology. All three senses of superstructure
are interrelated and cannot be understood as separate from
the base.
Williams indicates that the term 'base' is also
variable and can take the form of 'economic structures of
society' or 'forms of property and social conditions of
existence' (Williams, 1977, 77). Williams argues that in
the conversion from Marx to 'Marxism', the original
arguments were projected as if they were precise concepts or
descriptive terms which could be used to observe particular
'areas' of social life. In the original formulation, 35 however, base and superstructure were interrelated with
layers or levels of society and not treated as the dichotomised metaphor they have become. Williams notes that
Marx's original comments were directed against the separation of areas of thought and activity by the
imposition of abstract categories (Williams, 1977). He contends that there Is now Inadequate recognition of the
indissoluble connections between material production, political and cultural Institutions, and activity and consciousness. He argues that orthodox Marxist theorists began to think of base and superstructure as separate concrete entities and, In doing so, obscured the very processes which should have been emphasised by historical materialism. Williams concludes this discussion of base and superstructure by suggesting that while we can identify a precise stage of a particular 'relation of production' or
'mode of production' for analysis, it is never static or uniform. Instead, there are deep contradictions and dynamisms in the relationships of production and the consequent social relationships. It is not separate abstract categories that need to be studied but rather the social processes of economic relations expressed by the concept of 'determination' (Williams, 1977).
The premise of 'determination' is that no cultural or political activity is significant in itself but is always 36 reduced to a direct or Indirect expression of some preceding and controlling set of material forces and relations.
Williams argues that In twentieth century Marxism there have been many versions of determination including Althusser's notions of 'overdetermInation'. 'Determination' is derived from Marx's Idea that the mass of productive forces and relations accessible to people determines the condition of their society. 'Marxism', Williams argues, has stressed
'the Iron laws', the 'absolute objective conditions' of these productive forces and relations. Once again he stresses that this Is not the only sense of determination
that exists or can be developed (Williams, 1977).
Wi I I iams suggests that once the idea of direct agency
Is added, then 'determination' takes on a sense of 'the setting of limits' rather than forces of control.
'Objective' conditions, Williams argues, are seen as external but since (by Marxist definition) the objective conditions can only be the product of human actions In the material world, then the only distinction that can be made
is between historical objectivity, which are the conditions
inherited by people at particular points in time, and abstract objectivity, in which the determining process of economic relations Is beyond the control of the people who can only seek to understand It and guide their actions accordingly. This abstract determinism, widely known as 37 economism, is in itself an historical product. It is
important, Williams notes, that society is never abstracted from individuals and individual wills. Such a separation
leads to an alienated, 'unconscious' society. The full concept of determination Is crucial. For in practice, determination is never only a setting of limits; with human agency it is also the exertion of pressures. Determination, therefore, Is a complex and interrelated process of limits and pressures in the whole social process itself and not In an abstracted 'mode of production' which mystifies the specific and related determinant of the social process.
In the same way, 'overdetermInation' is a useful concept for understand Ing hIstoricaI Iy lived situations. As
Wi I I lams argues, 'overdetermInatI on' is
"especially useful as a way of understanding 'contradictions' and the ordinary version of 'the dialectic', which can so easily be abstracted as features of a theoretically isolated (determining) situation or movement, which is then expected to develop according to certain (determinIst) laws" (Williams, 1977, 88) .
Despite these advantages, however, Williams contends that 'overdeterminatI on' is problematic as a concept:
"As with 'determination', so 'overdetermInatI on' can be abstracted to a structure...which then, if In complex ways, 'develops' (forms, holds, breaks down) by the laws of its internal structural relations. As a form of analysis 38
this is often effective, but in its isolation of the structure it can shift attention from the real location of all practice and practical conscIousness....Any categorical obJectificat I on of determined or overdetermIned structures is a repetition of the basic error of 'economism' at a more serious level, since it now offers to subsume... a I I lived, practical and unevenly formed formative experience" (Williams, 1977, 88-89).
Williams then develops Gramscl's theory of hegemony which Is crucial in distinguishing the active process of cultural domination. The traditional definition of hegemony
is political rule or domination. Gramsci, however, made the distinction between 'rule' and 'hegemony'. Rule is expressed In direct political forms and in times of crisis
by effective coercion. The hegemonic situation is, however,
a complex Interlocking of political, social and cultural
forces. Wi I I iams suggests that hegemony, as a concept,
includes and goes beyond the two cuIturaI Ist/structuraI ist
concepts; namely, the culturalist idea of culture as a whole social process, in which people define and shape their
lives, and the structuralist notion of ideology in which 'a
system of meanings and values is the expression or
projection of a particular class interest' (Williams, 1977,
108). Williams states that people do shape their lives but. within the limits and constraints of the existing social and economic process. By doing this the inequalities evident in any society are acknowledged. Williams suggests that
Gramsci recognised the role of dominance and subordination 39
in a whole process. Thus it is through the wholeness of hegemony, that the concept moves beyond ideology:
"To say that 'men' define and shape their whole lives is true only in abstraction. In any actual society there are specific inequalities In means and therefore in capacity to realise this process ...GramscI therefore introduced the necessary recognition of dominance and subordination in what has still, however, to be recognised as a whole process" (Williams, 1977, 108).
Not only is the conscious system of ideas and beliefs
important but so too is the whole lived social process as it
is expressed and organised by dominant values and meanings.
The concept of hegemony, therefore, Is distinct because consciousness Is not equated with a formal system of abstracted ideology. Instead, the relations of domination and subordination include not only the political, economic and manifested social activity but also the whole substance of lived identities and relationships. Hegemony operates in such a way that the pressures and limits of a specific economic, political, and cultural system are seen as the pressures and limits of simple experience or 'common sense'.
Hegemony therefore is a lived system of meanings and values constantly constituting a sense of reality for most people
in society. Any theory of culture has to be seen within this context. A I ived hegemony, Wi I I iams argues, Is always a process and not, except perhaps analytically, a system or a structure. Moreover, a form of dominance does not just 40
passively exist, It has to be continually renewed, recreated, defended and modified. It is a I so continually resisted, limited, altered and challenged (Williams, 1977).
Hegemony is negotiated through a number of media. The
first is 'tradition' which Is usually neglected because of
inert and hlstoriclsed connotations. But, Williams suggests, tradition is in practice the most evident expression of the dominant and hegemonic pressures and
limits. It is the most powerful practical means of
incorporation because tradition Is a selective shaping of the past and Is tied to a number of strong continuities such as families, places, institutions and language. Tradition
is strong because these continuities are directly experienced. The second element of hegemony lies in
formations such as movements and organisations in
Intellectual and artistic life which have significant and sometimes decisive influence on the active development of a culture. The third constitutive force are formal
institutions such as schools, church, and the media.
Hegemony, according to Williams, may be better understood through some elaboration of the dominant,
'residual' and 'emergent' elements of a culture. A distinctive feature of the dominant order is that it reaches 41
Into the whole range of practices and experiences in daily
life and is defined by Its relations to the 'residual' or
'emergent' cultures. Any culture effectively formed in the past but still active in the cultural process can be seen as residual. In other words, certain experiences, meanings or values which cannot be expressed in terms of the dominant culture but are, however, lived and practiced on the basis of the residue of some previous social and cultural
institution or formation, constitute the residual element.
Williams notes that there is a distinction between the
residual, which may have alternative or even oppositional
relations with the dominant culture, and a residual element which has largely been Incorporated into the dominant culture. He presents the monarchy as an example of a
residual element which has become wholly Incorporated Into the dominant culture and functions as a part of capitalist democracy (Williams, 1977). The dominant culture continually attempts to incorporate any oppositional residual element. As a result, there is a constant process of incorporation by means of 're Interpretation, dilution, projection, discriminating inclusion and exclusion', as well as active resistance by the residual (Williams, 1977, 123). 42
The emergent Is expressed by new values, meanings, practices and relationships which are continually being created. New social values and institutions emerge.
Definitions of the emergent (as the case for the residual) can only be made by its relation to the dominant elements of culture (Williams, 1977). Here again Williams distinguishes between the emergent elements (which may be oppositional) and elements which are really a new phase of the dominant culture. The emergence of elements of a new cultural
formation could result, as It did In England, in the creation of a new class, for example, the working class.
Again, the emergent element of culture is also subjected to a continual process of attempted incorporation by the dominant culture. Williams suggests that incorporation is most often directed at the visibly oppositional class elements such as trade unions, working class political parties or working class life styles (Williams, 1977).
Thus, the dominant, residual and emergent are elements of a complex active process.
Despite Will iams' attempts to move away from
'cuIturaI ism', a number of criticisms have been levelled at
'cultural materialism'. The discussion now turns to an examination of some of these criticisms. 43
2.4.3 Material Cultural Production Critiqued
Williams' theory of material cultural production, although acknowledged as an advanced and challenging theoretical statement, has evoked widespread criticism
(Hebdige, 1979; Johnson, 1979a; 1979b; Scrivener,
1978/1979). It has been argued that Williams still refuses to entertain any notion of the base/superstructure metaphor.
Rather he has evaded the issue by tracing the ambiguities in
Marx's statements to what 'Marxism' has turned into rigidities. With the transformation to 'Marxism' the superstructure has been stripped of material force, social
life has been compartmentalised and the constitutive processes of social production have been lost (Johnson,
1979b).
By emphasising the constitutive social processes, it is argued, Williams has refused to make systematic distinctions between cultural and other processes. Williams is criticised because he insists on the importance of totalities that lie behind any distinctions. This, it has been argued, is a collapse of differentiation because the argument centres on the artificiality of distinctions.
Experience, it appears, is always beyond analytical differentiation. In 'cultural materialism' the distinction between economic production and other practices, for example, disappears because production becomes an 44 undifferentiated concept likened to 'creativity'. Critics argue that col lapses of distinction can be found al I the way through Marxism and Literature (1977).
The criticisms noted above give rise to two sets of problems. First, it is suggested, is the difficulty of arriving at any precise view of the characteristics of culture. Such questions are side-lined to the 'total social process' and 'groups and classes in specific situations'.
At no time, it Is argued, does any clear concept of culture emerge and this tends to result in a fragmentation of analysis into extreme descriptions of the heterogeneity of culture. It is not possible, therefore, to analyse the
relation between culture and other practices except to
insist that it is all part of one totality. A persistent vagueness must result (Johnson, 1979b). A second set of problems deals with a concern about what relations are dominant In Williams' account of the world. Williams is accused of neglecting the particular character and force of economic relations of production (Johnson, 1979b).
In my view, these critics of 'cultural materialism' have under-estimated the full value of Williams' position.
His working concept of culture is understood as vague with no clear definitions elucidating the cultural ist 45 problematic. Yet social processes, characterised by complexity, defy definitions or the imposition of boundaries. Indeed, the strength of 'cultural materialism'
lies in its ability to incorporate culture as a process
intertwined with other social relations and not a distinct entity. In addition, Williams does not dismiss the base/superstructure metaphor but rather the abstracted theoretical dichotomy that it has become. Instead, Williams explores the complexity of the base and superstructure as part of 'lived' social processes that constitute culture.
Where abstraction is concerned, Wi I I lams does not reject analytical abstraction but rather the rigid abstraction of orthodox Marxism where abstract concepts assume a
substantive identity.
The foundation of 'cultural materialism' is built on
Williams' ideas of 'determination'. Once again he characteristically demystifies the origins of the concept
(Scrivener, 1978/1979) and argues that in the transition to
'Marxism', determination has taken the form of 'iron laws', of the 'absolute objective' conditions of economic
relations. Rather, Williams explores the idea of
'determination' as 'setting of limits' or 'exerting of
pressures' on the economic relations of the capitalist
system rather than 'control' (Anderson, 1980). Accordingly,
Williams allows political economy a role in shaping and 46 being shaped by 'experience'. The great value of 'cultural materialism', however, lies In its links to the concept of hegemony. With Williams' use of the 'dominant', 'residual' and 'emergent' categories, constantly incorporating and resisting, social processes are actively constituted In an attempt to gain hegemonic consent. Similarly, social processes are shaped by, and react to, the pressures and
limits of the economic and associated political, forces of product I on.
2.5 Culture. Sport and Geography
This application of Williams' theory of 'cultural materialism' would effectively turn attention to social processes in geographical sports studies. In other geographical sub-disciplines, such as cultural geography, scholars have discovered the stimulus that can be provided
from the works of cultural materialists like Williams
(Cosgrove and Jackson, 1987). They realise that the geography of cultural forms (of which sport Is one) Is more than a passive spatial reflection of historical forces.
Indeed, the spatial structure of cultural forms is an active part of their historical formation (Cosgrove and Jackson,
1987). In addition, the complexity of meaning attached to
landscapes necessarily needs to find explanation in expressions of the past as well as the present (Cosgrove, 47
1983). Cultural geographers have recognised the need to
incorporate the analysis of process into research.
Furthermore, Williams' theory, coupled with the experience of non-geographical sports research, would serve to broaden the scope and theoretical basis of the geography of sport.
A case study of the history of lacrosse is presented for examination as a cultural process. The interplay between the dominant, residual and emergent cultures can be effectively Illustrated through a presentation of the early development of lacrosse in Canada. The sport has undergone numerous changes as it has influenced and been Influenced by different cultures. These changes were effected to maintain hegemonic control, in some cases by coercion, in others by negotiation and compromise. An analysis of this active cultural process, woven with the threads of 'cultural materialism', provides an enriched tapestry of an intricate social process.
2.6 Summary
The geography of sport, despite attempts to use new themes and new data sources, has been predominantly focussed on the spatial diffusion patterns of athletes, fans and sporting activities. This body of research continues to 48 offer little explanation of the cultural and social
Implications of processes that occur on the landscape.
Reference to the non-geographical sports literature and the modernisation theory debate would serve to broaden the scope of the geography of sport. Modernisation theory does
identify linkages between sport and social theory, yet even these links are arguably contestable. In order to establish sport as a cultural process, Raymond Williams' use of the concept of hegemony in 'cultural materialism' is invaluable.
The history of lacrosse has been chosen as a case study because it effectively illustrates the interplay between the residual, dominant and emergent cultural elements within the sport. 49
CHAPTER 3
THE RESIDUAL CULTURAL ELEMENT
"The residual, by definition, has been effectively formed In the past, but it is still active in the cultural process, not only and often not at alI as an element of the past, but as an effective element of the present. Thus certain experiences, meanings and values which cannot be expressed or substantially verified in terms of the dominant culture, are nevertheless lived and practised on the basis of the residue - cultural as well as social - of some previous social and cultural institution or formation" (Will lams, 1977, 122).
3 .1 Introduct i on
The purpose of this chapter is to set the context within which the residual cultural elements, throughout the history of lacrosse, can be viewed. The first section discloses why the history of lacrosse In particular is a useful case study of a cultural process. A discussion of the existing literature, of the modernisation theme and the application of 'cultural materialism' follows. The second section is devoted to an overview of lacrosse in North
American Native culture and problems associated with the
literature. The final section examines Native/European contact and conflict and the influences of this on lacrosse. 50
3.2 Lacrosse and the Hegemonic Process
A brief sketch of the history of lacrosse is necessary to show why lacrosse, as a case study, Is more usefully analysed in terms of a process rather than static explanation. Although originally an integral part of North
American Native culture, lacrosse illustrates the transformation of an activity from a diverse social, religious and recreational ritual to a highly organised predominantly white sport (VeI Iathottam and Jones, 1974).
Prior to the eighteenth century, lacrosse was widespread among Native groups throughout the North American continent.
The purpose, preparation and equipment of the game varied greatly between different groups, each having a particular cultural impression. Despite being used for recreational purposes, lacrosse was primarily part of a ceremonial religious rite associated with elaborate preparations
(Culln, 1907).
The first Europeans to witness a lacrosse game were the
French voyageurs, missionaries and early traders In the seventeenth century (Weyand and Roberts, 1965; Eisen,
1978). Increased contact with the European mercantile capital ist economy and culture led to a contested transformation of lacrosse among Native societies (Salter,
1972b). European appropriation, organisation and control of 51 the game came under British colonial rule, during the nineteenth century. From the urban focus of Montreal,
lacrosse diffused, as an organised sport, throughout the rest of Canada (Wise and Fisher, 1974). The first lacrosse club was organised in Montreal In 1856. In 1867 there were thirty-five lacrosse clubs in Canada with about 1 380 members. By October 1867, 80 clubs with some 2 000 players existed, and by 1884 there were at least 20 000 participants
in lacrosse (Lindsay, 1969; Jones, 1970; Vellathottam and
Jones, 1974).
As a spectator sport lacrosse was unprecedented In popularity. It was the first team sport In Canada to draw
large crowds. Up to 8 000 fans regularly attended when the
Toronto Club played the Montreal Shamrocks in the 1870s
(Cox, 1969). Exhibition games in England, United States and
Australia catalysed interest in the sport In these countries
(Amateur Sport, 1973). Lacrosse was so popular
Internationally that it became an Olympic event in 1904 and
1908. In the only two years lacrosse was played, the
Canadian team won gold medals (Vellathottam and Jones,
1974). In sum, lacrosse showed all the characteristics of a sport which had successfully bridged the gulf between
'traditional' and 'modern' sports. As a modern sport, it became organised, rationalised and regulated. And yet, after the Second World War popular interest in lacrosse 52 dec I Ined significantly and what had been a national sport became a localised activity (Jones, 1970).
Lacrosse's brief but dramatic popularity as an organised sport, particularly In the role of Canada's
'National Sport', led to a surge of writing on the subject.
The numerous books, articles and theses written on lacrosse can be broadly divided Into two groups. On the one hand, there are a number of anthropological studies of lacrosse in
Native culture (for example, Eyman, 1964; McCluney,
1974/1975; Wulff, 1977). On the other hand, sports scholars have written explanatory and analytical histories which emphasise the social and economic Impact of urbanisation and industrialisation on organised lacrosse in the nineteenth century (for example, Cox, 1969; Lindsay,
1969). Many of these histories only briefly, if at all, refer to the ethnic origins of lacrosse and tend to have followed, albeit unintentionally, the modernisation theme as discussed in the previous chapter (for example Howell and
Howell, 1969; Job I ing, 1970).
In these works the importance of technological
innovation and the growth of cities in the development of organised sport has been stressed. The study of lacrosse,
In this paper, adds weight to the contention, outlined In 53
Chapter 2, that the emphasis on dichotomies is limiting. In order to obtain an analysis of lacrosse as an integrated cultural process, the defined boundaries between pre-
industrial or 'primitive' and industrial or 'modern' organised sport have to be blurred. This approach allows more attention to be directed not only to the value of
lacrosse in Native societies, but also to the transitional period when lacrosse changed from a traditional 'primitive' game to a 'modern' organised sport. Urbanisation and
industrialisation have undoubtedly played an important role
in the history of the game. The transitional relationships, however, should not be overlooked.
The fact that lacrosse declined In popularity from a widespread game In Native culture and a national sport in early Canadian culture to a localised activity shortly after the turn of the century when city growth and
industrialisation were expanding at unprecedented rates, further supports the contention that the ideal types of
'traditional' agrarian and 'modern' urban-industrI a I provide a static snapshot of a dynamic cultural process. A more rewarding venture Is the exploration of lacrosse as an
integrated cultural process incorporating the influence of
Native societies as well as the transition to organised sport in urban society. As suggested in Chapter 2,
Williams' (1977) theory of 'cultural materialism' provides a 54 workable framework within which to view this cultural process; the concept of hegemony, incorporating the elements 'dominant', 'residual' and 'emergent' is particularly useful.
Lacrosse effectively illustrates a lived hegemony where a dominant cultural form is continually being renewed, defended, modified and challenged. These act ive pressures and I imits on the hegemonic process are played out by the
'residual' and the 'emergent' elements of a culture. In nineteenth century Canada, British culture successfully dominated the social and economic landscape and subsequently changed the game of lacrosse. Initially, the British closely interacted with the residual Native cultures. New values, practices and meanings created the emerging embryonic Canadian culture. During the period under study, the dominant cultural influence on lacrosse was continually being challenged, and modified in an attempt to maintain hegemonic control. The transformation of lacrosse was the result of this negotiated struggle in a particular social
landscape. Lacrosse was moulded, not only by the existing
ideology, but also the economic context.
The dominant, residual and emergent cultural elements can be recognised on a number of different levels. In this 55 case study, these elements have been Identified in terms of race. Continual social, cultural and economic Interaction and political conflicts between the British, Native and
Canadian cultures during the nineteenth century justifies this classification. During this time period the interplay between the early colonial French culture, the later emergent French Canadian culture and the dominant British culture, was also significant. This Interaction however, is on Iy peripheraI to the explanation of lacrosse history.
French involvement in lacrosse came later, in the 1890s, and was never a powerful Influence in the development of the organised game (Metcalfe, 1976a).
At another level, elements of culture in a hegemonic process can be identified In terms of relations of production in capitalist societies. For example, in a study of coal-mining society in Cape Breton, Frank (1985) identifies the emergent as the working class coal mining culture who Join together In the struggle against the dominant values and beliefs held by the British Empire Steel
Corporation. The residual cultures, he identifies as the strong traditions and practices of immigrant culture underlying the coal town society (Frank, 1985). Within the history of lacrosse class distinctions often overlapped racial boundaries. These elements of social and economic class are crucial in this analysis of lacrosse and are 56 closely aligned with the different ethnic groups Involved in creating, preserving and modifying the game.
3.3 Lacrosse among North American Native Cultures
It is problematic to talk of an 'original' form of
lacrosse, and difficult to assess the exact details of the
'original' game among Native cultures. There are two main reasons for these difficulties. First, the only early written accounts were made by Europeans: the Jesuit missionaries and early traders, and not by Natives themselves. Later, more frequent reports were written by travellers, artists and scholars in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. By the nineteenth century, over three hundred years of European/Native contact had taken place.
Considerable and unaccountable changes in lacrosse must have occurred over time. During this period, Native groups and communities disintegrated and merged into other groups and tribal practices were modified, abandoned or forgotten
(Eisen, 1978). Second, most European accounts of lacrosse are geographically, historically, and culturally sketchy in detail. Reports were usually confined to specific Native cultures and not intended to be representative of the entire range of Native groups on the North American continent. In addition, they portray an overwhelming ethnocentric bias. 57
As it is not the intention of the study to portray a quantitative account of early lacrosse forms but rather to provide an Insight into the cultural emphasis of the game, these early works are not without value. Despite the ethnocentric viewpoint and the lack of details, the secondary sources available emphasise the diversity as well as some of the universalities in lacrosse across Native cultures. The most complex of the nineteenth century accounts is a collection of information on early Native ball games edited by Stewart CuI in and pub I I shed by the
Smithsonian Institute in 1907. From this collection and other works it can be establ I shed that prior to the eighteenth century, lacrosse was the most popular and widespread across cultures of all the outdoor games (Culin,
1907; Jette, 1971; Salter, 1972b). It was played extensively across the North American continent (Mooney,
1890). Weyand and Roberts (1965) suggest that some type of
lacrosse was
"played by at least 48 tribes scattered throughout southern Canada, and all parts of the United States except the extreme southwest, although a few of the more paclfistic tribes, such as the Piscataways of southern Maryland did not play" (Weyand and Roberts, 1965; 4).
Some early writers speculated that the game originated
in the St. Lawrence River Valley among the eastern Algonquin tribes and diffused from there through cultural contact to 58
the rest of the continent (Hoffman, 1896). McCluney, a more recent scholar, has argued that lacrosse was known by
"the majority of Indian tribes east of the Mississippi River and also by several peripheral tribes of the Missouri drainage, extending in a scattered westward direction into the Porno area of California and northward into west Canada" (McCluney, 1974/1975, 34).
Despite these differences, It has been established that the earliest reports and observations of the game were made
in the eastern area of North America (McCluney, 1974/1975;
Wulff, 1977).
As a result of the diversity of North American Native cultures the type of lacrosse played varied greatly in form and function geographically across the continent (Chambers
Journal, 1862; Hoffman, 1890; Beauchamp, 1896; Salter,
1971). Each tribe had a vernacular term for the game; and equipment, ceremonial preparation and rituals varied extensively. This considerable variation, however, does not deny the apparent universality of techniques, skills or structure of the game. Nor does it radically affect the underlying functions of lacrosse among Native groups
(Salter, 1972b). CuI in came to the conclusion that 'the games of the North American Natives are practically the same 59
and universal among all tribes', having said this, he cont i nues
"while their common and secular object appears to be purely a manifestation of the desire for amusement or gain, they are performed also as religious ceremonies, as rites pleasing to the gods to secure their favour, or as a process of sympathetic magic, to drive away sickness, avert other evil, or produce rain...or other beneficial results" (Culin, 1907, 809)
This contention is furthermore supported by Salter
(1971) who, using evidence from 44 North American tribes, concluded that
"considerable variation in the style of the game implements and format, such as the ball, stick (raquet), playing area, goal(s), rules, players' dress and associated rituals, were evident from area to area. These, however, did not alter the underlying objectives of the game, nor did they radically affect the manner in which the game was contested throughout North America" (Salter, 1971, 95).
Although the game was usually identified by early
European writers as purely a form of play, their actual writings often betray Its religious significance. In the
late 1890s, the anthropologist, James Mooney, remarked that
it was surprising that authors of Native societies chose to emphasise the recreative elements of lacrosse when the religious significance of the game was primary (Mooney,
1890). Twentieth century academics have since supported this contention (Salter, 1971; McCluney, 1974/1975; Wulff,
1977; Elsen, 1978). Even though there were undoubtedly some elements of recreation, lacrosse was more than 'just a 60 game'^ among Native cultures (Jette, 1971; Salter, 1972b;
McCluney, 1974/1975; Wulff, 1977).
3.3.1 Religious Status
Shrouded in religious symbolism, lacrosse served the two-pronged function of tribal provision and protection
(Salter, 1972b). It is not surprising that in a society in such close symmetry with the environment that the seasons usually determined when lacrosse games would be he Id. By
following the signs of nature, it was believed, the evil spirits could best be appeased (Blasig, 1933). Each group played lacrosse in the season they deemed most appropriate.
The Cherokee, for example, played in summer, the Santee
Dakota, in winter. Among the Seneca, however, one of the most Important annual events was the Green Corn Festival in spring. This occasion was celebrated with a game of
lacrosse (Wulff, 1977). Each game involved careful preparations with many rituals and usually large numbers of people participated (Henderson, 1947).
For some groups, like the Huron, the spirits were called upon in a game of lacrosse as a medicinal ritual to heal the sick (Eyman, 1964). When a person became sick, the spiritual leaders would call up the 'life forces' of 'mother earth' to remedy the illness. Medicines taken from the 61 earth would be prepared and administered. Then a lacrosse game would be played to provide additional power for the medicine. The game was intended to attract the attention of the life spirits and to ask for a fair decision on the outcome. If the sick person died, no-one doubted the decision (North American Indian Travelling College, 1978).
In some cases, lacrosse was associated with death rites: to honour the dead, to promote tribal unity if a chief had died, or to comfort the bereaved. In eastern cultures lacrosse was played on occasions of the pre-burial wake, the burial ceremony, the post-burial wake and other feasts of the dead. In addition, lacrosse was specifically used, by the Huron, for bestowing name and rank to honour the dead and among the Iroquois, the ceremony involved condolence following the death of a chief and Installation to honour a new one (Jette, 1971; Salter, 1972b).
Lacrosse games were also held in remembrance of friends and relatives who had died during the year (Wulff, 1977).
Usually, following a death, certain taboos and social restrictions were placed . on the surviving spouse by relatives of the departed. Taboos varied In scope and duration from tribe to tribe. For the mortuary ritual of
lacrosse (among the Shawnee, Choctaw, Creeks and Alabamas), 62 however, taboos were often lifted temporarily allowing the relatives to participate In the game and indicating the high status awarded to lacrosse (Salter, 1972a). Another function of the game was to share the personal possessions of the deceased or to distribute the gifts bestowed on the dead (SaIter, 1972b).
Lacrosse games were also played in the spring and summer when rain was needed. The Cayuga, for example, held a Thunder Ritual in an attempt to caI I on the spirits to influence the weather. Strict preparations and ceremonies were attached to these games (Eyman, 1964) (Fig. 3.1).
3.3.2 Pre-game Ceremonial Rites
Preceding and accompanying most games was ceremonial dancing, fasting, bleeding, anointing and prayer under the close direction of the religious elders of the tribes
(Hodge, 1886; CuI in, 1907; Underhill, 1953). The preparation ceremonies served as a means to invoke the aid of the gods (Elsen, 1978). Among the Cherokee, athletic training began two to three weeks before the game. This comprised regular athletic practice such as running and throwing the ball. Coupled with this rigorous training, each player was placed under strict regulations which consisted of fasting, bathing and sexual restrictions. These 63 taboos usually lasted seven days before a game but was sometimes extended to twenty-eight days. Four and seven are sacred numbers for the Cherokee (Mooney, 1890).
As far as food was concerned, the players were not allowed to eat particular foods in the training period preceding the game. For example, rabbit was not permitted because it is a timid animal 'easily alarmed and liable to lose its wits when pursued by the hunter'. If a player ate rabbit then he stood the chance of becoming 'disconcerted and lose courage In the game' (Mooney, 1890, 110).
Similarly, a player could expect to be crippled early in the game if he consumed frog's bones which were brittle and easily broken (Mooney, 1890).
Lacrosse was primarily a man's game. Although played in some tribes by women (Miwok, Shawnee and Santee Dakota), significant games were always played by men (Salter, 1971;
McCluney, 1974/1975). As part of the pre-game regulations, the players were not allowed physical contact with women.
In fact, if a woman even touched the stick, it was not a I lowed to be used. Mooney (1890) suggests that in the past, infraction of this rule was severe enough to Invoke the death penalty. The women, however, did play a central role in the pre-game dance (McCluney, 1974/1975). 64
Once again the ball-play dance differed between various groups but was generally used to prepare the mind and body of the players (Culin, 1907). The dance took place on the eve of a game and lasted until dawn. Among the Cherokee, the dancers consisted of the ball players and seven women who represented the seven Cherokee clans. Around a fire, the men and women dance, chant and sing about the game to come and the victory they are sure to experience. At frequent intervals during the night, the players and spiritual leaders leave the dance and at a river bank perform the mystic rite known as 'going to water'. ThIs ceremony is the most sacred and is used In connection with prayers to obtain long-life, to destroy an enemy or to recover from Illness. 'Going to water' was a ritual only performed on very special occasions. The ceremony consisted of prayers to the spirits to help the ball players and prayers to bad spirits to hinder the opposition. During the prayers and chants, players annointed themselves and their sticks with water (Mooney, 1890).
The final preparation before the game was the ritual of
'scratching'. Players were scratched by an instrument made of seven sharpened splinters from a turkey leg-bone fixed In a turkey quI I I . The player was scratched by the comb four 65 times on each arm and leg. Finally an 'X' was scratched across the chest and back, and the upper ends were joined by a stroke from shoulder to shoulder (Mooney, 1890).
At the end of the ritual players washed the blood off
In the river and dressed for the game. They usually only wore a breech-cloth which was often ornamented with the tall of a swift animal or bird (such as deer or eagle), so that the player would be endowed with the swiftness of the animal
(Mooney, 1890; Catlln, 1926). Similarly, players wore eagle feathers in their hair to give them keenness of sight
(Figs 3.2; 3.5). Paint and charcoal were used to mark the player's body. The charcoal was taken from the dance fire and It was particularly sacred If the wood for the fire had come from a tree struck by I ightning but had not died so that the player could absorb the powers of the lightning but remain as invulnerable as the tree that had defied the bolt
(Mooney, 1890). Once the play began all members of the group became involved, shouting encouragment from the sides.
During the entire game the spiritual leaders conferred with the spirits. Winning players at the end of the game were believed to have been favoured by the spirits and their needs Judged as deserving (Eyman, 1964). Failure, on the other hand, was seen as evidence of the displeasure of the spirits who were always correct in their judgement (Catlin,
1926) ' 66
3.3.3 Tribal Provision
As the spirits favoured the players most deserving of reward, gambling was an important aspect among Native cultures (Eyman, 1964). Almost all Native contests involved gambling. It was a crucial part of most ceremonial functions including the medicinal and burial ceremonies
(Eisen 1978). It is often noted in the literature that people bet all their possessions on the outcome of a game.
Here, the women played an important role as the stake- ' holders keeping track of the bets made (Catlin, 1926;
McCluney, 1974/1975).
The function of gambling was not recreational but served a specific purpose. In fact, lacrosse played a pivotal role in the economic dynamics of Native life.
Tribal society** consisted of self-supporting communities where the distribution of wealth was not dependent on a monetary system, but rather a system of voluntary exchange of goods (Eisen, 1978). Intra-tribal games effectively served the purpose of distributing wealth. Sometimes contested land was decided upon when the decisions of the spirits were reflected in the game (Eyman, 1964). Mooney
(1890) notes that a large piece of land in the Georgia area was won by the Cherokee from the Creeks in a lacrosse game.
In many cases, during games between tribes, wagers were high 67 and if lost could seriously affect the economic balance of a
particular tribe (Salter, 1971; 1972b).
Lacrosse games provided the training for an additional means of tribal provision: hunting. The skills needed to
play ball strengthened the skills needed to hunt. In
addition, the survival of the agricultural groups depended
largely on the natural elements. As the elements were
believed to have been subject to divine influence, various
rituals evolved to appeal to the spirits to change weather
conditions and ensure tribal survival (Salter, 1971).
3.3.4 Physical Protection
Lacrosse served as a very Important medium of tribal
protection. Directly, lacrosse was used to summons the aid
of the animal and bird spirits to give the tribe strength,
swiftness and courage for defensive emergencies and military
combat (McCluney, 1974/1975). Indirectly, preparing and
playing required endurance, speed and agility. It also
emphasised leadership, discipline and unity (Salter, 1972b).
These were all aspects on which the protection and
reproduction of the tribe rested. 68
Certain skills and character traits were developed through the game and its associated training sessions. For combat, skills such as throwing and catching developed muscles as well as co-ordination and reflexes (Salter,
1972b). Running and eluding techniques promoted agility, fitness and speed. Physical contact associated with the game, such as stick swinging and wrestling, encouraged skills valuable in close combat fighting to be practised frequently (Salter, 1972b). These physical exertions also served to ensure the strength and virility of the men and thus ensure the reproduction of the tribe (Henderson, 1947).
This function of the game continued to reproduce the patriarchal dominance In the tribes as well.
During the game, emphasis was placed on leadership and served the combined function of solidifying the established hierarchy as well as training future leaders (Salter, 1971;
1972b). In this way the youth were schooled In the values of the tribe (Eyman, 1964). The periods of verbal and physical instruction, In addition to the various taboos and rites, promoted tribal discipline (Salter, 1971). Salter
(1971) notes that the period of preparation increased group identification and support. Unity was emphasised among players although individual efforts were also applauded
(Salter, 1972b). The game usually involved the entire village and group cohesiveness was reinforced by the support 69
from the rest of the tribe. Young men would play while women, children and other men would urge them on creating an
unusual closeness between spectators and players (Flad,
1973). Often, to maintain unity in a tribe lacrosse games
were used to settle personal conflicts (Eyman, 1964). Later
writers often comment on the violence of the game as a
result of this function of settling conflicts (Jette, 1971).
Travellers In the 1700s, however, noted that rough play was
usually avoided and severe injuries only occurred when high
stakes were played for or if personal 'ill-feeling' existed
between the players (Culin, 1907).
3.3.5 'BaI I Play*
A game was won by scoring a required number of goals,
for example, three goals out of five. This number was
decided upon before the game by both parties Involved.
Games usually had rest periods where the players smoked and
took refreshments (Culin, 1907). The duration of the game
often lasted days with intervals and stoppages at sunset.
The number of players differed from group to group.
Observers.noted teams from eight to 1 000 players (Catlin,
1926). Mooney (1890) argues that it was impossible for the
spiritual leaders to prepare even 100 people and that the
most players to a side would be twenty-two (Mooney, 1890).
Players were usually selected from the most athletic young
men (Salter, 1971). Even if the numbers were large, the 70 original number of players was never increased during a
game. Among the Iroquois, Injured players were substituted,
indicating an element of organisation (Culin, 1907;
Converse, 1930). Rules for play and individual behaviour were often quite liberal (McCluney, 1974/1975).
The field varied in size from 200 yards to over a mile
in length (Henry, 1809). The direction of the course was
extremely Important and religious elders in the tribe would
lay out the course with care. For the Huron, the grounds were laid out from east to west and north to south. One
party tried for the east/west goal and the other for the
north/south (Culin, 1907). Often the field was simply
unbounded space and spiritual leaders were chosen as goal
posts and they moved as the spirit willed, sometimes for
miles, indicative of the sense of spatial freedom associated
with Native cultures before colonial settlement (Flad,
1973). Each end of the field was marked by two upright
poles (Fig. 3.3). Sometimes a single pole, tree or rock was
used. The ball had to either strike the goal or pass
between the posts and over the goal line (Whitney, 1894).
McCluney notes that the southeastern area of North America
tended to be characterised by 'fixed and measured fields where boundaries, end-lines, and goals were determined by
elders' (McCluney, 1974/1975, 41). In the northeast, the 71
lacrosse fields were more informal and usually held in open
areas (McCluney, 1974/1975).
The type of balls used varied but most were originally made of knots of wood, bone or stone (McCluney, 1974/1975)
(Fig. 3.4). Later, animal skin (such as deer or cariboo) or
raw hide stuffed with hair and sewed with sinews was used
(Culln, 1907). Balls varied from 2-4 inches in diameter
(VeI Iathottam, 1968). The stick or raquet used by some
groups (Sacs, Sioux, Ojlbways, Dacotahs and Potawatamies)
was a long stick made of hickory or ash with a small round
hoop at one end with two strings of sinew tied across to
form a bag In which the baI I could be caught and carried.
Others (Choctaws, Cherokees and Creeks) used a stick bent in
an oblong hoop. The Choctaws used two sticks where the ball
was carried In one while the other stick served as a lid
(Beers, 1877) (Fig. 3.5). Materials used for lacrosse
sticks depended on the particular geographical environment.
The length of the sticks varied from about two and a half to
five feet (VeI Iathottam, 1968). For some Native societies
(Passamaquaddy) the sticks were intricately ornamented with
designs carved or burnt into the wood. Sometimes sticks
were further adorned with paint and feathers (Culin, 1907).
The stick was usually sacred and often extremely symbolic
(Eyman, 1964). 72
Lacrosse clearly served more than a recreative role among North American Native cultures. Indicative of this is the fact that lacrosse often held a prominent place in mythology. References to games and game implements occur in a considerable number of Native myths (Mooney, 1890; Jette,
1971; Salter, 1971; McCluney, 1974/1975). Salter (1971) argues that through this form of 'play', Native groups were able to have more control, directly and symbolically, over their environment. The objective of the game was to overcome adversaries whether real or spiritual with the view of securing some reward either material or not (Salter,
1971).
3.4 Interaction with European Culture
Native societies did not result from autonomous cultural development, rather they were shaped by continuous contact with different groups. With increasing European contact, the advance of capitalism began to shape Native cultures. Cultural change was linked to the rate and extent to which the existing modes of production in Native societies were drawn Into capitalist society.
i 73
European expansion in the fur-trade represented a process of unequal exchange. Natives and traders had differential access to economic and social power. This differentiation led to the underdevelopment of Native
economic, social and political life in contrast to the capitalist development experienced by European colonials
(Wolf, 1982). Native cultures existed before capitalism but
their composition and boundaries were continually changing
in response to new conditions. In the same way these
cultures shifted and changed in response to the expansion of
capitalism (Salter, 1972b).
By the nineteenth century, the Native population in
North America had been severely depleted (Wynn, 1987). In
Canada, where Native groups had been pushed off traditional
hunting grounds and harassed for land, many communities
barely survived. Refugees from disrupted economies, war and
disease gathered in the reserves or other dislocated areas.
Some fishing and hunting continued while others worked
seasonally in wage labour. Although depleted in numbers
since European contact, the Native population was still
effectively the predominant race in most of Canada (Harris,
1987). 74
Reflecting the changing circumstances of Native
societies with the advancing capitalist frontier, were the
changes that occurred in lacrosse. Salter, (1972b) in his
study on the acculturation of lacrosse, identifies two types
of European economic and cultural impacts. First, only
gradual surficial changes were made. From the initial
contact with traders and missionaries aspects of the game
began to be modified but, at this stage, were largely
confined to equipment changes while the purpose of the game
retained its original form (Salter, 1972b). Second, with
more frequent contact, particularly with the influence of
British capitalist culture and values, came fundamental
alterations. As each Native economy shifted to adjust to
the changing economic order, lacrosse, tied to the economy
of the community, changed acccordingIy. The religious
functions of the game largely disappeared and the techniques
and format changed considerably (Salter, 1972b).
3.4.1 Negotiation
Prior to the nineteenth century, lacrosse continued to
serve the traditional functions of religion, provision and
protection. Early modifications to the game are most
>notably related to the changing economic sphere. Along the
trade routes, certain I terns once taken for granted in Native
societies, such as furs, became valuable commodities as
their importance to traders increased. As the variety of 75 trade items grew, these articles, previously unimportant, were Incorporated Into aspects of the game (Salter, 1972b).
In addition, a greater number of European items became accessible to Native groups. For instance, in groups such as the MenominI, a common practice consisted of social
leaders presenting gifts to the winning team at the end of a game as well as providing refreshments during breaks in the game. Presents, which earlier in Native cultures had
included beads, furs and food, now changed to items such as calico or other cloth, and blankets. During the game breaks, tobacco, pipes and matches were provided for the smokers (Salter, 1972b). Whisky or hot coffee were
introduced as mid-game refreshments, replacing the traditional grape and crab-apple drink (Culin, 1907).
Catlin notes that guns, which had become powerful and valued economic and political tools, began to be used as a means of starting the game, an important ceremonial focus (Catlin,
1926).
At this stage, the way in which the game was played was not altered. European items were merely substituted for
Indigenous ones. Thus, while goods and prizes associated with the game changed, the function of these items in the game did not (Salter, 1972b). 76
3.4.2 Dissolution of Tradition
More fundamental changes took place with the adoption of European materials in lacrosse equipment. The ball and
raquet were modified by many Native groups. For example,
the deerskin ball of the Cherokee was replaced by a leather- covered baI I and the Mohawk, and Choctaw used European
produced cotton cord or twine for the nets and fastenings of
their raquets (Culln, 1907). Clothing worn during the
ceremonial preparation rites changed. The traditional
breech-cloth, which consisted of a strip of deerskin or
cloth ornamented with bead or quill-work, was replaced by
European garments (Salter, 1972b). Later observers noted
that the women performed the pre-game dance dressed in
'clean white robes' while the men played in shorts. The
deer-tail, traditionally worn to enhance swiftness, was
attached around the waist with a leather belt or revolver
strap (Culin, 1907). In the traditional scratching rites of
the Cherokee, often the turkey-bone comb was replaced by
slivers of broken glass (Culin, 1907; Salter, 1972b).
Many European items desired by Native societies became
gambling stakes. Salter (1972b) notes that while pre-
European gambling items were not always of practical value,
all those wagered after white contact tended to be
utilitarian. Traditional stakes consisted of a combination of practical goods, such as knives or clothing, and ornamental items such as body ornaments, decorative clothing 77
and among some groups, elaborately furnished bows and arrows
constructed specifically for the purpose of wagering. Later wagered I terns consisted of blankets, pots and kettles,
dresses or cloth, horses and guns (Catlin, 1926; Salter,
1972b). Gambling, in most tribes, had been the specific
domain of the women. They organised and collected stakes.
This role later changed and was handled by a mounted male
stake-holder who would ride about collecting stakes. As money increased in value, the collection of cash became the
stakeholder's primary function (Salter, 1972b).
3.4.3 Dominant Ideology
The imposition of European concepts and values began
with the early explorers, missionaries and traders. In
attempts to 'civilise' the 'savage', Christian beliefs and
values were taught by the missionaries. The conversion to
Christianity undercut many Native religious ceremonies and
rituals and served to remove lacrosse from the religious
realm. In addition, European observers identified lacrosse
merely as a form of recreation and communicated this
opinion, not only to Native groups, but also to mainstream
colonial society. As a result, lacrosse was legitimised
only as a game. Most Europeans viewed the ritualistic
character of the game 'merely as a manifestation of the
primitive appetites of an uncivilized people' (Baker, 1982,
71). Contemporaries stated that lacrosse was 'founded 78 purposely for amusement' (Beers, 1877, 508). As one observer noted: 'During the summer ... they amuse themselves with athletic sports, games of chance, dances and war' (Schoolcraft, 1856, cited in Culin, 1907, 595).
Europeans believed that what the Natives lacked in mental capacity was compensated for by physical prowess. This
'noble savage' ideal Is illustrative of European pre• conceived be I iefs. In 1796, one travel ler stated 'of al I the Indian social sports the finest and grandest is ball play. I might caI I it a noble game, and I was surprised how these savages attained such perfection in It' (Khol, 1860, cited in Culin, 1907, 566).
Europeans related lacrosse to games of their own heritage and the ritual was often described in cricket or tennis terms (Culin, 1907). The game Itself was seen as a combination of tennis, cricket and shinny (later hockey) reflecting the ideal that lacrosse was not unlike the games
Europeans had played for centuries (Chamber's Journal,
1876). One writer remarked:
"It has been said, and with considerable truth, too, that La Crosse is a little of foot-ball, of hockey, and of raquet. The goals resemble those of foot-ball and hockey; the occasional struggle for the ball is like the 'scrummage' of foot-ball, though not so rough and dangerous; the general mode of play may be compared to hockey; while the crosse can claim some resemblance to the raquet-bat" (Weir, 1892, 745) . 79
Evidence of the cultural domination of the game appeared early in the 1600s, as the Jesuit missionaries renamed the game 'la crosse' because of the similarity between the stick and a bishop's crosier (Weyand and
Roberts, 1965; Eisen, 1978). Traditionally each tribe had its own term which described a particular aspect of the game. The Onondagas, for example, called it 'Ka-che-kwa-ah' which means 'hitting with their hips' (Beauchamp, 1896).
Later the term 'baggataway' originating from the 0jibwa
'PagadowewIn' became popular. The term 'raquet' was also used by French colonials and 'ball play' seems to have been popular among early scholars of Native societies (Weyand and
Roberts, 1965; Salter, 1972b). Eventually, particularly in the nineteenth century, Native groups adopted the current
European term at the expense of the tribal name (Salter,
1972b).
The European ethnocentric view failed to recognise the full importance of gambling in Native societies (Eisen,
1978). Not only was it an integral and traditional part of the game but may Indeed have been considered one of Its principal components. It had a legitimate socio-economic base in that it effected the redistribution of wealth and property within Native societies (Salter, 1972b).
Europeans, however, with a heritage of alternative religious and social beliefs, saw gambling as a 'social evil'. These 80
values were sometimes physically enforced by American and
Canadian authorities. Games of lacrosse were prohibited until the aspect of gambling had been abandoned or modified
(Culin, 1907; Salter, 1972b). These value impositions,
later translated into policy, caused Native groups to conform. As Salter argues:
"The negative outcome from...European...values and beliefs, played a determining role in the formulation of Indian Policy. In line with the 'melting pot' concept, attempts were made by the United States Government, and to a lesser extent by the Canadian Government, to force the 'lazy, immoral, unimaginative' Indian to conform to socially acceptable Western norms and become a productive part of society" (Salter, 1972b, 38)
3.4.4 Compromise
Increasing contact with European cultures and the penetration of capitalism resulted In the gradual transformation of life patterns for most Natives. Values, knowledge and beliefs changed. Despite these changes,
lacrosse still served as a means of upgrading the tribal economy, among many groups, until the first few decades of the 1800s. Later, after the 1840s when lacrosse became organised, Individuals rather than groups, used lacrosse as a means of economic survival by playing as professionals.
There were, however, Increasing value changes as European culture became dominant. Wealth and status, once enhanced by finery, became defined by utilitarian and predominantly
European I terns (Salter, 1972b). 81
In the game Itself, there was an Increasing awareness of time. Before extensive European contact, teams would play when they were ready and only once the appropriate preparations had been completed. Catlin notes that during his travels from 1832-1839, times for starting games began to be specified (Catlin, 1926).
The English codes of 'fair play' and 'good sportsmanship' began to be adopted. Where previously
Injuries were seen as a result of the disfavour of the spirits, now they were seen as the insulting behaviour of opponents and cause for anger or retaliation. A
Seneca/Mohawk game which took place in Ontario in 1794, described In Weyand and Roberts (1965), illustrates this change In attitude. During the game, the Seneca stopped playing and went home after one of their players had been struck by the stick of an opposing player. Three years of negotiations followed before the groups played together again, despite the fact that the Mohawk player readily admitted his guilt (Weyand and Roberts, 1965; Salter,
1972b). Following the new dominant religious values, gambI ing came to be regarded as wrong by many groups.
Direct suppression of lacrosse, because of gambling, came from religious and civil authorities (Culin, 1907). The 82 suppression of gambling removed the game even further from
the economic sphere (Salter, 1972b).
Increasingly lacrosse changed from an important
religious rite into a purely recreational game. In 'some
areas gambling disappeared, and taboos and rites lost their
significance. Eyman (1964) notes that after
ChrIstI anisat I on, the Mohawk of Quebec continued to play
lacrosse but only as a form of recreation. Peace treaties,
white settlement and expansion resulted in the permanent
settlement on reserves of previously nomadic Native groups.
As their lives became more agrarian, hunting and gathering
increasingly played a minor role. In addition, war was no
longer part of Native life. Lacrosse, therefore, as a
vehicle for preparing warriors and hunters became
superfluous (Salter, 1972b). Accordingly, there was a de-
emphasis on the traditional role of lacrosse as a means of
tribal provision and protection and an increasing emphasis
on its recreational aspects (Salter, 1972b).
3.4.5 Conflict and Resistance
It is difficult to assess accurately the exact amount,
type and rate of changes that occurred In lacrosse. Salter
remarks that
"until such time as the various Indian groups were located on reservations and final peace 83
treaties established, the game of Lacrosse continued to fulfill a role similar to the one it filled prior to Caucasian contact" (Salter, 1972b, 29-30).
The substitution of indigenous materials with European ones in the early stages was largely a result of choice rather than external pressure, although the choice was defined by a need to survive in a changing political and economic environment. Religious pressure and dominant
Ideology proved most prevailing.
Evidence of conflict, however, is illustrated by an event which occurred during the Pontlac Conspiracy in 1763.
At Fort MIchI I I mack Inac, the Sac and 0JIbway played a game of lacrosse honouring King George III on his birthday.
During the game, the baI I was thrown over the fort waI I and the players followed in pursuit (Beers, 1869; Weyand and
Roberts, 1965; Vellathottam and Jones, 1974). Once inside, the Natives abandoned pretence and attacked the fort: lacrosse, a weapon of the weak?
Later, more direct changes to the game Influenced by
European values were actively resisted. As Williams (1977) has suggested, the family is one of the most Important institutions for preserving tradition. Among Native societies resistance came from the elders and flowed through the family. Resistance was strongest in those groups who 84 used lacrosse primarily for religious purposes, religion being another social Institution least subject to rapid change. Indicative of the strong preservation of lacrosse,
Beauchamp notes, in 1896, that of all the Native ball games, lacrosse was the oldest remaining activity among the
Iroquois (Beauchamp, 1896).
Some traditional practices, however, have been actively preserved and continue to exist today, albeit In modified form (Salter, 1972b). The Cayuga Thunder Ritual, In
Ontario, provides a contemporary example. The original form of lacrosse is stI I I played as part of a ceremony to encourage rain in spring and summer (Eyman, 1964). In addition, some of the medicinal rituals continue to exist among the Iroquois (Eyman, 1964). Among other groups, however, lacrosse has died out altogether (Salter, 1972b).
In 1892, one observer remarked that the New York Iroquois had lost most of their ritualistic practices and 'even much that remains Is warped and disfigured by contact with transatlantic manners and thought' (Hewitt, 1892, 189).
The most powerful element of change, however, was effected by the penetration of European ideology and religion. In tune with the dominant Ideology and coupled with a need to survive economically, Native attitudes began 85
to change and these changes became manifested In the game.
In 1893 Hoffman noted that among the Menomini many of the traditional lacrosse practices had died out as a result of the adoption of Christianity and the fact that more people were attending schools. From schools they 'began to observe the futility and uselessness' of these practices (Hoffman,
1896, 568). Salter (1972b) argues that acceptance and conformity were most prevalent after Native groups had been placed on reserves where the most rapid decuIturation took pI ace.
During the early nineteenth century, Native groups were challenged to play lacrosse games by whites, particularly soldiers from the garrisons. In 1834, Montreal newspapers recorded a demonstration match at one of the garrisons played by the Caughnawaga Natives (Vellathottam and Jones,
1974). It was this kind of demonstration game that led to whites becoming involved In the game. Once the organisation of lacrosse got underway, Natives continued to play lacrosse in the form of teams from the reserves playing against teams from white clubs (Roxborough, 1966). 86
3.5 Summary
Among the residual cultural element, the Native North
American cultures, lacrosse was one of the most widespread of outdoor games. The technique and form of the game varied considerably across the continent. Although partly recreational, It is evident that lacrosse was more than
'Just a game'. Shrouded in religious symbolism and extensive ceremonial preparation, the ritual served the dual purpose of aiding tribal provision and protection.
Escalating contact with European culture brought social changes to the Native way of life. Lacrosse, tied to the community, was also modified and transformed. Initially indigenous materials and goods were merely substituted for
European ones. Later, when the effects of the dominant
European religion and other values became apparent, more fundamental changes took place. Increasingly lacrosse changed from a religious ritual into a purely recreational game for many Native groups. Among some communities, however, traditional lacrosse practices have been actively preserved and in others, the ritual has disappeared completely. During the early nineteenth century, lacrosse began to be organised by whites. 87
Fig. 3.1 Pre-game Ceremonies
From Cat I in ( 1926, pi. 224), this is an illustration of the Choctaw 'ball play' preparations. The players assemble around their respective goals while the women and religious elders take up positions in the centre. Fig 3.2 'Ball Play' Dress
These Sioux ball players, sketched by Catlin (1926, pis. 235 and 236), displays the adornment of bird quills and charcoal body paint. Fig. 3.3 'BaI I Play*
From Catlin (1926, pi. 226) Fig. 3.4 Instruments of the Game
1. Iroquois; 2. Passamaquoddy; 3. Ojibwa 4. Cherokee; 5. Drum; 6. Rattle.
(From Mooney, 1890, 266)4. Fig. 3.5 Choctaw 'Ball Player'
A sketch from Cat I in ( 1926, pi. 223), i I lustrating the two sticks as we I I as the adornments of a mane and horse-hair tai I. 92
CHAPTER 4
THE DOMINANT CULTURAL ELEMENT
"A distinctive and comparative feature of any dominant social order Is how far It reaches into the whole range of practices and experiences in an attempt at incorporation" (Williams, 1977,125)
4 .1 IntroductI on
During the nineteenth century, while becoming
increasingly peripheral among Native cultures, lacrosse games began to be organised informally by English communities. The British garrisons In particular were responsible for arranging informally many sporting events
including lacrosse matches (Lindsay, 1970; Day, 1981).
Mi I Itary personnel provided funds for prizes as we I I as much of the early organisation and leadership (Lindsay, 1969).
Lacrosse, however, played a relatively minor role In favour of what were considered 'genteel' activities, such as hunting and cricket (Lindsay, 1970).
In the lacrosse games that were organised, English gentlemen5 played against Native teams. In the latter half of the decade, lacrosse began to flourish in Montreal and spread to other urban centres. The first lacrosse club, the
Montreal Lacrosse Club, was organised in 1856. It was followed by the formation of other local clubs, the 93
Hochelaga and Beaver Clubs In 1858 and 1859 respectively.
Throughout the 1860s teams were formed and games were played on a sporadic challenge basis throughout eastern Ontario.
Lacrosse really 'took off' in 1867 when 42 delegates of the
27 lacrosse clubs from Ontario and Quebec met at Kingston to establish the National Lacrosse Association. Most of the organising was done by Dr George Beers, a prominent Montreal citizen, and it was under his guidance that lacrosse came to be known as 'Canada's National Game'. In 1867, Beers also organised an exhibition lacrosse tour, played by the
Caughnawaga Native team, to England and France (Vellathottam and Jones, 1974).
The purpose of this chapter is threefold. In the first section, the importance of Montreal and its particular urban context is outlined in order to establish the social composition of the people who became most Involved in the appropriation and organisation of lacrosse. The second section discusses the legacy of values from England and the way In which lacrosse became a vehicle for the transmission of these ideas. Finally, the social composition of lacrosse organisers coupled with their dominant cultural values can be seen translated into the changes made to the game. 94
4.2 Urban Class Society
The growth of towns and expansion of urban areas facilitated much of the organisation of not only lacrosse but a number of sports during the nineteenth century. As the largest urban centre, Montreal6 was the 'cradle' of
Canadian sport7 (Wise and Fisher, 1974). Growth in Montreal prior to the mid-century was moderate. In 1821 the city sustained 19 000 people. Twenty years later, this figure had risen to 28 000 (Hanna, 1986). By 1871, 107 200 people
I ived in the city (Lower, 1958) and it had become the commercial centre of Canada. Montreal's position on the St
Lawrence made it an important gateway to the North American hinterland. The transportation of products from Europe and elsewhere passed through Montreal and the city became the headquarters of many Industrial and commercial firms (Lewis,
1985).
Montreal became the principal shipper and supplier to the growing agricultural settlements of upper Canada (Wise and Fisher, 1974). Occupations in the city were diverse and social classes were distinctly stratified. During the nineteenth century about 80% of the population of Montreal belonged to the proletariat or working-class8 (Hertzog,
1985). This sector grew as large-scale manufacturing became increasingly important. Elites consisted of colonial 95 officials, military officers and commercial elites such as merchants, bankers and financiers (Lewis, 1985; Harris,
1987).
The particular composition of Canadian urban society In
Montreal is crucial in analysing the history of lacrosse
(Wise and Fisher, 1974; Redmond, 1979). Urban industrial society coupled with an agrarian hinterland gave rise to particular social classes defined in terms of their relations to production. These classes, although more complex, can be generally identified as a colonial and commercial elite, agrarian landowners and the property-1 ess labourers (Gruneau and Albinson, 1976). The involvement of each of these groups in sporting activities depended on the resources to which each group had access.
The colonial and commercial elites were the least restricted In terms of wealth and time and therefore, were
instrumental in establishing sport clubs. Agrarian
landowners with substantial resources participated in many sports but, divorced from urban advantages, were less
involved in the organisation of lacrosse (Gruneau and
Albinson, 1976). Working-class and rural labourers, however, were most restricted in their access to sporting activities. People involved In farming in the rural areas 96
were restricted by their farming activities while labourers
in the urban centres could usually only participate in sport
on national holidays such as the Queen's Birthday or
Thanksgiving, as a result of long working hours. It was
only in the 1880s, with increased union activity, that
shorter working hours during the week and the Saturday half-
holiday came into being. This allowed more participation In
sport to take place (Lindsay, 1969; Jobling, 1970). It was
left to the elites to organise sport and by mid-century, a
club system had developed in Montreal (Metcalfe, 1976a).
Primarily social, these clubs incorporated a number of
popular sports. The Montreal Snow Shoe Club was established
in the 1840s and was followed by the Montreal Lacrosse club
In 1856. The birth of the Montreal Lacrosse Club signalled
a new era In the development of not only lacrosse, but
organised sport In general (Metcalfe, 1976a). The Canadian
National Lacrosse Association was formed in 1867 and
consisted of 29 clubs from Quebec to Ontario. It was under
this national umbrella body that attempts were made to
regulate, standardise and promote lacrosse as a regular
competitive sport (Wise and Fisher, 1974). This
organisational body was the first national organisation to
promote sport in Canada. An additional effect of the
Canadian National Lacrosse Association was to legitimise 97
organised sport nationally by introducing the concept of
'national' sport (Schrodt, 1983).
A decade later, the Montreal Amateur Athletic
Association was formed through an amalgamation of many clubs and became Canada's first comprehensive sport and social club (Redmond, 1979; Schrodt, 1983). The snow shoe and lacrosse clubs formed part of its membership as well as other sporting clubs such as those for hockey and cricket.
The Association provided the grounds, club-rooms and other facilities. Even though sport Itself was becoming
Increasingly more important in the second half of the nineteenth century, these clubs primarily served an exclusive social function and housed elaborate buildings containing reading rooms and lounges, stocked with the latest newspapers and periodical literature from around the world. The Montreal Amateur Athletic Association, for example, also housed chess, drama and a social and dance- sponsoring group known as the Cinderella Club (The Montreal
Amateur Athletic Association and Morrow, 1981).
Until the turn of the century, club membership under the Montreal Amateur Athletic Association was restricted to social elites. Wise and Fisher comment: "The roster of membership of...the MAAA reads like a commercial and 98 professional Who's Who of the city" (1974, 25). The players, administrators and officials of lacrosse clubs tended to be drawn from the same social group (Metcalfe,
1976a). Metcalfe (1976a) established that while people in professional and commercial occupations (businessmen, merchants, store-owners, bookkeepers, clerks and salesmen) only occupied 4% and 22% respectively of the total Montreal
labour force, they comprised 20% and 70% of club executives and players in 1860. By contrast, domestic, industrial and agricultural workers, who comprised a total of 58% of the city's labour force, were not at all represented in club membership In Montreal (Metcalfe, 1976a).
There was little differentiation between executives and players in the early stages of organised lacrosse. in 1860,
6 of the 9 executives of the Montreal Lacrosse Club were active players (Metcalfe, 1976a). Members of the military, educational Institutions and the business community, therefore, set the rules of play and behaviour. Clubs, competitions and administrative structure were established under their guiding hands. They provided the financial support and determined the level of participation (Wise and
Fisher, 1974). Methods of restricting club membership
included membership fees and the practice of scheduling games during the week, which effectively excluded working class participation (Wise and Fisher, 1974). An additional 99 form of restriction was the system of new member nominations. New members had to be nominated by two existing members, investigated by a committee and finally voted for by the membership of the club (Metcalfe, 1976a).
The lacrosse clubs were no different from the general norm. Indeed, lacrosse was promoted by these clubs as an
English gentleman's game and was the exclusive preserve of the social elite (Metcalfe, 1976a). In Montreal and later
Toronto, It became a mark of social eminence to belong to a
lacrosse club (Cox, 1969). Illustrative of the class differences between members and the paying public at a
lacrosse match, a sportswriter In the 1880s commented:
"In the centre of one side of the ground Is the members' pavlllion, and a separate grand stand offers commanding seats to those of the general public who are minded to pay for them" (The Saturday Review, 1884, 242).
Members could watch the game from the pavilion, separated from the general public.
4.3 The British Cultural Legacy
The social elite, involved in the organisation of lacrosse, tended to follow their heritage of British cultural traditions. During the nineteenth century, Canada drew heavily on Europe, Britain and, later, the United
States for Immigrants, financial resources, attitudes and 100 values. The predominance of British influence resulted in the adoption of many British beliefs and ideals on sport by the English community In Canada. One of the main ideological influences from across the Atlantic was the
Christian church (Metcalfe, 1974). For centuries the church had been involved in a debate over the primacy of the body or mind. This issue, most importantly, was instrumental in developing attitudes to sport.
4.3.1 Philosophical Roots
The Christian monks, prior to the Reformation, believed that the body was in constant antagonism with the soul:
"Man's nature is more dignified than that of the beast. Our body, except for a few details, differs not from an animal's body but our soul reaches out after things divine and eternal. The body is earthly, wild, slow, mortal, diseased, Ignoble; the soul on the other hand is heavenly subtle, divine, immortal and noble" (Erasmus cited in Mcintosh, 1968, 63).
The period of the Reformation saw the spread of
Lutheran and Calvinistlc ideas. Both Luther and Calvin believed physical exercise and education were important to uplift the spirit and develop the limbs. It was only the
'bad' physical activities such as dancing and dicing that were crimes (Mcintosh, 1968). Calvinism was imported to
England and there in Its Puritan form proved a great enemy to sport. The Puritans did not object to physical exercise 101
or sporting activity in itself but rather the attitude to sport as an occasion for pleasure. Puritans disapproved of joy in a physical activity without regard for its utility
(Mcintosh, 1968). They believed that the body was merely the soul's lodging. Undue emphasis upon it, given the weakness of the flesh, inevitably led to sin and vice. The best thing for the body was work and not play (Baker, 1982;
Wise and Fisher, 1974).
Throughout the 1600s and 1700s there were many conflicting Ideas on the body and mind. During this period, renewed interest in science which included the observation and objective analysis of physical matter, led to an
Increasing respect for physical function and performance
(Mcintosh, 1968). Hobbes and GrassendI expressed their belief in 'materialism'. This doctrine supported the idea that the body, composed of physical matter, works like a machine. The mind works similarly except in a more refined state. The doctrine of 'materialism' was severly criticised for denying the existence of the 'soul' (Mcintosh, 1968).
Descartes later proposed a doctrine of 'dualism' which assumed that human nature is composed of both mind (soul) and matter (body) as relatively separate elements. This led to the ideal that physical activity could enrich both the body and soul rather than only cultivating the body
(Mcintosh, 1968). 102
The writer who did more than any other to change social attitudes to sport was Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In his educational work EmiIe (1762), he indicated a philosophy of sport. Rousseau spoke out against the accepted belief that human nature (the body) is Inherently evil and carries original sin. He believed that a child is born with tendencies for 'good' but that social customs and environmental conditions Influence the child's future behaviour (Brownell and Hagman, 1951). Rousseau argued that in order for a well-rounded child to develop, it was necessary to
"Give his body constant exercise, make it strong and healthy, in order to make him good and wise; let him work, let him do things, let him run and shout, let him be always on the go; make a man of him In strength, and he will soon be a man of reason" (Rousseau, 1762, 82).
This Idea of character training through physical activity found strong support during the nineteenth century
(McIntosh, 1968).
4.3.2 'Muscular Christianity'
The first signs of changed attitudes to sport came from the Public Schools in England during the first half of the nineteenth century. Dr Arnold, headmaster of Rugby School,
Is attributed the honour of, if not spreading 'athleticism', then at least not hindering a movement already begun. The 103
Ideals of 'athleticism' were further publicised by a number of religious figures whose devotion to sport were shown in
novels and essays. Charles Kings ley and Thomas Hughes (a
former student under Arnold) were among these 'muscular
Christians' as they came to be called (Roberts, 1973). In
Kings ley's Westward Ho! ( 1855) and Hughes' Tom Brown's
Schooldays (1857), the fields were not merely places of exercise and amusement, they helped to form valuable social
qualities and manly virtues (Mcintosh, 1968). Sport was seen to encourage co-operative ideas but also emphasised self-reliance. Co-operation was developed through the shared experience of team play, while self-reliance was
fostered by self-restraint. For example, people could be taught, through games, how to control their tempers (Mason,
1980). I
Not only did sport contribute towards the development of a moral character, it also cultivated a desirable patriotism (Redmond, 1979). For Tom Brown, cricket was a noble game, but more than a game, a noble institution which was the birthright of British boys (Hughes, 1857). This patriotism, paralleled with the rise of imperialism, placed a new premium on discipline, authority and team spirit In sports. In other words, sport was attributed values that could be transferred from the playing fields Into other spheres of life such as the battlefield or the colonies 104
(Redmond, 1979). Added to this, the educational value of defeat and failure received strong expression in Samuel
Smiles' Self Help (1859). Although he did not claim to be a
'muscular Christian', Smiles was a strong advocate of physical exercise as a moral educator. He believed that sport taught a valuable lesson through failure. Courage and tenacity In the face of defeat and learning from failure were considered Invaluable virtues (Metcalfe, 1974;
Mcintosh, 1979).
The code of gentlemanly conduct on the field was not only rigidly enforced in the Public Schools but penetrated into upper and middle class British society. Illustrative of this are the numerous words and phrases from sport which became general usage. Nearly all of them are tied to a moral code. Phrases such as 'play the game', 'it's not cricket', 'hitting a man when he's down', 'fair play',
'below the belt' and many others suggest an ethic which was generally understood (Mcintosh, 1968).
The diffusion of these values into mainstream society reflected that 'muscular Christianity' was in tune with much of the liberal thinking in politics, religion and literature at the time (Mcintosh, 1968; Metcalfe, 1974). Nineteenth century liberalism included the ideal that individual hard 105 work coupled with scientific method and industry would
ultimately lead to progress. In other words, through hard work and perseverence without the need to rely on others,
any pursuit would be successful (MacPherson, 1962). This
individualism referred more to self-help than selfish
individuality, which contained many of the evils of society
(Metcalfe, 1974). Accordingly, individual effort had to be
tempered with societal needs so that a balance between the
Individual and society would be obtained. What developed
was a liberal morality which emphasised individual restraint
and character while stressing the concept of group
responsibility and societal needs (Metcalfe, 1974).
Sport was not only compatible with these liberal
ideals; it became the vehicle for their transmission. Team
games were seen as particularly Important. Exercising
unselfishness during a team game was especially ennobling
(Mcintosh, 1968). The playing field, therefore, provided an
area for the inculcation of moral principles and gentlemanly
conduct. It also provided a learning experience for leaders
and promoted the creation of group spirit more powerful than
individual needs. The combination of a healthy mind and
body further led to the development of ideals of courage,
honesty, fair play, endurance and team spirit. The
individual was allowed to exhibit individual characteristics 106
but at all times remain true to the team. Commenting on cricket, Tom Brown's schoolmaster said
"It.ought to be such an unselfish game. It merges the individual with the eleven; he doesn't play that he may win, but that his side may" (Hughes, 1857, 394).
In many ways the outcome of the game was secondary.
How the game was played was more important (Metcalfe, 1974).
4.4 Appropriation of Lacrosse
These ideals were transmitted to Canada by Journals,
newspapers, Immigrants and particularly by the graduates
from Pub I Ic Schools who came out to teach in schools in
Canada (Roberts, 1973; Metcalfe, 1974). This liberal
morality was translated into local sporting activity and
became the cornerstone of English Canadian values.
In lacrosse during the latter half of the nineteenth
century, this ideology Is clearly apparent. In the
literature (Beers, 1869; 1877; McNaught, 1880; Weir,
1892; Whitney, 1894) there is constant reference to the
necessity of making lacrosse a 'science' which would
inevitably lead to the 'civilised' progress of the game away
from its 'barbaric' origins. One of the major criticisms of
lacrosse advanced by cricket supporters was that lacrosse was not 'scientific' enough to be played by 'gentlemen'. Advocates of lacrosse reacted by stating that if science in sport imp I Ied a
"training and education of the Intellect, a high use of the reasoning faculty, and a capacity to experiment and improve, and impart principles of knowledge to one another" (Beers, 1869, 52) then lacrosse was a science.
That lacrosse was based on science was 'proved by the fact that many throws, dodges, checks, etc, are explained by fixed principles' (Beers, 1869, 52). It was argued that the new plays developed allowed room only for skill and precision and not for 'probability' or ' chance'. Goal keeping, for example
"is not chance work...it is a science in which one can become proficient only by dint of long, hard practice and minute attention to the details of the game. Probably no position on the whole team offers greater opportunities for scientific development than keeping goal" (Weir, 1892, 747).
The newly organised form of lacrosse, it was argued, was far removed from the Native game which had the 'old principle of brute force and hard running' (Beers, 1869,
53). Lacrosse had been 'shorn of its former settings of savagery, paint and the wilderness' where 'science is taking the place of brute force' (Blaxter, 1905, 223 and 225). In sum,
"the Indian's old fierce baggataway has shared the fate of the Indian himself in having become civilized almost out of recognition into a more 108
humane sport. It has lost its wild and wanton delirium, and though restless under regulations, has become tamed into the exciting and varied of all modern field sports" (Chamber's Journal, 1862, 512).
Perpetuating the 'noble savage' ideal, Beers suggested that:
"A sensible, thoroughly civilized people cannot, and should not, play Lacrosse exactly after the manner of the Indian. The fact that they beat the pale-face, is more proof of their superior physical nature, than any evidence of their super I or scIence...the Indian village game was not Intellectual enough for the whites, and needed systematizing" (Beers, 1869, 55).
In fact, it was argued that:
"Like eveything else that the genius of the white man has touched, it (lacrosse) has been improved both in shape and mechanical construction and though it may have lost some of its fanciful decorations, it is a much more effective weapon either for offence or defence than Its predecessor" (McNaught, 1880, 26).
Players were urged to 'aim at being the best and most scientific player in your club' (McNaught, 1880, 137).
Newspapers publicised 'scientific' lacrosse by reporting that teams won because of their 'scientific handling of the stick' and described 'crack' players as 'no amateurs in the science of lacrosse' (The British Columbian, 8 June 1889, 4;
10 June, 1889, 4).
Ideals on team work and individualism come across very strongly from the early organisers and promoters of lacrosse. McNaught, a member of the lacrosse team that 109
toured England In 1883, was a firm supporter of 'team'
lacrosse. In his book Lacrosse, and How to Play It, he
emphasises the need for team play and states that
individualism, which he perceives to be an inherent part of
the Native game, is the cause of much of its 'uncivilised'
components. He urges players to 'never attempt to
individualize yourself In...pI ay...we can not be too severe
upon any player who thinks more of individual applause than
the success of his team'. A person who does is usually 'a
vain, selfish, egotistical , upstart, who is more
distinguished for muscle than brains' (MaNaught, 1880, 137
original emphasis). As long as the team interests were
paramount, a player was allowed to shine: 'if you are a
'crack' player you will come to the surface as surely as
cork floats on water' (McNaught, 1880, 136).
The ideals of health In body and mind, inherent in the
'muscular Christianity' concept, were actively promoted by
the advocates of lacrosse:
"Lacrosse as a beneficial exercise has no superior ... (it) ... stimulates nutrition, invigorates and equalizes the circulation, quickens and frees the function of respiration, strengthens the appetite and digestion, and purifies the blood" (Beers, 1869, 49).
Where the mind is concerned, lacrosse
"knocks timidity and nonsense out of a young man, training him to temperance, confidence and pluck; teaches him to govern his temper if he 1 10
has too much, or rouses It healthily if he has too little...it develops judgement and calculation, promptness and decision" (Beers, 1869, 50).
As 'the good Dr Arnold of Rugby foresaw', lacrosse ensures a body which becomes 'the strong instrument of the trained mind' (Beers, 1869, 51). Lacrosse 'by no means leaves the mental side of the player undeveloped' (Blaxter, 1905, 228).
Gentlemanly play was applauded, and rough play regarded with contempt as it emphasised individualism and a regression of progress. 'If you cannot play without doing so roughly, better not to play at all' (McNaught, 1880,
137). A player who would intentionally 'strike another with his crosse' was 'no gentleman' (McNaught, 1880, 55). The finest player is one who combines 'fair play and the manliness of man' (Beers, 1869, 177). 'To be a good player...he must learn to control his temper under the most trying provocations, cultivate courage, self-reliance, (and) perseverance' (Beers, 1869, 41). The installation of these beliefs on the younger generation was regarded as crucial.
For boys, lacrosse 'quickens and brightens the mind', develops self-confidence so that they will 'never know the meaning of fear' (Beers, 1869, 44). 111
4.5 Introduction of Rules to Lacrosse
In line with the ideals and values of 'muscular
Christianity', many changes were made to the game, particularly in 1867 when the first rules were written.
Prior to this, each club had made its own rules. In June
1867, Beers formulated the 'Uniform Code of Playing Rules' which was then officially accepted by the lacrosse clubs at the Kingston convention (Beers, 1869). Most changes were made to promote the 'science' of the game. On the lacrosse stick, the loose netting known as a 'bag' was tightened considerably. The 'bag', it was believed, 'was Instituted by bad players who were fond of dodging, and too lazy or unskillful, to learn the art of managing the ball on a flat netting' (McNaught, 1880, 30). The stick was made heavier and longer (Jobling, 1970). This effectively changed the running, dodging Native game to a game which emphasised passing. The tight netting was regarded as more scientific.
The ball was changed from stuffed deerskin to india rubber sponge because it could be thrown further and was harder to stop (The 11 lust rated London News, 1875; Jobling, 1970).
The goals were marked by two poles with flags at each end embroidered with the name and motto of the club (Beers,
1877). The grounds took on defined boundaries and it was decided that the field should be no less than 150 yards 1 12
(Roxborough, 1966). The fields, being smaller than In the
Native game, brought players into close contests and necessitated different moves. In addition, the concept of
'out of bounds' was brought Into play (Cox, 1946). Two umpires were appointed at each goal and a referee superintended the play. Team uniforms were worn and consisted of tight shirts, knickerbockers, woollen stockings and light shoes or moccasins (Beers, 1877).
The 'science' of the game was further established by introducing numerous plays to the game. Players were arranged into defence and attack positions instead of the previous informal ones. The fielders were assigned specific duties. Dodging and throwing techniques were given various names (Whitney, 1894). For example, the over-shot-from-the- shoulder, side-throws, under-throw-from-the-reverse-sIde and, throw-and-hIt. In contrast, the over-head throw was predominantly used In the Native game (Beers, 1977).
Similarly names were given to different ball characteristics, for example, players had to know how to stop 'grounders, hoppers, straight and curved balls, tips, kicks or swipes' (McNaught, 1880, 79). 113
4.6 Diffusion and Increasing Popularity of Lacrosse
With increasing organisation and regulation of play over the last few decades of the nineteenth century, lacrosse became increasingly popular and spread across the continent, into the United States and across the Atlantic to
England. Several occurrences helped popularise lacrosse".
First, advances in technology, (for example, in transport and the printing industry), aided the diffusion of sport.
Second, successful exhibition lacrosse games and tours to the United States and Europe, were widely publicised and gained much attention in the press.
Urban Industrial society and Improved methods of transport and communications played an important role in the diffusion of sport (Cox, 1969; Howell and Howell, 1969).
Prior to the development of the steamship or railway, travel was long and arduous by road. It was usually only the wealthy who could afford the time and expense of travel.
Wl I I lams argues that the development of ral Iways during the nineteenth century was a major factor in popularising sport
in Canada (Williams, 1981). Special excursion rates were advertised on the steamers or trains which helped promote sport in remote areas. As lacrosse became more popular in
British Columbia, for example, the Canadian Pacific Railway ran special trains to carry lacrosse players and fans to games In other parts of the country (The British Columbian, 1 14
10 July, 1891, 4; West, 1973). Inner-city street railways he Iped faci I Itate intra-city games (The British Columbian,
23 August, 1895, 4). Improved transportation, most importantly, allowed more people to become Involved in sport at the spectator level.
Technological innovations In the printing industry were also Important in popularising sport. In 1874 in Canada, there were less than 500 periodicals being published but by
1900 this figure had increased to more than 1 200 (Jobling,
1970). During the last few decades of the nineteenth century, lacrosse featured In periodicals such as Harper's
Weekly, The I I lust rated London News and Outing. In British
Columbia, notices of club meetings and practice games were posted In the local papers. Reports on Important games were given play-by-play coverage. From the 1890s, results of championship lacrosse games began to be displayed as front• page news and under titles such as 'The National Game' or
'Lacrosse Notes' (The British Columbian, 13 June, 1890, 4;
17 June, 1891, 4; 3 October, 1891, 1).
An exhibition game of lacrosse during the highly publicised Prince of Wales' tour in 1860, did much to
Increase club membership. At a game played by a Joint
Montreal and Beaver club team, and a combined team of the
Caughnawaga and St Regis Native players, the president of 1 15 the Montreal club presented the Prince with a silver mounted
'crosse'. Such Incidents attracted attention in the press
(Lindsay, 1969). With a growing interest in lacrosse came
Increased revenues from gate money, enabling club organisers to improve lacrosse facilities considerably. Subsequently, by the 1880s most cities had several grounds, allowing an
Increased number of people access to the sport (Job I ing,
1970).
4.7 Summary
The particular composition of Canadian urban society in
Montreal during the nineteenth century, had an important effect on the development of organised lacrosse. The colonial and commercial elites, with time and wealth at their disposal, were instrumental in organising and regulating lacrosse. By mid-century, a club system had developed. These clubs, although recreational, served a primarily social function and membership was restricted to the social elites. This elite group was largely influenced by a legacy of British cultural traditions and values.
Embodied in 'muscular Christianity', these traditions promote the ideal of sport as a forum for learning the values of liberal morality. During this period, these values are clearly apparent in lacrosse. The first written rules, in 1867, were formulated along the lines of 'team work', 'science' and 'gentlemanly play'. Aided by advances 1 16
In technology, lacrosse began to flourish towards the turn of the century. 1 17
CHAPTER 5
THE EMERGENT CULTURAL ELEMENT
"By 'emergent' I mean, first, that new meanings and values, new practices, new relationships and kinds of relationship are continually being created. But it is exceptionally difficult to distinguish between those which are really elements of some new phase of the dominant cuIture...and those which are substantially alternative or oppositional to it: emergent in the strict sense, rather than merely novel" (Williams, 1977, 123).
5.1 IntroductI on
By 1900 lacrosse was so popular it seemed immortal.
Most large towns across Canada supported either junior,
Intermediate or senior teams (Wise and Fisher, 1974). At the senior lacrosse games the current spectator attendance of between 8 000 and 15 000 fans was unprecedented (Jobling
1970). In British Columbia store-owners even closed shop and allowed employees a ha If-ho II day on occasions of
important matches (The Victoria Colonist, 18 June 1907, 9).
Provincial organisations such as the Alberta Lacrosse
Association and the British Columbian Amateur Lacrosse
Association, scheduled and regulated games across the country (Jones, 1970). These organisations ensured that the standardised rules set up by the national organisations were adhered to throughout Canada. In 1900 the Canadian Lacrosse
Association and the National Amateur Lacrosse Union were the senior organisations. These two major sporting bodies both 1 1 8 introduced some Important rule changes around the turn of the century, In an attempt to make the game more attractive to spectators. The changing rules indicated a growing importance of gate receipts and a decreasing emphasis on
British sporting values.
The Canadian Lacrosse Association adopted rules whereby players had to wear distinguishing numbers to enable the public to identify players more easily. The duration of the game was also changed. Instead of playing, for a required number of goals, the match was divided into two halves of 45 minutes each with 10 minutes break (Jones, 1970). Under this rule spectators knew exactly how long a game would
last, unlike matches under the old rules where all the goals required could be scored within the first ten minutes of play. Spectators paid to see more than ten minutes. In addition, this modification in lacrosse rules paralleled the movement towards a rationalisation of time in urban-
industrial society. The National Amateur Lacrosse Union made a similar change in their leagues though the length of a game was divided into four periods. Goal nets were also added so that spectators and referees could see goals scored more accurately. The 'baggy' net on the lacrosse stick was re-1ntroduced to al low the baI I to be caught and carried with ease (Flannery, 1911; Jones, 1970). The re-introduced 'bag' changed lacrosse once more to a running and dodging game although passing remained a focus (Jones, 1970).
These further changes in the lacrosse sporting scene need to be examined against the background of changing values and beliefs in Canadian society during this period.
The first section of this chapter discusses the decline of the dominant British cultural Influence and the rise of
Canadian nationalism In lacrosse. The second section draws attention to the effects of this emerging Canadian culture on the social composition of lacrosse players, clubs and attitudes. The amateur/profess IonaI struggle in lacrosse Is discussed In light of this changing social context. A
British Columbian example is presented to illustrate these trends and, finally, attention turns to the decline of
lacrosse.
5.2 The Decline of Dominant Cultural Influence
By the twentieth century, with rule-changes Indicating the growing Importance of spectators and gate receipts, the declining influence of Public School values in lacrosse was becoming apparent. The ideals of 'team work', 'science' and
'gentlemanly play' were slowly being set aside In favour of the idea of aggressive winning teams which would have public 120
appeal. These changing values in lacrosse were greatly
influenced by weakening colonial ties coupled with an emerging Canadian nationalism.
5.2.1 Weakening Colonial Ties
Waning British cultural influence in lacrosse can be traced to the early 1880s. The process of change was slow, and British Influences continue to exist today In Canada.
Confederation, Britain's declining interest in her colonies, and the removal of the Imperial garrisons by 1871, resulted
in a diminishing dominance of ideals and values from across the Atlantic (Lindsay, 1972). Sporting life in Canada changed as the British traditions began to weaken. The garrisons, for example, had maintained much of the typically
British atmosphere in sporting activities. Sports such as cricket or fox-hunting thrived in Canada under military patronage (Cox, 1969; Lindsay, 1970). The departure of the garrisons allowed room for new influences. As the British stronghold on sport declined so a Canadian sporting identity began to emerge (Cox, 1969; Day, 1981).
5.2.2 Canadian Nationalism
An increasing Canadian identity within sport and
lacrosse in particular, was tied to a broader movement during the second half of the nineteenth century. The 121 transition to Confederation, for example, gave rise to a growing Canadian nationalism. Lower (1958) has suggested that Confederation was dependent upon three circumstances.
First, was a sense of British North American unity. Second, transportation advances enhanced the feeling of united territory and finally, there was emulation, yet Jealousy and fear, of the United States (Lower, 1958).
The growing national spirit was captured and promoted by the 'Canada First' Party In 1868 (Lindsay, 1972). This group of young nationalists looked for ways to develop
Canada as a nation and attempted to arouse a Canadian consciousness (Careless and Craig Brown, 1975). They argued that Canadians should have more confidence in Canada and stop looking to England as a superior country. Rather than a source of cultural influence, England should be viewed as an equal. This sense of separateness was highlighted in an address 'The Men of the North and Their Place in History' by
Robert Grant Haliburton in 1869. In the address Haliburton proposed the ideal of a Canadian Image with which Canadians could identify. He argued that the distinctive characteristic of the Dominion was that it was a northern country inhabited by the descendants of northern races.
"Because of this racial heritage and their stern environment, Canadians were destined to assume in the new world the dominant role played by the northern people in Europe" (Berger, 1970, 53). In other words, the image of 'northern' in this sense portrayed toughness, strength and hardihood. Rather than constantly looking to Britain for an image, it was argued,
Canadians should identify with the 'northern races'.
George Taylor Denison, another of the Canada First group, stated that the development of Canadian national sentiment would go a long way to check the drift to imperial disintegration. He argued that the major threat to Canadian well-being came from Britain because the English were not interested in the colony .except for the benefits of the
Empire. In addition, he argued, the English regarded colonial residents as socially inferior. He presented the argument that Canada was not ready for independence from
Britain but that Canadians first needed to concentrate on the development of a separate culture, to take a pride in
Canada and become more self-reliant. Only then would the derogatory perceptions of 'colonials' disappear, Britain would regard Canada in a different light and offer her the protection she needed in order to develop. Canada had to discard the habits of thought which identified Canadians as colonials and only then would future imperial a I I iance be a combination of equals (Berger, 1970). 123
It was against this background of an Increasing
'feeling' of nationalism and need for a Canadian Image that
Beers began his campaign to promote lacrosse as Canada's national sport. In Confederation year, Beers promoted the
Canadian origins of lacrosse:
"just as we declare the rivers, lakes and lands once Indian-owned to be now Canadian, so we claim the Indian field-game to be the national field-game of this Dominion" (Roxborough, 1966, 41 ) .
Furthermore, he argued,
"it may seem frivolous, at first consideration, to associate this feeling of nationality with a field game, but history proves it to be a strong and important influence. Cricket and curling have their national and national Izing influences on their respective admirers, and so may Lacrosse" (Beers, 1869, 5).
Beers believed that people might achieve some measure of Canadian identity by participating in the sport (Lindsay,
1972). He also promoted the Image of Canadians as a hardy northern race:
"Nowhere under the sun Is climate more favourable for the hardy exercises in which English-speaking people delight to indulge; and there is a freedom from restraints and conventionalities of the Old World's over• crowded countries...which is sap to the sportsman's soul. I think Canadians well typify the hardiness of the northern races...the spirit is born in the b|ood as we I I as nourished by the clime" (Beers, 1877, 506).
These nationalistic intentions were institutionalised by lacrosse organisations. The term 'Our National Game' became very popular during the nineteenth century (Fig. 5.1) and has even endured to the present. It was commonly held, until the 1960s, that lacrosse had officially become
Canada's national game by act of Parliament. This belief has spurred debates by lacrosse enthusiasts on the myth of the national sport (Jones and Vellathottam, 1974).
Newspaper reports on sport, since the 1860s, constantly refer to lacrosse as 'the national game' (Lindsay, 1969).
The symbolism of 'lacrosse' as 'Canada' must have filled a great need for many people at the time who had 'Canadian' aspirations (Lindsay, 1972). The banner for the National
Lacrosse Association, for example, bore the slogan 'Our
Country, Our Game' (The Canadian Lacrosse Hall of Fame, n.d.
1967?).
To what extent was this nationalistic feeling apparent among lacrosse participants? As discussed In Chapter 4, in the 1860s, lacrosse was a socially exclusive sport and dominated mainly by British values. Ironically, Beers himself promoted many of the beliefs and ideas from his
British heritage, in his books and articles on lacrosse, although his aim was to promote lacrosse as a Canadian identity (see Beers, 1869; 1877). Metcalfe suggests that it was only towards the turn of the century when sport broadened to include a wider spectrum of society that an emerging Canadian national Identity became evident
(Metcalfe, 1972). Despite Beers* efforts in the 1860s and 125
1870s to promote nationalism in sport, it was only decades later that this appeared to bear fruit. Metcalfe argues:
"the early organized sporting clubs were essentially middle-class institutions with membership of the working class virtually prohibited and as such divisive elements both In the sense of class and nationalism. With the proliferation of inter-club competition and the shift in focus from participation to winning, the problem became more complex, although at first, class lines were maintained...it wouId... appear that organised sport as a focal point for Canadian nationalism did serve to unite the diverse segments of the Canadian population only when competition with teams from other nations was Involved; sport in this sense was one of the earliest indicators of an emerging Canadian nationality" (Metcalfe, 1972, 13) .
5.3 The Emerging Culture
5.3.1 Democrat I sat ion of lacrosse
Until the turn of the century, little democrat I sation had occurred in club membership in lacrosse as well as most other sporting activities. Membership was characteristically middle-class and few working-class people were involved (Metcalfe, 1976a). The growing urban
industrial society combined with the changing focus of sport, from social to competitive, led to a broader range of societal groups participating in sport (Metcalfe, 1972).
Working class participation did not reach into all sports.
A sport such as cricket remained an elite sport, while baseball was predominantly working class. 126
In a detailed analysis of social stratification in
Montreal, Metcalfe (1976a) Identifies three different strata of society involved in sport during the late decades of the nineteenth century. First, are the economic and political e I Ite who were usually involved in non-competitive social clubs which housed sports such as tandem and hunting. These sports did not become democratised in any sense and remained exclusive (Metcalfe, 1976a). The second group of people
included the younger members of the el ite as we I I as commercial and professional people. These groups usually played sports such as golf, football, lawn tennis, hockey and cycling. Relatively few working class people became
involved in these sports (Metcalfe, 1976a). The third group consists of an expanding range of heterogeneous people who were becoming involved in competitive team sports. It is amongst this group that the greatest evidence of any democratisat I on of sport can be found (Metcalfe, 1976a).
Lacrosse, being a team sport, was being played by an ever-widening segment of the population and membership became relatively democratised throughout Canada (Metcalfe,
1976a). Players and spectators were increasingly drawn from all class levels. Indicative of the changing social base of
lacrosse players was the emergence of working class clubs in 1 27
Montreal, such as the first Mechanics Lacrosse Club, established in 1872 (Metcalfe, 1976a).
Organisation, however, continued to remain under the control of the upper and middle classes. Increasing differentiation between players and executives occurred between 1860 and 1900. For example, in 1861, 80% of the executives of the two clubs In Montreal were active players compared to the 37% in 1881 (Metcalfe, 1976a). Even among the Shamrocks (one of the earliest working class clubs in
Montreal) there was a social and economic differentiation between players and executives. The players largely consisted of mechanics. In Metcalfe's (1976a) analysis of the executives, he shows that there was a predominance of white-collar workers. Of the 24 Shamrock Lacrosse Club executives in 1871, 1891 and 1901 only 6 were industrial workers while the rest were clerks, bookkeepers, owners of businesses and some professionals (Metcalfe, 1976a).
Although the players were drawn from the working class, it appears that the organisation was run by people with backgrounds in administration or education. This example
illustrates a trend among all successful Montreal clubs at the turn of the century (Metcalfe, 1976a). 128
Even though democratisation only reached playing and not the administrative levels, the sport became open to people from different ethnic groups and class backgrounds.
By 1880 lacrosse was one of the few sports which allowed the opportunity for working class men to enter the 'sanctum' of
the upper and middle classes (Cox, 1969). Congruent with
this tendency, the focus shifted to an emphasis on winning games. Skill and talent were Increasingly regarded as more
important than social origins (Metcalfe, 1976a). By the
late 1880s, conditions were such that it was becoming difficult to expect a general adherence to the values of
'muscular Christianity' among the players (Metcalfe, 1976a).
In other words, the outcome of the game was becoming more
important than the way In which the game was played.
Illustrating the process of hegemony from 'below', the
changing base and increasing working class participation In
lacrosse reflected the changing attitudes toward the sport.
In contrast to the ideals of liberal morality, support for
professionalism in sport Increased. During the last decades
of the nineteenth century, the profess IonaI/amateur conflict
became paramount. This confrontation was in many ways a
class and cultural conflict between the colonial and
commercial elites, espousing British cultural values, and
the working class, a crucial component of the emerging
Canadian culture (Metcalfe, 1972). 129
5.3.2 Rise of Professionalism in Lacrosse
Professional lacrosse appeared in the late nineteenth century and prevailed from the 1870s into the first few decades of the twentieth century (Cox, 1969). Initially,
following the British example,the word 'amateur' was used to
reinforce the word 'gentleman'. 'Gentleman amateur' had a social class distinction much like 'gentleman farmer' which
inferred farming 'for the love of It' and not for any profit motives (Cox 1969). For a good part of the nineteenth century, gentleman and amateur became convertible terms In both England and later, Canada. As mentioned earlier, the question of 'pecuniary' gain did not become an issue until the 1870s, despite the fact that competing for money was common (Cox, 1969). Gentleman amateurs often played for
'stakes' or 'wagers' but were not considered nor called professional sportsmen (Cosentino, 1974; Gladder, 1978).
As the growth of sport extended beyond the ranks of gentlemen so the concepts of amateur and gentleman drifted apart (Mcintosh, 1968).
During the nineteenth century, the gentleman amateur
feared professionalism for reasons which were coloured by social attitudes and prejudices. First, was the idea that payment of players would lead to ethically questionable 130 practices such as bribery of competitors or officials. It was feared that motives of personal gain would colour moral values (Mcintosh, 1968; Gladder, 1978). As one lacrosse commentator stated
"The big tragedy of it all was not the introduction of professionalism but rather that the clubs cheated and players lied under oath" (Roxborough, 1966, 204).
Even in the early twentieth century the press reported the need to eliminate professionalism because:
"every player must play the game for its own sake, with a total absence of any subsidy or ulterior motive" (The Vancouver Province, 29 January, 1906, 2).
Second, was the fear that athletes, who devoted their time and livelihood to sport, would by far outclass the amateurs. Once professionalism dominated, amateur sport would be sure to drop out. In effect, this would upset the balance of fair play and equal competition (Mcintosh, 1968;
Gladder, 1978). Again this reaction Is evident in lacrosse:
"Those who were unpaid were mostly players who had other jobs and whose opportunity to practise was thus limited; while professionals were always available and their physical condition enabled them to dominate play. By the mld- nineties nearly all first-class lacrosse clubs included some paid players; and the few who remained honestly amateur...trai Ied in their leagues" (Roxborough, 1966, 203).
Third, and most subtle, was the fear that Public
School values of 'muscular Christianity' would be eroded if professionalism came to dominate. It was felt by amateur 131
legislators that the conventions and etiquette on the playing fields could not be maintained if players made a
livelihood from sport (Mcintosh, 1968).
Parallel to the conflicting class values which emerged with increasing professionalism was the appearance of ethnic conflict. In effect, the amateur/professionaI struggle which was to ensue reflected a struggle between the dominant and residual ideals. The Native residual element in
lacrosse had continually been opposed by lacrosse organisers. From the start of organised lacrosse, many
Native players only played if they were paid. As a result all Native teams, were categorised as professionals
(Cosentino, 1975). These teams were, however, permitted to compete against white teams of amateur players for championship games provided they did not accept remuneration for that particular game (Beers, 1869).
From June 1880, the National Lacrosse Association voted to become strictly amateur and Native teams were barred from further competition with whites. Natives were only allowed to play whites in exhibition matches or act as trainers
(Cosentino, 1975). It was not until the skill oriented
Canadian Lacrosse Association was formed in 1887, that
Natives were allowed to play as amateurs, and then only if
it could be proved that individual players had not 132 previously accepted money for sport (Howell and Howell,
1969; Cosentino, 1975; Metcalfe, 1976a). Despite this regulation many Native players were, in reality, barred from organised lacrosse. In reaction, Native teams organised the
Indian World Championships which was staged for the first time in 1880 (Weyand and Roberts, 1965). This championship, however, did not receive the same status or publicity as other competitions (Jones, 1970). A few individual Native players did play on white teams as professionalism increased
(Cosentino, 1975).
Other ethnic groups, residual from different cultures, underwent similar conflicts. The very successful Montreal
Shamrocks, for example, consisted mainly of working class
Irish Catholics and were somewhat of an anomaly in terms of nineteenth century organised lacrosse. More specifically, they were 'a team before their time, dedicated to winning when It was not considered 'correct' to emphasize that aspect of the game' (Metcalfe, 1987, 196). The club was formed In 1867, and even though the players were working class, executive management was under the control of middle- class businessmen. The Shamrocks constantly conflicted with other lacrosse clubs. They were accused of ungentIemanIy conduct, violence and harassment of officials9. Shamrock fans were seen as different from those who supported other clubs. They were accused of being dirty 'rowdies' who were 133 unruly and used abusive language (Metcalfe, 1987) This club increasingly moved towards professionalism and towards the turn of the century, in the face of much opposition, openly admitted their adherence to professionalism. This move Involved suspensions and expulsions by the national organisations. In 1902, they won the Minto Cup which was
Intended for Canada's top amateur team and dominated
lacrosse generally between 1901-1905 (Weyand and Roberts,
1965; Vellathottam, 1968).
Another ethnic residual element belonged to the
National Club which consisted of Montreal French players.
The French had become involved in lacrosse relatively late and the club was only establ I shed in the 1890s (Lindsay,
1972; Cosentino, 1975). Both the Irish and the French continually opposed the dominant amateur ideals and it was not surprising that when the professional National Lacrosse
Union was formed in 1911, both the Shamrocks and the
Nationals were members (Cosentino, 1975). The other original member clubs consisted of the Native Tecumseh Club as well as the Toronto and Montreal clubs.
By 1900, professional games were drawing large crowds throughout Canada. Roxborough, somewhat d i sgustedIy, describes the transition to professionalism in Iacrosse: 134
"Crowds became larger, revenue increased and new grounds with clubhouses were indications of prosperity. Then, one day some plebians complained that it was unfair for them to buy their own equipment, sticks, shoes, and sometimes uniforms, while the club was making money from their services. That discovery heralded a new era In which players first demanded that their outfits be provided at club expense; then they insisted upon cab fare and the price of a hack; next, they expected sirloin steaks after practices; and finally, they held out for the payment of money in a manner known only by the player involved and the club's inner ring" (Roxborough, 1966, 203).
Clubs began offering money to attract the best players
(Vellathottam, 1968). In British Columbia, professional teams were especially strong and clubs efficiently lured players from the east. As one writer commented, the British
Columbian clubs 'have awakened strong suspicions that the unwonted march of crack players westward is not for the benefit of their health' (McKenzie, 1892, 78). The
Vancouver, New Westminster and Victoria clubs increasingly attracted crowds of up to 15 000 in the first few decades of the twentieth century (Cox, 1969). The New Westminster Club dominated professional lacrosse until World War I. During that period, they won the Minto Cup championships from 1908-
1914 with the exception of 1911 when Vancouver took the cup10 (Vellathottam, 1968; Jones, 1970). Professional
leagues started up in the west and professional games in
Montreal, Toronto and Ottawa were popular attractions
(Jones, 1970). 135
5.3.3 The Amateur/Profess IonaI Struggle
The amateur frenzy which prevailed among sports
administrators and executives during the nineteenth century
had Its roots and meanings in the values of 'muscular
Christianity' and the ideals of restrictive social class
(Jones, 1970). One of the earliest definitions of 'amateur'
in Canada came from the Canadian Association of Amateur
Oarsmen in 1880:
"An amateur is one who has never assisted in the pursuit of athletic exercises as a means of livelihood, who rows for pleasure and recreation only during his leisure hours, and does not abandon or neglect his usual business or occupation for the purpose of training for more than two weeks during the season" (Morrow, 1986, 174).
The first custodian of the amateur ideal was the
Amateur Athletic Association of Canada which was formed In
1884. As senior leagues in team sports became more
competitive with a greater emphasis on winning
championships, efforts were concentrated on building quality
teams (Vellathottam and Jones, 1974; Morrow, 1986). Often
this would be achieved by pretending to adhere to the
amateur rules of the national governing body while
participating In 'under the table' professionalism (Morrow,
1986).
During the 1890s, charges of professionalism were
rampant. Jobs or placements, sponsorships, bonuses and even
payments were made to athletes under the guise of amateurism 136
(Vellathottam, 1968; Morrow, 1986). The Amateur Athletic
Association of Canada undertook the task of investigating and suspending offenders (Morrow, 1986). One amateur
.supporter noted:
"there are many black-listed players, thanks to the work of the associations, but these men cannot take part In matches, and when the brand has been put upon them, they become pariahs to the lacrosse fraternity" (Mckenzie, 1892; 77).
Despite this statement, and all kinds of suspensions and fines, professional lacrosse continued to flourish. In
1903, the National Amateur Lacrosse Union made a request to the Canadian Amateur Athletic Union to allow amateurs to compete with or against professionals (Jones, 1975; Morrow,
1986). In a lengthy and heated debate, the Canadian Amateur
Athletic Union executives voted not to enforce penalties in the event of amateurs competing with or against professionals in the sport of lacrosse only (Morrow, 1986).
This concession for lacrosse was radical and unconstitutional but Indicated the strength of support for professionalism in the sport (Morrow, 1986).
Support for professionalism was also apparent in one of the most powerful sporting organisations In Canada during this time: the Montreal Amateur Athletic Association. This association was caught in the continuing dilemma of pretending to be amateur but wanting to be professional.
Increasingly it became, as Morrow describes, 'the Montreal 137
Almost Amateur Athletic Association' (Morrow, 1986, 177).
In 1906, the executives passed a motion to allow amateurs to play with or against professionals without retribution.
This motion was ratified by membership in a 250 to 12 vote
(Morrow, 1986). Before the end of the month, April 1906, the National Amateur Lacrosse Union followed this lead, adopted the same resolution and changed its name to the
National Lacrosse Union, dropping the 'amateur' (Jones,
1970; Morrow, 1986). With the combined powers of the
Montreal Amateur Athletic Association and the National
Lacrosse Union, sanction for professional lacrosse seemed
imminent. Similar sentiments prevailed in other sports such
as rugby and hockey. When, in 1906, the Montreal Amateur
Athletic Association still had not received approval for its
professional leanings from the Canadian Amateur Athletic
Association, it disbanded and Instigated a new governing
body: the Amateur Athletic Federation of Canada In the hope of gaining support for semi-professionaI Ism at least, if not
full professionalism (Morrow, 1986).
5.4 The Preservation of Dominant Ideals
5.4.1 Dominance of the Amateur Movement
From 1900 to 1920 the amateur movement, fueled by the powerful efforts of the Canadian Amateur Athletic Union, attempted to counter-act professionalism. The Union 138 actively campaigned in all the provinces to uphold strict amateur principles, and actively and persistently recruited member clubs (Morrow, 1986). As a result of these efforts, the membership of the Canadian Amateur Athletic Union grew considerably. In 1887 the Union had a membership of 16 organisations representing 16 sports clubs. By 1907, the affiliation had grown to include 37 organisations,
representing 479 clubs. A year later the Union had 900 sports clubs and a membership of 60 000 athletes, with a
truly national representation (Morrow, 1986). As this organisation grew, support for its rival the Amateur
Athletic Federation of Canada declined. It was not long
before the Federation denounced any form of professionalism
and joined with the Union to become the Amateur Athletic
Union of Canada (Jones, 1970). Thus, in 1910, the new
association 'remounted the pedestal of nineteenth century
amateurism' with some minor changes (Morrow, 1986, 85).
5.4.2 The Olympic Ideal
The amateur movement was, in part, catalysed by the emergence of the modern Olympic ideal (Jones, 1970; Morrow,
1986). Baron Pierre de Coubertin, founder of the modern
Olympics, based his ideals on the nobility of athletics.
Coubertin, like many others of his time, was strongly patriotic and the crushing defeat France had sustained from the Prussian army in 1870, left him wondering at the 139
weakness of his country (Baker, 1982). He was Impressed that the English had gained such wealth, acquired a vast empire and evolved politically without major upheavals.
From this he concluded that it must be, in part, the result of the education system in Britain. Coubertin admired the
'balanced' education where the body was educated as well as the mind (Baker, 1982; Mandell, 1984). This education was
far removed from the authoritarian, highly regimented system
in France and where, Coubertin believed, there was no room
left for individual initiative (Baker, 1982). When Tom
Brown's Schooldays was translated into French in 1875,
Coubertin was introduced to the union of intellectual
discipline and athletic prowess. In 1883, Coubertin visited
Rugby School and confirmed his admiration for the idea that
character training was the supreme value In sport (Mcintosh,
1968; Baker, 1982; Mandell, 1984). He championed these
values in his campaign to revive the ancient Olympic games.
Canada showed little interest in the 1896 and 1900
Olympic games. The growth of internationalism and
nationalism in sport changed this attitude. The acceptance
of the Olympic ideal added prestige to amateurism. The
Amateur Athletic Union of Canada was In the powerful
position of choosing Canadian representative teams to send
to the Olympic games and caused many other sporting bodies
(for sports such as track and field, cycling, rowing and 140 cricket) to return to amateurism (Jones, 1970). In 1911,
the Union issued a definition of an amateur for inclusion in
the Olympic games. Under this definition, any person who
had competed for or received money directly or Indirectly
(through, for example, teaching or selling prizes won from athletic pursuits), or competed against or been professional at any time, could not be selected for an Olympic team
(Jones, 1970). Indicative of the support of this amateur definition was the growing membership of the new Union. By
1912, there were 1 300 affHated clubs with about 100 000
registered athletes (Jones, 1970).
5.5 A British Columbian Example
The history of the New Westminster Lacrosse Club
highlights the trends evident within the sport during the
late nineteenth and early twentieth century in British
Columbia11. This club dominated lacrosse in the province
during this period and, as an illustration, emphasises the movement towards the democratisat I on of lacrosse and widespread acceptance of professionalism. The arrival of
the Canadian Pacific Railway In 1887 was instrumental In
promoting lacrosse in the west. The first tournament was
held in 1888 and, obviously popular, the game was attended by some 2 000 fans (The British Columbian, 3 July, 1888,
4). In 1890, the British Columbian Amateur Lacrosse
Association was formed by delegates from the three Western 141
teams: Vancouver, Victoria and Westminster (Savelieff, n.d.
1978?). The New Westminster or Westminster Club as it was originally called, was formed in 1889 when the profess IonaI/amateur struggle was already underway among the eastern clubs.
The New Westminster local newspaper, The British
Columbian, soon began publishing notices of practices, schedules and games (The British Columbian, 7 June, 1889,
4). Initially the articles on lacrosse were brief and
infrequent. By 1892, Indicative of the public support the game was receiving, The British Columbian sported a column entitled 'Lacrosse Notes' (The British Columblan, 1 June,
1892, 1). General lacrosse news, such as schedules or practices, was reported on the social pages of the newspaper
(Fig 5.2). Increasingly from 1892, championship games in which the New Westminster Club featured were allocated front
page space (The British Columbian, 1 June, 1892, 1). Also
in 1892, 77ie British Columblan began reporting results from
lacrosse matches played in the east indicating a national
Interest in the game (The British Columbian, 4 June, 1892,
4). In addition, junior, intermediate and senior clubs were well-established within two years of the formation of the
British Columbian Provincial Lacrosse Association (The
British Columbian, 10 June, 1892, 1). 1 142
5.5.1 Amateur Lacrosse in British Columbia
There Is little doubt that lacrosse was popular in
British Columbia (B.C.). At a match between New Westminster and Victoria it was reported that 'the grand stands were
filled with ladies and the grounds were black with people'
(.The British Columbian, 20 June, 1891, 4). In the New
Westminster press it was noted that:
"Anyone visiting Queen's Park last evening could easily see that lacrosse has become all the rage ... Over a hundred players were hard at work, practicing for the numerous events to come off in the near future. Oddfellows, carpenters, masons, cigar makers, the civic and military teams, Juniors, Moonlights and intermediates, all were represented" (7"rie British Columbian, 17 August, 1892, 4).
Highlighting the public appeal of lacrosse in B.C. and
the subsequent financial benefits to be gained from
supporters, commercial enterprises stepped in as patrons of
the game. As early as 1891, lacrosse games between New
Westminster, Vancouver and Victoria were being promoted as a
result of the special rates offered by the Canadian Pacific
Railway Company (The British Columbian, 10 July, 1891, 4).
Additional trams, trains and steamers were laid on for players and supporters on game days (The British Columbian,
3 October, 1891, 1; 15 July, 1893, 4; 17 July, 1893, 4;
23 August, 1895, 4) (Fig. 5.3). These efforts served to aid the movement of fans to matches and added to lacrosse enthusiasm. In Vancouver, a number of store-owners even closed their shops in order to witness a championship game 143 between Vancouver and New Westminster (The British
Columbian, 18 June, 1892, 4). On one occasion, a
Vancouver/Victoria lacrosse match coupled with a day of horse-racing was enough for Vancouver to declare a civic holiday (The British Columbian, 7 September, 1892, 4).
The popularity of lacrosse in B.C., and in New
Westminster in particular, can be partially explained by .the time-lapse in the diffusion of the sport to the West. By the time lacrosse appeared in B.C., the sport had undergone numerous changes In the rest of Canada. By the 1890s,
lacrosse in the traditional centres of Montreal and Toronto had undergone the transformation from purely elite social clubs to more democratised sporting clubs, as discussed earlier In this chapter. SemI-profess IonaI Ism had entered the ranks of lacrosse players and the distance between club executives and players had gradually increased.
When lacrosse became organised In New Westminster In the 1890s, the composition of players and executives reflected people from mixed social groups. In 1890 the team consisted of a manager, a small business owner, a shipping agent, a clerk, two bookkeepers, a supreme court deputy registrar, three newspaper printers, a machinist, a hospital attendant and a plumber (William's British Columbia 144
Directory, 1890; 1893; 1894; Mahony, n.d. 1925?). This social mix indicates an element of democratisation In the early stages of organised lacrosse in B.C. as opposed to the socially exclusive function initially maintained by clubs in the east. The executive of the New Westminister Club, however, illustrates a pattern similar to that found In the east. Consisting of the mayor, three smaI I-business owners, a plumber, a manager, a bookkeeper, a newspaper printer, a hospital attendant, a clerk and one person with 'no occupation', this executive presents evidence of less democratisation at the administration and leadership levels
(The British Columbian, 6 March, 1890, 4; Will iam's British
Columbian Directory, 1890; 1893; 1894). At this stage though, many players were also involved In the management of the club. For example, in 1890, five out of the eleven executives were also players. From this socio-economic breakdown of players and executives it is possible to determine that the New Westminster Club began, not as a social club, but as a sports club with an Interest in winning games.
Inter-club rivalry and squabbling in B.C., during the early years of organised lacrosse emphasised the attitude of
'playing to win'. For example, in October 1894, at a
Victoria/New Westminster league match, the start of the game was delayed over an argument on the legality of a particular 145 referee. Eventually the game started but could not be finished because fading light stopped play. The game was declared a draw. In the weeks that followed, a long and heated argument ensued, culminating when the Victoria Club accused New Westminster of deI I berate Iy delaying the game in order to gain match points. Finally, the B.C. Amateur
Lacrosse Association instructed the clubs to play a re• match. Victoria refused and resigned from the provincial association. For the 1895 season, the Victoria Club renamed themselves the Triangles (although they continued to be
referred to In the press as the Victoria Club) and rejoined
the provincial association (The British Columbian, 22
October, 1894, 1; 25 October, 1894, 4; 5 November, 1894,
4; 29 April, 1895, 4). This inter-club hostility further
illustrates that the B.C. clubs were less tied to the Public
School traditions. Playing to win was more important than
'good sportsmanship' and 'fair play'.
Despite being amateur, the New Westminster and other clubs in B.C. paid less attention to the amateur Ideal than the clubs in the east had originally done. Wagers on games took place regularly and openly (The British Columbian, 18
July, 1892, 1; 5 September, 1892, 1). As early as 1891, there were accusations against clubs for 'Importing' players and allegations of other players 'selling' games (The 146
British Columblan, 3 October, 1891, 1; 6 June, 1892, 4; 10
June, 1892, 4; 7 July, 1893, 4; 26 September, 1894, 4).
Despite this evidence of some semi-professionaI ism, the
B.C. clubs remained technically amateur. The British
Columbian highlights some of the frustrations encountered by the New Westminster Club as its members became increasingly disenchanted with amateurism. One continuing problem encountered was the consistency of players. Players could
not turn up regularly for practices or matches as a result of work commitments or other engagements. During the 1890s
The British Columbian continually urged New Westminster players to arrive at practice sessions (The British
Columbian, 8 June, 1891, 4; 17 August, 1894, 4). During
this period, even though public support for the game was unprecedented, practices were so poorly attended that the club ruled that only players present at practice would be selected for the team (The British Columbian, 8 May, 1895;
4) .
In addition, practices and matches could only be scheduled after work hours allowing limited flexibility for the players. Clubs also had no guarantee that players would return the following season. As a result there was little continuity of players from one year to the next and it was 147
hard to build up a consistent team. As funds were lacking
it was difficult for the New Westminster Club to tour and
gain experience from playing the eastern teams. In the
press there were also complaints about lack of facilities
and bad ground conditions (The British Columbian, 7 May,
1895, 4). Another problem befalling amateur lacrosse was
the lack of consistent organisation. Teams constantly
arrived an hour or so late leaving frustrated spectators
(The British Columbian, 14 June, 1895, 4). One reporter
remarked:
"The rule seems to be to advertise a certain hour for play and then keep the audience waiting for an hour or more before beginning" (The British Columbian, 23 September, 1892, 1).
In an attempt to overcome these problems, clubs increasingly
began to turn to semi-professionaI Ism and ultimately to open
professionalism.
5.5.2 The Pattern of Semi-professionaIism
Betting on games and the Importation of players
continued In B.C. well into the twentieth century (The
British Columbi an, 13 July, 1907, 20; The Vancouver
Province, 21 July, 1908, 1) (Fig. 5.4). Gate receipts began
to be divided and shared to cover expenses of touring teams
(The Vancouver Province, 9 February, 1901, 7). In addition,
gate money was used to improve club faci I ities, to pay for
club uniforms, sticks and even lacrosse shoes (The Vancouver
Province, 15 March, 1901, 11; The Victoria Colon Ist, 5 148
April, 1901, 7). The importation of 'crack* players from the east continued. At an Annual General Meeting the
Vancouver Club officials regretfully announced that the club
'was not in a position to offer or to hold out any inducement' for players from the east that year (The
Vancouver Province, 15 March, 1901, 11). During the early years of the new decade, the press rarely openly reported the 'under the table' rewards to players or the inducements such as employment 'situations' for out of town players.
There were hints, however, and warnings from some club executives which belled the apparent calm of 'amateur' lacrosse in B.C. Proving the existence of hidden professionalism, the Secretary of the Victoria Club stated in his 1901 annual report: 'I cannot too strongly impress upon you the necessity of keeping the game free from anything savouring of professionalism' (The Victoria
Colonist, 5 April, 1901, 7). The New Westminster press, in the first few years of the twentieth century, is suspiciously silent on the issue of semi-professionaI Ism.
In B.C. the trend towards semI-professionaI ism added emphasis to the prevailing attitude of 'putting the best team forward' and aggressive winning as opposed to the amateur ideal of sportsmanship. Yet, there was a reluctance to accept the stigma of open professionalism. It was only 149
In 1906, when the amateur/professionaI struggle came to the
fore in Canada that the issue was laid bare in B.C.
5.5.3. Declared Professionalism
In 1906, as soon as the amateur/professionaI struggle
in the east became publicised, club officials in B.C. added
to the outcry. The Victoria Club President accused all
British Columbian senior lacrosse players of being 'thinly
veiled professionals' and suggested that none of the
provincial association's amateur laws were being obeyed (The
Vancouver Province, 29 January, 1906, 2). He argued that
the 1905 season showed that the Victoria Club could not compete against the professionalism evident In the other
B.C. teams (The Vancouver Province, 29 January, 1906, 2).
In his annual report he stated that 'the only way...to organise a winning team is to become out and out professionals'. Also, he predicted, In order to match the eastern standard of play, B.C. lacrosse would inevitably
follow the lead of eastern teams and become openly professional (The Victorian Colonist, 28 February, 1906, 8).
In 1907, after playing the professional eastern team, the Tecumsehs, the three senior teams in B.C. were officially declared professional by the Canadian Amateur
Athletic Union (7"rie Victoria Colonist, 22 January, 1908, 9). 150
The clubs were granted permission to appeal but, on the whole, the accusations was not taken seriously. Despite the
dreaded stigma, lacrosse in B.C. continued to blossom. In
1908, the B.C. Amateur Lacrosse Association considered a
proposal for the introduction of three new teams to the
senior league as well as the idea of a professional league
(7"r»e Victoria Colonist, 22 January, 1908, 9). At the B.C.
Amateur Lacrosse Association Annual Meeting in 1908, the
most important issue centred on professional or amateur
status for the local lacrosse teams. Heated debates
followed without many meaningful decisions being reached
(The Victoria Colonist, 29 March, 1908, 2 and 14).
Teams continued as before, professional, but without
actually officially declaring their status. The highlight
of the 1908 season was the New Westminster tour east to
wrest the Mlnto Cup from the Shamrocks (The Vancouver
Province, 21 July, 1908, 1; 28 July, 1908, 1; The British
Columbian, 28 July, 1908, 1) (Fig. 5.4). The Mlnto Cup
competition had been considered professional ever since the
Shamrocks had won the cup In 1902. New Westminster faced
the 1909 season with the decision of either defending the
Minto Cup and seriously becoming official professionals or
withdrawing from the cup championships and remaining amateur
(The Vancouver Province, 29 March, 1909, 7). During these
discussions, characterised by accusations and counter- 151 accusations, the New Westminster Club officials admitted that they had 'divIed' excess income among the players to enable the 'players to pay the expenses incurred during the season'. Officials also disclosed that they had promised the players a bonus of $100 if they brought back the Minto
Cup (The Vancouver Province, 2 April, 1909, 18).
In April 1909 the B.C. Lacrosse Association voted to
join the Amateur Athletic Federation of Canada. This
affiliation would allow amateurs to play against
professionals without losing their amateur status (The
Victoria Colonist, 4 April, 1909, 1). This action, in
effect, set the seal of approval on professional lacrosse in
B.C. (The Victoria Colonist, 21 April, 1909, 9). When the
Amateur Athletic Federation of Canada disbanded late in 1909
and together with the Canadian Amateur Athletic Union formed
the Amateur Athletic Union of Canada, a strictly amateur
organisation, three of the six senior teams, in B.C. became
affiliated. The other three teams from Victoria, Vancouver
and New Westminster formed the B.C. Professional Lacrosse
League (Savelieff, n.d. 1978?). This professional league continued successfully, although interrupted by the First
World War, until the 1920s, when lack of sufficient competition led to decreasing public support (Canadian
Lacrosse Hall of Fame, n.d. 1967?). 1 52
5.5.4 Implications of the British Columbian Example
From the British Columbian example, it becomes apparent
that the western teams historically followed a similar path as the teams in the rest of Canada. Towards the twentieth century, club executives and management in B.C. also became
increasingly distanced from players in terms of lacrosse
skI I I as we I I as socio-economic background. For example,
the 1908 New Westminster Minto Cup team consisted of two
clerks, two machinists, a smaI I-business owner, a hardware merchant, a bridge attendant, an electrician, a tinsmith, a
cigar maker, two provincial jail guards, a painter and a
stenographer (Turnbull, 1908; New Westminster City
Directory, 1909). Overwhelmingly, the team consisted of
working-class people.
By contrast, the club executives, consisted of a
Reverend, an optician, a salesman, a person with 'no
occupation', four smaI I-business owners and two provincial
jail guards (The British Columbian, 20 March, 1908, 8; New
Westminster City Directory, 1909). Only two of the ten club
officials were regular players. The existence of no less
than four business owners on the club executive is
significant considering New Westminster's allegiance to
professionalism. The difference between the B.C. clubs and
the eastern teams was that the dominant cultural influence, 153
apparent In the social elitism and the amateur ideal, was
far weaker in the West. Both executives and players, were more open to professionalism right from the start of
organised lacrosse in the province. In B.C. lacrosse
developed against the background of an emerging Canadian
culture and was influenced less by the amateur ideal and
prevailing dominant values.
5.6 The Decline of Lacrosse In Canada
During World War One, lacrosse league matches across
Canada were brought to a halt. After the War, the sport
never regained the national support and popularity it had
previously enjoyed. The national professional league never
restarted and amateur lacrosse collapsed (Howell and Howell,
1969; Jones, 1970). After 1908 lacrosse was dropped from
the Olympics because of insufficient competition.
Effectively, lacrosse shifted to the cultural periphery.
Other sports such as hockey and football, survived and have
continued to thrive. Sports scholars have attempted to
account for the decline of lacrosse. Some argue that the
violence in the game killed popular appeal (Howell and
Howell, 1969). Others stress that lacrosse had a narrow
base at the junior and intermediate levels. Even though
played in schools and some colleges, organisation was not 154
consistent or evident across the country (Wise and Fisher,
1974).
A third explanation focuses on the amateur/professionaI
di lemma. In developing this explanation, it is perhaps
useful to draw a comparison with hockey. The historical
development of organised hockey mirrors that of lacrosse in many respects. The profess IonaI/amateur conflict was
similarly played out (Jones, 1970). Both lacrosse and
hockey are comparably violent and both had similar
intermediate and junior levels although hockey was more
'established at the collegiate level. By 1904, professional
hockey teams were widespread throughout Canada (Jones,
1975).
By 1909, when the Amateur Athletic Union reconfirmed
the amateur ideal, the National Lacrosse Union and the
Inter-Provincial Amateur Hockey League, both of which had
close professional connections, were granted the right to
petition against the Union to be allowed to play with or
against professionals 'until such time as the Board of
Governors shall unanimously decide that strict amateurism can be satisfactorily established in the senior series of j
that game' (Morrow, 1986, 185). Within a year of the
formation of the Amateur Athletic Union of Canada, new 1 55
amateur trophies, the Allen Cup and the Mann Cup were donated for hockey and lacrosse respectively. Both
represented attempts to provide incentives to stimulate amateur growth in these sports (Morrow, 1986). Despite
these incentives, hockey entrepreneurs formed the
professional National Hockey Association in 1910, forerunner of the National Hockey League formed in 1917 (Morrow, 1986).
Popular acceptance of this professional body was
undoubtedly aided by the decision of the Trustees of the
Stanley Cup (first presented in 1893) not to restrict
eligibility to amateur teams. They wanted the 'best' team,
amateur or professional, to win (Cosentino, 1974). This compromise on the part of hockey executives provided the
sanction necessary for professional hockey and successfully
promoted the growth of participation in the sport. This move, indicative of a decline in dominant values and ideas,
served to conserve hockey as a professional sport. With the
top teams and players competing, hockey has rapidly
increased in popularity, for players as well as spectators.
After World War I, returning lacrosse players were unable to return to their clubs and resume play because of
the Amateur ruling (Howell and Howell, 1969). Many lacrosse
professional players played hockey during the winter and lacrosse in the summer. Once the dominance of the amateur movement became apparent, disillusioned players switched to
full-time professional hockey (Wise and Fisher, 1974). In addition, businessmen who had sponsored professional
lacrosse clubs, removed their support once the game ceased
to be lucrative (Vellathottam, 1968). As a result, lacrosse ceased to be played on the national level and became a
localised activity focussed in the west (Jones, 1970; Cox,
1969). It is interesting to note that amateur lacrosse is
now we I I establ ished in those areas that were strongly
professional, especially British Columbia (Howell and
Howe I I, 1969).
In 1925 the Canadian Amateur Lacrosse Association was
reformed to revive the falling 'natIonaI'sport. Rules were
revised, competitions reorganised and attempts were made to
reintroduce lacrosse In schools (Howell and Howell, 1969).
Despite these efforts, interest in the game continued to wane. Finally, in the 1930s, 'box lacrosse' was developed.
In the history of lacrosse, this constituted yet
another change in techniques and format. These modifications further support the contention that lacrosse,
albeit an organised modern sport, continues to be
transformed. In order to capitalise on the popularity of 157 hockey, lacrosse moved Indoors and occupied ice-rink arenas during the summer (Wise and Fisher, 1974). Once again, the style of play was adapted to these new conditions. Lacrosse became characterised by close bodily contact and even faster play (Howell and Howell, 1969). In 1931, the Canadian
Lacrosse Association passed a motion to have box lacrosse accepted as the official game (Vellathottam and Jones,
1974). The decision left box lacrosse an isolated sport in
Canada. Field lacrosse, however, continues to be played in
England and the United States (Weyand and Roberts,1965).
However,
"Despite all the efforts to maintain enthusiasm for Canada's National Game, by the 1940's Interest in lacrosse throughout the country was barely lukewarm - except on the west coast" (Howell and Howell, 1969, 312).
Accordingly, lacrosse continues to have only regional appeal and professional hockey has assumed the sporting spotlight while professional baseball and football fill the supporting roles.
5.7 Summary
By the twentieth century, with the growing importance of gate receipts, the declining Influence of Public School values was becoming clearly apparent. This waning dominant cultural influence can be linked to the effects of weakening colonial ties as well as the emergence of a Canadian nationalism. The acceptance of new Ideas and values was coupled with a gradual democrat I sat I on of lacrosse players.
Towards the turn of the century, clubs no longer remained socI a I Iy excI us Ive.
The Infusion of a greater range of the social matrix onto lacrosse fields, resulted in the gradual acceptance of
'pecuniary gain' and professionalism. While widespread acceptance for professionalism was apparent, evidence of dominant cultural ideals remained. The revival of the
Olympic Games as well as active campaigning by amateur organisations, during the first few decades of the new century, led to the preservation of dominant values and a return to strict amateurism. In B.C., where the dominant cultural influence was less apparent, professional lacrosse survived. After the First World War however, interest in the sport declined and lacrosse never regained the popularity It had previously experienced. From a nationally organised sport, it effectively became a localised activity. 159
»«vw« wnai «n*uer eno* Brilliant Exhibition* of Can&aa'a National Game at Brockton Point '
* «> i\m^mr^:tiffin aroand the terminal Vancouver* ^trajrarlca ^'Jfarfl^td Bro6f9j»eor«ra^ ahot thobalt went too MgU> ; Clinch She Championship, hnt ': McGregor got hMSmi Snffeni frefeak V- *
Koyat City Hen Gain the " wiia Buooimg wat tne weafr pOm* 01 Defeating* their Opponents ^ Vanconver hornet MeK^oa** fln#juaju to the flag* wto lirfetMtad Mackenzie'1 Fonr to .Two. Cimpbeirand Ketebttin again and agafr sent Ibo ball ont*„of tongerMTbo^ptoJ now becnneoomeWttaVd^W^ The latere«t In!^Xanada^,;r»aiiboal, throwing being tbw^ordaSfb^^i^ game—fche grandest ofthem all—Ja fatty had to W^topp^yibW 4 * ^ as great In the Pacific' rrovinco a») !rt owing to BfalVr cbcet pjeedJg,*yia^lr^ Brockton Point on Saturday, to.wUnees, pretty limp tor a while, bo* on raining the declslVe struggle of the aoaeon/ .to^ toeeif the je.bottwi ,teawti"demongtjl!lt€^ icoettion. I
5.1 Canada's National Game
Newspapers constantly refer to lacrosse as Canada's National Game
(From The British Columbian, September 5 1892, 1) CHAMPIONSHIP Lacrosse Match
„. i .... .^t.rfj rf'V !i> Victoria YS. Westminster •AT QUEEN'S PARK!
——on- Saturday, July 15.
HALL FACE!) AT 3 O'CLOCK H II A Id*. Qentral AdrolaaloD, 2S c*nt» Uullt* (rw> to Grand hi»od. dJlyUHa
5.2 Advertisement for a Lacrosse Match
Lacrosse was one of the few sports advertised the press during this period.
(From The British Columbian, July 14 1893, 4) QTEAMKH Y08EMIT8 will leave New West* O lalnater for Victoria Matnrday, Aogr> 4tb» o»8 a.m.; arriving in Victoria in time to see Lacrosto Match. :',. \ •'^'•\y"'^M. Saturday morning, Atig.Ub, to Sunday; Ang. &th«^eult«r to-Vancouver e**a*»rl»T:8teainer (Ouurmer, or 1ST Yoeemlto dtrect, atli p.m.i ar- riving at:Svw \? catminstcr early Monday moni'
djlySOtS ;:, ' •„ . • - Manager. :
5.3 Advertisement for a Lacrosse Excursion
Special transport arrangements were made so that fans could attend matches.
(From The British Columbian, July 30 1894, 4) NEW WESTMINSTER WINS THE CUP
The band is playing somewhere, but not in Montreal. For the Shamrocks met Westminster and they got an awful fall. Now the cup is coming Westward to stay for many years, And the Shams and all their backers are shedding bitter tears, But in this old town there's laughter, there's happiness, there's fun, For our boys have got the tinware, and their backers have the mon.
5.4 New Westminster Wins the Minto Cup
The cartoon shows betting on the games sti I I taking place in 1908.
(From The British Columbian, July 28 1908, 1) 163
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSIONS
6.1 Lacrosse and 'Cultural Materialism'
The history of lacrosse examined through the focus of
'cultural materialism' highlights the social, economic and cultural currents underlying the process of change in the game. This section is devoted to illustrating Williams' formulation of the theory, with the key components of base/superstructure, 'determination' and hegemony, through the case study of lacrosse.
6.1.1 Constraints and Pressures
From Will iams' perspective the components of base/superstructure and 'determination' are crucial to the formulation of 'cultural materialism'. Rather than distinct abstract categories, Williams suggested that there are
indissoluble connections between the political, cultural and the economic in his discussion on the base and superstructure. Similarly, interrelated layers of society connect the 'base' to the 'superstructure'. In addition, he argued that all cultural or political activity is subject to controlling material forces and relations. This
'determination' should not be seen as 'iron laws' but rather as the 'setting of limits' and reactively, through the 164
'exerting of pressures' (Williams, 1977). By adding human agency Williams emphasises 'determination' as a product of human action and not the result of abstract historical or economic relations.
Among Native cultures, changes In lacrosse were defined by the transformation of a traditional economic base, as well as the Imposition of an imported cultural and social system. Once adopted by the colonial British, organised lacrosse was again tied to a particular economic group with its associated British cultural legacy. The infusion of working class players, with their contrasting cultural image, into organised lacrosse brought yet another change: the movement towards professionalism. Each stage of transformation In lacrosse was characterised by an interrelated process of constraints and pressures. Native lacrosse was constrained by the need to survive in a changing economic environment but exerted some pressure In the form of resistance and the preservation of traditional forms of lacrosse. Among most Native cultures, lacrosse was adapted and transformed according to the changing economic and political circumstances. Despite both the economic, social and even direct pressures to alter the function and form of the game, some groups retained the traditional ritual. The colonial British organisers of lacrosse were constrained by the disintegrating Public School moral values 165
and the appeal of professionalism, but exerted pressures in the form of organisational control, regulation and retribution against mavericks. After the turn of the century, this pressure assumed the function of promoting the
0 Iymp i c i deaI.
6.1.2 Negotiation for Hegemony
As Williams suggested, hegemony is negotiated through tradition or formal institutions (schools, for example).
This analysis of lacrosse supports the contention that tradition is a powerful means of both domination and resistance. For Native cultures, tradition meant a preservation of the original forms and functions of lacrosse. Indirectly it presented a means of opposition to the Imposition of dominant cultural values. By contrast, the tradition of the dominant British culture provided a powerful tool for eroding Native rituals and beliefs. For example, the language of lacrosse was changed to suit
British perceptions, the game was legitimised as a form of recreation, (in the British social context, rather than a pivotal focus of Native religion), and traditional British values such as 'fair play' were imposed. Significantly, the aspect of gambling was a key target of cultural dom i nat i on. 1 66
Other constitutive elements of hegemony that Williams' mentions are the formal institutions such as schools and the church. On the one hand, the effect of schools, and the conversion to Christianity greatly added to the dissolution of the original meaning of lacrosse. The conversion to
Christianity undercut many Native religious ceremonies and rituals. This process effectively removed lacrosse from the religious realm. Schools, too, taught values and beliefs far removed from traditional Native ones. On the other hand, the diminishing influence of the dominant
British values on formal institutions towards the turn of the century enabled the emerging Canadian culture to
influence and shape lacrosse history. It is through these sets of media that the process of Incorporation and resistance are acted out in the hegemonic process.
By Identifying the dominant, residual and emergent elements of culture actively influencing lacrosse, the
Inequalities or differential access to social, political or economic power become more apparent. In the case study, the dominant British cultural element is distinctive.
Culturally as well as politically, it permeated into the whole range of daily practices and experiences in nineteenth century Canada. The Native cultures, although formed in the past, continued to be active In the cultural process during the nineteenth century. Finally, the emerging culture was 167
represented by the new values, meanings and practices which became evident in Canada towards the turn of the century.
This dissection of cultural elements allows a detailed examination of the interaction between groups with differential motivations. From early European/Native contact, the advance of capitalism led to a process of unequal exchange. The residual Native cultures adapted and changed according to the dominant culture in order to survive. During the nineteenth century, the emerging democratised Canadian culture within lacrosse came into constant conflict with the British Public School ideals.
Motivation for the dominant element, at this stage, lay in class protection and social excI us Iveness
The dominant British culture, the residual Native cultures and the emerging Canadian culture constantly
Interacted in an attempt to gain consent for hegemonic control. For example, the dominant culture, particularly in the form of amateur organisations at the turn of the century, actively campaigned for popular consent for the amateur Ideal. Aided by the Olympic movement, these actions effectively undercut the growing general consensus for professionalism in lacrosse. 168
In sum, Williams allows base/superstructure and
'determination' to have some effect on the cultural process.
Yet, with the addition of human agency and experience, these do not take the form of abstract categories, 'Iron laws' or predetermined outcomes but rather an interrelated process of hegeomic control through 'pressures' and 'constraints'.
6.2 'Cultural Materialism' and the Geography of Sport
Williams' theory of 'cultural materialism' offers a powerful interpretive framework for the geography of sport.
It does so for two main reasons. First, the theory effectively overcomes problems encountered in the use of the modernisation theme, and second, 'cultural materialism' provides a valuable interpretation of the concept of hegemony.
6.2.1 Lacrosse and 'Modernisation'
Although lacrosse was organised and regulated during the second-half of the nineteenth century, a period of tremendous urbanisation and technological advance, the modernisation theme does not provide a full explanation of the complex interaction between the different groups involved. The role of lacrosse among Native cultures cannot be seen in terms of 'sport' as defined In the modernisation theme. To do so would mean a cultural imposition and a 169
redefinition of a social historical form. It would be
incorrect to analyse lacrosse among Native cultures as
'unorganised', 'irrational' and 'unregulated' because these are concepts alien to the original religious meaning and role of the game. Moreover, to view the game as
'evolutionary' and 'developing' denies the Importance of
lacrosse in Native culture. 'Cultural materialism' not only overcomes this problem of cultural bias but allows an examination of the 'traditional' game in terms of its own value as well as the relation to other cultural processes and forms.
The dichotomised model of 'traditional' and 'modern' abstracts sport from the context of shifting cultural, political and economic factors. The theory of 'cultural materialism', by contrast, allows a detailed focus on the transition of lacrosse from its original traditional form to an organised sport. The theory also highlights the existence of historical continuities or discontinuities.
For example, the preservation of original lacrosse religious rites In the form of the Cayuga Thunder Ritual in Ontario,
is an illustration of cultural continuity. Despite over 300 years of varying cultural Influence as well as the
'modernisation' of lacrosse, the Cayuga have actively maintained their traditional ritual. The decline of organised field lacrosse in early twentieth century Canada 170
is an example of cultural discontinuity. Yet field lacrosse has survived elsewhere, In England and the United States.
Both these examples indicate the need to analyse sport within a particular context. Williams' theory acknowledges and even emphasises these complexities.
In addition, 'cultural materialism' is sensitive to the
issues of race, class, gender and ethnicity. The automatic classification of Native players as professionals during the nineteenth century, for example, highlights the double-edged stigma of class as well as race. Similarly, the derogatory
image of the Irish Shamrocks club, as reported in the press, emphasises the existence of deliberate ethnic distinctions.
In short, 'cultural materialism' provides a critical perspective of lacrosse as a process.
For geographers Williams offers a way to move beyond
Isolated explanation of the role of the city and urbanisation in the development of sporting activities.
Application of 'cultural materialism' Illustrates that although urbanisation and advances in technology were crucial influences on the 'modernisation' of sport, the
implications of different cultural approaches wIthIn these
Influences are significant. Futhermore, drawing links between urbanisation and the development of 'modern' sport 171 tends to restrict analysis to specific determining factors
(such as technological advances or population growth). The case study illustrates that despite the advantages of an
urban-industria I background, lacrosse declined In national
popularity during the first few decades of the twentieth century. This indicates a need to look at other influences
for further explanation.
6.2.2 Lacrosse and Hegemony
Wi I I Iams' theory also presents a dynamic use of the concept of hegemony. Hegemony in 'cultural materialism'
challenges the idea of a static, closed system of ruling- class domination. Unlike 'mass' society theorists, this
type of hegemony allows an analysis of society as an active
process where 'hegemony can bubble up from below' (Ley and
Olds, 1988). Yet, whI Ie WI I I Iams' allows for human agency,
he acknowledges that people act within and are limited by a
set of economic and political constraints. Thus, following
Gramsci, hegemony realistically highlights the inequalities
in society and shows how the process of domination and
subordination has been maintained and challenged (Lears,
1985). Most importantly, through hegemony the line between
the dominant and subordinates becomes flexible where
disadvantaged groups can Involve themselves in counter-
hegemonic processes to disturb the existing order of control
(Lears, 1985). Hegemony also introduces the possibility of 172
rule through consent rather than force. This consent, however, is not false consciousness or the passive acquiescence of a duped mass. Rather, it acknowledges that agency can come from below. Will lams' 'cultural materialism', in other words, refutes the idea of dominance
through social control.
This study of the history of lacrosse illustrates the
idea of hegemony from below. Around the turn of the century, lacrosse executives and organisers both in the east
and west of Canada adhered to class and cultural values that contrasted with the working-class values of many of the
players. The profess IonaI/amateur struggle that resulted can be Interpreted as a struggle for hegemonic consent over
the amateur ideal. The years of semI-professionaI Ism for clubs such as the Shamrocks, the Montreal Lacrosse Club and
the New Westminster Club, present a period of resistance to existing dominant British Public School values of sport as a character builder. These players challenged the prevailing
Ideas of sport in favour of the idea of lacrosse as a means of earning a livelihood. The professionaI/amateur struggle
In lacrosse resulted in the dominant culture gaining consent
for amateurism through the promotion of the Olympic ideal.
Yet, the subsequent decline of lacrosse and the rise of professional hockey indicates that this was not consent but comprom i se. 173
This concept of hegemony, for geographers particularly, emphasises that the spatial structure of cultural forms is an active part of their historical formation. Far from being passive spatial reflections of historical forces, cultural forms, like sport, are actively constituting and being constituted. Hegemony, In this sense also highlights the complexity of meaning attached to landscapes, through the existence of cultural activities. As suggested by
Cosgrove and Jackson (1987), 'cultural materialism' could provide fresh stimulus in geographical works on culture.
6.2.3 Contribution to_Geography
The direct contribution of 'cultural materialism' to the geography of sport Is threefold. First, Williams' theory broadens the terms of reference for sports geographers, enabling them to highlight geographical themes
indirectly related to sporting activities. Canadian nationalism, for example, was promoted by lacrosse organisers. The hardy, northern image was caricatured symbolically through the sport. The history of lacrosse also highlights the geographical diffusion of ideas and values. British colonialism and subsequent immigration maintained strong cultural influences from a traditional source. Through the study of lacrosse, the slow divorce from traditional British values and the movement towards a
Canadian culture, becomes apparent.
Second, 'cultural materialism' places sport firmly in
the context of a particular social, economic and cultural
heritage. The organisation of lacrosse was tied to a
particular place and landscape: late nineteenth century
Montreal. The social stratification, the economic
circumstances, the geographical location and the mix of
cultures presented a unique set of circumstances. In other
words, Montreal presented the 'place' In which the
organisation of lacrosse could be acted out.
Finally, the view of lacrosse through the lens of
'cultural materialism' adequately fills the deficiencies of
'process' within the geography of sport. Rather, the theory
focusses on the explanation behind spatial variations and
patterns. For example, the early twentieth century pattern
of lacrosse activity centred on the key location of British
Columbia. The continued existence of this lacrosse
stronghold can be explained by the diffusion time-lapse of
the sport to the west as we I I as the dec I ining dominant
Public School values which allowed room for a general
acceptance for professionalism. The popularity of
professionalism In British Columbia ensured the longevity of the sport In the area long after Its decline elsewhere In
Canada.
6.2.4 Limits and Significance
Although 'cultural materialism' allows a fresh, but critical analysis of lacrosse history, the applIcatlon of
the theory is not without problems. Specifically, the
identification of the dominant, residual and emergent
cultures is particularly difficult given Williams' warning
about partial incorporation. Williams defines residual and
emergent culture as oppositional and argues that they should
not be mistaken for those elements which have already been
incorporated Into the dominant culture. Establishing which
elements are oppositional and which have been incorporated
can be problematic, not only because of the
IndIstI netiveness of the categories but also because of the
danger of subjective value impositions by the researcher.
Without the existence of clear definitions It is difficult
to avoid creating boundaries in the practical application of
the theory.
Yet, it is this very indistinetiveness that makes,
Williams' theory invaluable for providing a means of
examining detail. Considering the extensive time-period
covered in this study, with the Inherent problem of 176
generalisation, the complexities of lacrosse history have been clearly highlighted through 'cultural materialism'.
Significantly, Williams' theory provides a means to explore
the way in which cultural meanings are implanted In society and how they relate to the overall processes of class
formulation and social production. In addition, Williams shows that people do shape their lives but within the limits and constraints of existing social and economic pressures.
Moreover, the theory emphasises that the hegemonic situation
is a complex Interlocking of political, social and economic
forces.
In sum, the primary conclusion of this study Is that
'cultural materialism' is a powerful Interpretive framework
for the geography of sport. It addresses many theoretical
failings in geographical sports research and modernisation
theory. Furthermore, Williams' theory provides an
invaluable presentation of the concept of hegemony which
places sport firmly in the context of specific social,
cultural and economic heritages. Most importantly,
'cultural materialism' adequately fulfills the deficiencies
of 'process' within the geography of sport. NOTES
1. Adelman (1986, 6) defines the characteristics of premodern and modern 'ideal' sporting types:
Premodern Sport Modern Sport
Organisation- either Organisation- formal; nonex i stent or at best I nst i tut i onaI Iy informal and sporadic; differentiated at the contests are arranged by local, regional, and individuals directly or national levels. indirectly (e.g., tavern owners, bettors) involved
Rules- simple, unwritten, Ru les- forma I, and based on local standardised, and customs and traditions; written; rationally and variations exist from one pragmatically worked out locale to another. and legitimated by organisational means.
Compe1111 on - I oca I Iy Competition - national meaningful only; loose and i nternat i onaI, distinction between superimposed on local playing and spectating. contests; chance to establish national and i nternat i onaI reputat i ons.
Role Differentiation - Role Different I at Ion - low among participants; high; emergence of loose distinction between spec i a I Ists playing and spectating. (professionals) and strict distinctions between playing and spectatIng.
Public Information - Public Information - IImited, local and oral. reported on a regular basis In local newspapers, as we I I as national sports Journals; appearance of specialised magazines, guidebooks, etc. 178
Statistics and Records - Stat IstIcs and Records - nonex i stent. kept and published on a regular basis; considered important measures of achievement; records sanctioned by national associations.
2. The terms 'lacrosse' and 'game', although inappropriate when discussing the ritual in Native cultures, have been used to avoid confusion.
3. Tribal society generally consisted of recognised tribal divisions. This, however was rarely a political unit. Bands or smaller groups of kindred families that claimed a definite hunting ground and acted in war worked more as a political unit (Underhill, 1953). Inter-tribal challenges were Issued well before a lacrosse game (sometimes 3-4 months prior) which left time for the pre-game preparations. Salter (1971) notes that intra-trlbal games lacked the aggressiveness of inter-tribal games.
4. This i I lustration was reproduced by permission of the American Anthropological Association from American Anthropologist, 2 (3), 1890. Not for further reproductI on.
Few women were involved in playing lacrosse during the nineteenth century. Team games were generally considered to be 'unfeminIne', 'unladylike' and even unhealthy. For the most part, women played the role of passive participants usually as spectators (Redmond, 1979).
6. Useful reference to the social composition of nineteenth century Montreal can be found In the series Shared Spaces, Department of Geography, McGi I I University (see Hertzog, 1985; Lewis, 1985; Hanna, 1986).
7. A number of clubs were first started in nineteenth century Montreal:
1807 - MontreaI Cur I i ng Club 1829 - MontreaI Fox Hunt Club 1840 - Montreal Raquets Club 1840 - Montreal Snow-shoe Club 1842 - MontreaI 0 Iymp i c Club 1856 - MontreaI Lacrosse Club 179
1859 - Montreal Skat ing Club 1868 - Montreal FootbaII CIub 1873 - Montreal Go If Club 1873 - Montreal Pedestr i an Club 1876 - MontreaI Swimming Club 1878 - Montreal B i eye Ie Club 1880 - Tobbogga Club 1887 - AquatIcs PoIo Club
(Redmond, 1979).
This figure included both manual and non-manual workers (Hertzog, 1985).
9. Metcalfe (1976b) suggests that the evidence of violence or rough play In lacrosse was related to different value ideals. The gentleman amateurs wanted to see gentlemanly conduct on the field while other teams, such as the Shamrocks, were more interested In winning. Metcalfe distinguishes the two value systems as 'sport' (amateur) and 'athletics' (modern) (Metcalfe, 1976b).
10. The Mlnto Cup winners:
1901 - Capitals, Ottawa, Ontario 1902 - Shamrocks, Montreal, Quebec 1903 - Shamrocks, Montreal, Quebec 1904 - Shamrocks, Montreal, Quebec 1905 - Shamrocks, Montreal, Quebec 1906 - Capitals, Ottawa, Ontario 1907 - Shamrocks, Montreal, Quebec 1908 - New Westminster, British Columbia 1909 - New Westminster, British Columbia 1910 - New Westminster, British Columbia 1911 - Vancouver, British Columbia 1912 - New Westminster, British Columbia 1913 - New Westminster, British Columbia 1914 - New Westminster, British Columbia 1914 - 1918 No competition 1919 - 1934 The cup remained with the New Westminster Club except for 1920 when Vancouver won
(Canadian Lacrosse Hall of Fame, 1967).
11. Few nineteenth century British Columbian lacrosse club records exist today. Unlike clubs in the east, this material has been lost over time. By far the most valuable source are the local newspapers. Minutes of club meetings, accounts of matches as-well as general lacrosse gossip were recorded regularly. 180
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