© Kamla-Raj 2015 J Communication, 6(2): 260-269 (2015)
Rebuking Impunity through Music: The Case of Thomas Mapfumo’s Masoja Nemapurisa
Everisto Benyera
Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa, Pretoria, 0003, Republic of South Africa E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]
KEYWORDS Popular Music. Impunity. Zimbabwe. Human Rights. Transitional Justice
ABSTRACT Popular music has been used since the colonial times as an instrument of criticizing the various levels of authority in Zimbabwe. It was used as an artistic vehicle for denouncing colonialism. After independence, the same medium was used to agitate for social justice. More than thirty years after independence the same genre is being used to denounce impunity and political violence. Through the years what has changed is the language, which migrated from euphemism to confrontational lyrics, not the message, which has consistently attacked the authorities. The paper begins by theorizing popular music as an arts genre. This is followed by an analysis of songs that were critical of the colonial governments and those that criticized the post-independence government. The music of Thomas Mapfumo was singled out as protest music, which consistently spoke to the authorities about their perceived shortcomings. This view is presented using Mapfumo’s song titled Masoja Nemapurisa.
INTRODUCTION poorly resourced communities (Lemieux and Prat- to 2008). However, this changed when listeners The role of popular music in Zimbabwe, be- and critics were surprised to hear the hard-hit- sides entertaining and educating the people, has ting lyrics from Thomas Mapfumo around 2002. been to offer an alternative communication chan- While most were surprised by Mapfumo’s seem- nel to air narratives, which were being crowded ingly undiplomatic lyrics, it is this paper’s ob- out of the mainstream media. In its endeavors to jective to demonstrate that such messages are educate, entertain and offer an alternative voice, not new in Zimbabwe’s popular music as popu- popular music has been accused of over-roman- lar music has been used in Zimbabwe to criticize ticizing the false to the detrimental effect of giv- various authorities over the years. These ranged ing false hope to communities in crisis and de- from God, the colonial government, the South spair. Yet at times, popular music has been ac- African apartheid regime1, the Zimbabwe gov- cused of exaggerating the evilness of leaders. ernment and opposition political parties. Criti- Most musicians compose to sell their messages cizing the conduct of those in authority is there- therefore tend to ‘follow the crowd’, which is fore not new to Zimbabwe’s popular musicians, where the sales reside. The rationale for this what is new though is the nature in which the paper is therefore to unpack the message in one message is being communicated. This paper ar- of Thomas Mapfumo’s song titles Masoja Nem- gues that there is a traceable movement away apuruisa (the army and the police) and present from euphemistic language to the language of it as one song, which went against the grain and provoked serious reactions from both the au- direct confrontation especially in the music of thorities and the listeners. Using what can be Thomas Mapfumo, Oliver Mtukudzi and the late termed a soft tool such as popular music to con- Simon Chimbetu. Equally interesting and worth front a prime evil such as executive lawlessness noting is the fact that these musicians also en- is an epic endeavor, which warrants scholarly gage each other in their songs, in the process, interrogation, an exercise, which will be attempt- exchanging very extreme views on topical is- ed in these pages. sues. Their songs “speak truth to the power”, As an arts genre, popular music is generally their audiences and fellow musicians. harmless (Holtzman and Sharpe 2014: xx), as it In Zimbabwe, popular music has been effi- usually dwells on social issues (Whitely 2013), cacious in expressing the views of the ordinary folk stories (Jenkins 2015) and on general com- citizens regarding the issues of political vio- mentary about daily hardships of live such as lence, land reform, vote rigging and the politics the havoc being wrecked by HIV and AIDS in of long incumbency. These issues are neither REBUKING IMPUNITY THROUGH MUSIC 261 new nor resurgent. What is new here is the ever to the Black government, demonstrating his un- changing language of articulation, which was happiness with the conduct of leadership, espe- formerly illusive and euphemistic and is now di- cially that of the post-independence govern- rect, hard-hitting and unmasked. By definition, ment. This did not go down well with the au- popular music is part of popular culture, which thorities, especially with the black post-indepen- in itself is a complex term (William 1998; Cusic dence leadership. Consequently, Mapfumo was 2001). As a concept it goes beyond the routine incarcerated during the war of liberation for com- delivery of information to the consumers (Gause posing songs, which were against the White 2005). It is a contested constructive made up of minority regime. After independence his poor a mixture of images, languages and voices (Gause relations with the authorities continued espe- 2001). Popular culture, to which popular music cially after 2000, around which period the land belongs, is therefore a set of meanings one con- reform program was in progress. Earlier on, Map- structs from the images, languages, and formats fumo had joined the independence praise sing- of the day-to-day lives (Doris 2006:1). Others ers in the celebration for independence. He com- view popular culture as a tool useful in the ma- posed songs praising the then Prime Minister nipulation of the masses. For Adorno and Robert Mugabe and his party for liberating the Horkheimer (1999), it is a tool of the culture in- country. These include Pemberai (Celebrate), dustries used to sway people toward consump- and Chitima Cherusununguko (Independence tion and conformity. Broadly, it can be argued Train). However, developments around the lack that popular culture is efficacious in influencing of social justice and corruption made him aban- social relations (Collins 2004: 122) and interpret- don ship and he continued criticizing the gov- ing the otherwise complexities presented by ernment, this time the new Black government group behavior (Cortes 1995). It is popular cul- led by then Prime Minister Mugabe. When Map- ture’s ability to sway large numbers of people fumo released his album, Chimurenga Rebel towards “conformity” and influence social rela- (2002), the then Information and Publicity Min- tions that make popular culture a viable vehicle ister Professor Jonathan Moyo reportedly brand- for communicating critical messages. ed Mapfumo a ‘terrorist,’ and allegedly instruct- With the Zimbabwean state maintaining a firm ed the national broadcaster, the Zimbabwe grip on the mainstream media, popular culture Broadcasting Corporation not to air a number of such as graffiti and protest music were used for Mapfumo’s songs (Eyre 2005). decades to communicate alternative and other- In the song, Dai Tenzi Vaiziva, Mapfumo wise contested views to the public sphere. In appears to be questioning God’s presence while the colonial times, this type of music was masked Africa and Zimbabwe suffer abject poverty and in euphemistic lyrics, known in the local Shona starvation. He sang: language as chibhende. This is a form of ex- Dai Tenzi vaiziva zvavo pression in which one does not mean what they Vaitora hurombo vorasa say. One reason advanced for the use of euphe- Vagopawo hupfumi kuvanhu mism by musician during the colonial period was Only if God knew the levels of poverty among the need to escape the heavy censorship which the Blacks all music and work forms had to undergo before He would admonish (vanquish) poverty from publication. Mapfumo stands out as one musi- our midst cian who effectively deployed euphemism is his And give prosperity to the masses songs thereby achieving the two pronged goals Given the context of the song, Tenzi can be of communicating a critical message to the mass- taken to imply the colonizer. This interpretation es while managing to escape the punishment is consistent with the euphemistic nature of the which accompanied such “crimes”. lyrics of that time given the levels of censorship music had to undergo. 1. Euphemism in Mapfumo’s Music Sometimes Mapfumo’s lyrics were so hidden that even some of the population could not com- Mapfumo has been the most critical of the prehend his message. In the song Mhandu Mu- authorities in their various forms (Eyre 2005). He sango, he sang: has criticized all forms of authority, seemingly Kutauta handitye Mambo consistently, from God and the Spirits of the land Honai makuva musango Mamb 262 EVERISTO BENYERA
Regai vanouraya vauraye zvavo Mambo Vapambi veRhodesia ndivo vachiine mari Tinofira chokwadi. Nevamwe vatema vanoba mari Uraya mhandu musango Now, what do we lack in the independence I am not afraid of saying the truth era? Look at the numbers of the soldiers dying in It is the resources, which we do not control the war The Rhodesians and a few Black kleptoma- I would rather die than keep quite nias are robbing the masses. We are prepared to die for the truth Andrew Brown also participated in the cas- That is why we are encouraging our soldiers to tigation of the two dominant political parties in kill the enemy (Hidden and not literal translation). the country2 by asking them why they have be- Here Mapfumo was well aware of the causal- come so belligerent. In the song Chigaro ities among the liberation fighters and the nu- ChaMambo, Brown admonishes the country’s merous challenges they were facing. He saw it political leadership to shun politically motivat- fit to confront the enemy by predicting that they ed violence. He sang: will not win the war, neither will he keep quiet. Ko nhai vana baba tapindwa nei kuriwra The White settler regime did not comprehend chigaro chaMambo? that they were the ones being referred to in the What has happened to us to fight for the song as Mhandu Musango (enemies in our coun- Presidency in this manner? try). In another song, he rebuked the devil (Sa- The use of the noun vana baba in this con- tan) and sections of the White population who text can be taken to infer to the masculinity of appeared disillusioned with the Black govern- violence and the fact that the leaders of Zimba- ment, suggesting to them that they will never bwe’s two biggest political parties are males. rule Zimbabwe again. In his words: Ndezvenhando kugunun’na, 3. The Case of Mapfumo’s Masoja Nemapurisa Zimbabwe takaitora. Satan ibva mushure, hurumende imbotonga… When translated from Shona to English the It is fruitless to continue grappling and com- title of the song literally means the police and plaining because we liberated Zimbabwe. Satan, the army although in context it was referring to give the Black government a chance to rule with- the state apparatus, which includes the intelli- out disturbances. Join the ride on the train of gence, and the larger state bureaucracy. The song independence whose drive is Prime Minister addresses the way state resources were de- Mugabe. ployed to solve political differences and the civ- This also serves as a warning to you detractors. il unrest especially between 2000 and 2008. In the song Mapfumo asks Zimbabwe’s leaders, 2. The Gloves Are Off: From Euphemism to Ko nhai baba muchaita seiko? Confrontational Lyrics Munotumira masoja, masoja nemapurisa. Kuti varove vanhu Mapfumo’s direct go at the government came Respected leader, what are you going to do? with the release of the album Corruption in 1989. You send soldiers and the police to beat people The album is very critical of Mugabe and his Mapfumo then asks the leaders what they government (Vambe 2000; Mano 2007). Proba- will do if one day the army and the police refuse bly this acrimonious relationship between the to obey their orders to beat the people: artist and the government is the reason why he Vakaramba muchaita sei? relocated to Eugene, Oregon in the United States Vazhinji vavo ihama dzavo of America in the late 1990s. The former colonial What are you going to do if they refuse your regime was not spared even after independence orders? as Mapfumo accused them of sabotaging the The people, the police and the army are all Black government by continuously holding on related to one another. to the country’s assets while the majority wal- Mapfumo draws on history to answer the lowed in poverty. He sang: above question, Zvino chasara chii? Tinotizira kure kunyika dzevamwe, Imari yatiri kushaya Tinotizira kure kuti vasatibate REBUKING IMPUNITY THROUGH MUSIC 263
We will run away to other countries by State Agents in Zimbabwe: January 2001 to We will flee so that we will not be caught. August 2002 (13 August 2002), which detailed In order to solidify his warning, Mapfumo evidence about cases of politically motivated gives the example of former rulers like Mobuto violence involving the army, police and the in- Sese Seko of the then Zaire now Democratic telligence as primary perpetrators. Republic of Congo and Ugandan Idi Amin. Prior to the 2000-2008 politically motivated VaMobuto vakaitwa seiko?Amin akaitwa violence, the state deployed the military in sup- seiko? pressing alleged dissidents in Matebeleland and Vadzvinyiriri vakaitwa kwazvo the Midlands provinces between 1982 and 1984 Nhai baba vakafira kupiko? in a military operation code named Gukurahun- Vakatizira kure, kunyika dzevamwe di (Legal Resources Foundations and the Cath- Vakatizira kure uko vakanofira olic Commission for Peace and Justice 1997). What happened to Mobuto Sese Seko and While the threat posed by dissident in the two Idi Amin? provinces is undisputed, what is debatable is The dictators got what they deserved the scale and severity of the state’s response, Where did they die? which was tantamount to a blitzkrieg. The threat They fled into exile posed by an estimated 250 dissidents is incom- Where they died parable to the estimated number of casualties, which are put at 20,000 by the Legal Resources 4. Police and Military Brutality in Zimbabwe Foundations and the Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice (1997). Probably it is this se- There are two perspectives from which the verity, width and depth of the violence, which song can be analyzed. The first from what the resulted in some civil society organizations such Whites (1987: 10) termed the impartiality of both as Genocide Watch agitating for the classifica- realistic and imaginary narratives, which ema- tion of these actions as acts of genocide (Hill nate from partial truths. Secondly, as noted by 2011: 4). Griffiths (in Vambe 2004: 174) there is a need to Mapfumo appears worried that in light of what happened during Gukurahundi, the state determine whether we are listening to the sing- still possesses an inclination towards repeating er’s voice or whether the singer is singing from a the same should the situation ‘necessitate’. His position influenced by ‘elite sensibilities’. This fears are justified by President Mugabe’s decla- analysis is necessary given Mapfumo’s some- ration that he has degrees in violence (David what uneasy relationship with the state, which Blair 2002). Mapfumo laments the fact that the according to him resulted in his staying in exile. uniformed forces have been turned against the Put simply, is Mapfumo articulating his own de- citizens, sires to settle old scores with the state or is he Munotumira masoja, masoja nemapurisa expressing the wishes of the majority or those Kuti varove vanhu of some elites? That notwithstanding, transition- You send soldiers and the police to beat people. al justice remains a necessary and overdue pro- This is not the first time that Mapfumo ex- gram of action needed to heal and reconcile the pressed his displeasure in the fact that the army people living along the Zambezi and Limpopo and the police brutalize civilians. In another song, rivers. Jojo (1991) from the album Chimurenga Master Police and military abuse of human rights is Piece, Mapfumo warns Jojo (a corruption of well documented in Zimbabwe. According to a George, who is an active politician) to leave pol- report by The International Bar Association itics as others have perished while pursuing (2004) titled Violence, Torture and Brutality by political careers. He warns Jojo, the Police Force in Zimbabwe Increases, the Nyaya dzenyika Jojo chenjera police and the military were employed to un- Ndakambokuyambira Jojo chenjera Siya leash gross violations of human rights in Zim- zvenyika babwe. This view is supported by other non- Jojo unozofa governmental organizations working in Zimba- Nyaya dzenyika idzi bwe, such as the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Jojo siyana nazvo Aiiwa-iwa Jojo, Forum, which posted an online report, Torture Jojo unozofa Aiiwa- iwa Jojo, 264 EVERISTO BENYERA
Jojo beware of political issues warns Jojo that young people risk not only death, I warned you to be careful Jojo but also having their entire families killed. While Leave politics, you will die the threats that participating in Zimbabwean These political issues politics brings cannot be denied, it is very diffi- Leave these issues cult to pinpoint examples of families that disap- You will surely die peared due to the participation of a family mem- In the same song Mapfumo proceeds to warn ber in politics. These are cases in which Jojo on the consequences of continuing with chimurenga music ‘attempts to create an alter- his political career citing the examples of many native discourse of struggle which runs parallel politicians who continued with their political to, but consistently attacking, contesting and careers and lost their lives to politically motivat- undermining official truths’ (Vambe 2004: 178). ed violence. This warning appears valid given The official truth about politically motivated vi- the rampant factionalism which characterize Zim- olence is that it is a phenomenon perpetrated by babwean politics and prompted Masipula Sit- the Movement for Democratic Change and hole (1993: 35) to posit that, ‘if you put two Zim- agents of imperialism sponsored by the British babweans on the moon today and visit them the and American governments who desire to effect following day, you will that they would have regime change in Zimbabwe (Chigora and Ziso formed three political parties’. This is evidenced 2011; Peta 2004). While the desires of the British by the fact that both ZANU PF and the MDC and American governments to effect regime have split several times with MDC currently hav- change in Zimbabwe are undeniable, using them ing up to four versions and ZANU PF with a as a scapegoat to brutalize citizens is both un- single and almost defunct splinter party known democratic and unconstitutional. In this regard as ZANU (Ndonga). That is notwithstanding Mapfumo is correct in agitating for an end to the fact that ZANU PF itself split from the Zim- impunity. babwe African People’s Party (ZAPU) in 1963 (Bowman 1973). Political factionalism in Zimba- 5. Will Zimbabwe’s Army and Police Refuse bwe is usually accompanied by violence, which to Take Orders to Beat People? in most of the cases will be accomplished through the deployment of state resources such as the The central theme in Mapfumo’s song is pred- army, intelligence and the police (Scarnecchia icated on the assumption and probability that 2008: 22; LeBas 2006; Sithole 1980). It can be Zimbabwe’s uniformed forces will one day refuse argued that it is this form of violence, which to take orders to brutalize citizens. This assump- Mapfumo is weary of and he recognizes that tion resonates with regional events notably in getting transitional justice under these circum- Malawi where the Vice President, Joyce Banda stances is complicated, hence the advice to Jojo was appointed president after the death of Pres- to leave politics. ident Bingu wa Mutharika. In her first week in Vazhinji vakaenda pamusana penyika office, President Banda sacked the head of the Vakawanda vakapondwa country’s police among others (BBC 9 April Vadiki vakapondwa pamusana penyika 2012). It is widely believed that the former police Vadiki vakapondwa pamusana penharo chief was sacked due to the manner in which he Vana mai vanochema pamusana penyika handled public protests against was Mutharika. Mhuri dzakatsakatika pamusana penyika This may not be the end of the former police Saka ndati kwauri shamwari yangu head’s problems. In fact this could as well be the Many died due to politics beginning as he is likely to face criminal prose- Many people were murdered cution. His frosty relations with the Attorney Young people were murdered for the country General will most likely help expedite his down- Youths were murdered because they refused fall.3 A key lesson from Malawi for Zimbabwe is to take advice that the era of unfettered human rights abuses Mothers are crying due to politic appears to be over. Events from elsewhere (Tu- Families perished because of this country nisia, Egypt and Libya) attest to this. This is why I am warning you my friend One might ask what is the probability that Mapfumo is quite aware that politics in Zim- sooner rather than later, the army and police will babwe led to the destabilization of families and refuse to take orders to abuse citizens? The an- REBUKING IMPUNITY THROUGH MUSIC 265 swer lies primarily in the country’s long history According to Cheeseman and Tendi (2010), of patronage politics and the strong relation- what complicates the relationship between the ship between the uniformed forces and the state. uniformed forces and the state is the existence On those considerations, it can be argued that it of the Joint Operation Committee (JOC). It con- is highly unlikely that uniformed forces will sists of top uniformed personnel plus the Re- refuse to take orders that violate human rights. serve Bank Governor and the Head of Intelli- The state in Zimbabwe successfully captured gence. Resuscitated in 2000, JOC has structures most, if not all, institutions of statecraft and ren- that run down through to the provincial level dered them subservient to the ruling party (Ma- and ironically is a creature of the Ian Smith ad- sunungure: 2009). Another fact which belies ministration, which was created to coordinate Mapfumo’s claims is that the state President is the war (Felsman 2008). This presents a chal- also the Head and Commander in Chief of the lenge in that it acts like a parallel administration Defense Forces rendering Mapfumo’s insinua- as it reports directly to the President thereby tions at least unpractical and at most a pipe dream shadowing the cabinet. The implication is that given the ensuring political dispensation and the uniformed forces in Zimbabwe have both balance of power in the country. The service military and governance responsibilities and in chiefs are on record saying that they will not both cases they report directly to the President. salute any other leader except President Mugabe When power is hierarchized in Zimbabwe, JOC (Media Institute of Southern Africa 2011). Events occupies the top position because they have on the ground render Mapfumo’s prediction a double lines of reporting to the President. On desperate one based only on an untenable com- second spot is the cabinet, which also reports bination of wishful thinking and political specu- to the President. What makes JOC more efficient lation. However, as a warning, Mapfumo’s mes- is its lean structure. JOC has only eight mem- sage helps remind both the politicians and the bers4 compared to the cabinet with 48. Whether uniformed forces that everything comes to an consciously or unconsciously, Mapfumo ap- end. pears ignorant of the balance of the power, which The nexus between uniformed forces and is in favor of the army and police such that in- politics in Zimbabwe deserves to be unpacked. stead of taking orders to violate citizen’s human The army, police, prison service and air force are rights, they have the propensity to initiate the seen in Zimbabwe as fertile launching pads for violations. political careers (Krieger 2000). The militariza- Mapfumo speculates through his music that tion of parastatals presents an even more incen- one day the police and the army may refuse to take orders to beat the people because they have tive for the uniformed forces to be political (Al- relatives among the people to be beaten. Again exander 2013). Over the years, the ZANU PF this is a fallacy. Violence in Zimbabwe knows no government entrusted the administration of state kinship. There are numerous reports about intra owned enterprises in the hands of mostly army family, politically motivated violence (Zimbabwe personnel. Examples include Retired Colonel Human Rights NGO Forum 2008). Politically Samuel Muvuti who headed the Grain Market- motivated violence, which Mapfumo is preoc- ing Board (GMB) before his dismissal in 2008, cupied with, follows party not kinship lines in and Retired Air Commodore Michael Karakadzai Zimbabwe. This explains the intensity of vio- who was the General Manager of the National lence during the 2008 Presidential elections. Railways of Zimbabwe until his death on 19 There are reported cases in which violence was August 2013. The National Oil Company of Zim- intra family but targeting members of the oppo- babwe (NOCZIM) was at one time led by Retired site political party. It can also be argued that the Colonel Christian Katsande, who is now deputy reality of not having a parliamentary majority for secretary to the Cabinet. Other former army per- the first time since 1980 ZANU PF was so des- sonnel who served in the cabinet include Re- perate to hold on to power against all odds. This tired Major-General Mike Nyambuya and Briga- was compounded by other factors such as rav- dier Ambrose Mutinhiri. While this practice in aging hyperinflation, which peaked at official not unique to Zimbabwe, the manner in which it figures of 231 million percent (Kadzere 2008) and is carried out is devoid of meritocracy and lacks unofficially at 650 million percent (6.5 × 10108 transparency and accountability. percent), equivalent to a daily inflation rate of 266 EVERISTO BENYERA ninety-six percent (Henke 2008). In November to charges of war crimes and crimes against 2008, others like Chitiyo (2009: 1) put Zimba- humanity. bwe’s inflation rate at 90 sextillion percent A dictator with close ties with any perma- (90,000,000,000,000,000,000,000%). Against this nent members of the United Nations Security background it became ‘necessary’ for ZANU Council especially China and Russia stands real (PF) to deploy soldiers and the police to sup- chances of escaping prosecution. Like the Unit- press discontent and civil unrest. ed States of America, China and Russia have consistently used their permanent seats to pro- 6. Impunity and Exile in Mapfumo’s Song tect their allies from being accused of gross hu- man rights violations. This may explain why Mapfumo suggests that dictators rely on China’s close ally Sudan’s leader Omar al Bashir fleeing into exile in order to escape prosecution continues to rule even with an ICC warrant of thereby enjoying some form of amnesty in exile. arrest issued against him. Furthermore, there are During their term of office, dictators would have a number of African and Arab countries that accrued a reasonable number of like-minded lead- have openly supported al Bashir by not arrest- ers who will accord them a safe haven. Here the ing him when he visited their countries. Chad, musician is correct. There are a number of former Malawi, Djibouti, Iraqi, Saudi Arabia, Zimbabwe rulers who fled to exile. These include former and Kenya have all refused to arrest the Ethiopian leader Mengistu Haile Mariam who Sudanese leader while on their territories. While fled Ethiopia for Zimbabwe in 1991 and Idi Amin exile in a friendly country is a real option for who fled to Saudi Arabia. South Africa housed dictators, their safety is not guaranteed in case Jean-Bertrand Aristide from Haiti and Madagas- there is change of government in their host coun- car’s Marc Rovalomana. However, the length- tries. In such circumstances, they risk being ening of the arm of the law through the coming handed over to either the ICC or back to their into effect of the International Criminal Court countries of origin. (ICC) has compromised the safety of these ha- vens. The norm in transitional states has been 7. Mobuto and Amin Examples that embattled former leaders are offered an op- portunity to safely go into exile in countries of Mapfumo draws parallels between what hap- their choice. However, under the Rome Statute, pened to former dictators Joseph-Desire Mobu- which set up the ICC countries harboring, ICC to, popularly known as Mobuto Sese Seko, of inductees are required to hand them over for the former Zaire, now Democratic Republic of prosecution (Article 87: 5). However, the man- the Congo and Uganda’s Idi Amin. His obvious ner in which Gaddafi remained defiant preferring intention is to deter current leaders using these to die in Libya provides an interesting perspec- two experiences as a possibility that such de- tive. In a televised address on 22 February 2011, mises could befall any dictator. Mobuto and he said, Amin are not the best examples for Zimbabwe as …I am not going to leave this land. I will die the current leadership in Zimbabwe was elected as a martyr at the end. I shall remain, defiant. in an election that was declared free and fair Muammar is Leader of the Revolution until the (credible). What is disputed is the abuse of state end of time. resources by sections of the government, which Regrettably, an analysis of Gaddafi’s deci- amounts to impunity (Thomson and Jazdoska sion to die in Libya is beyond the scope of this 2012: 77). There are more differences than simi- paper. larities between Mugabe, Mobuto and Amin. The Whether the current leadership in Zimbabwe major difference being that the two late dicta- goes into exile voluntarily or otherwise is be- tors were army personnel and that Mugabe’s sides the issue. What should be disturbing to literacy level is way superior and incomparable them is the growing ‘success’ of the Interna- to Mobuto and Amin’s. One notable similarity is tional Criminal Court especially against African that all three were born in humble families, a back- suspects of gross human rights abuses. Here ground which others argue influenced the way the rapid downfall of former Libyan leader Mua- they ran their respective administrations espe- mmar Gaddafi serves as a case in point. His son cially their treatment of adversaries, both real Salif Islam is now wanted by the ICC to answer and imagined. REBUKING IMPUNITY THROUGH MUSIC 267
The choice of Amin as one of Mapfumo’s they crumbled and succumbed in record time. example is interesting. The similarities between This is not however to insinuate that the Zimba- Mugabe and Amin in terms of how they ran their bwean army can be compared to the then Zairi- respective governments is not a subject of this an army. Quite on the contrary, Zimbabwe pos- paper as it warrants a detailed analysis which is sesses one of the best armies in the region judg- not possible here. One similarity worth mention- ing by the way they executed their mandates in ing is their official titles in relation to the uni- the DRC and Mozambique. However, the man- formed forces. While it is common that the head ner in which both related to their unarmed civil- of state is the commander in chief of the coun- ians in the process of propping up incumbent try’s defense forces, it is rare to officially affix leaders is more similar than dissimilar. the title ‘Commander in Chief of the Defense Forces’ to the President’s official title. As such, 8. Significance of Dying in Exile the official title of Zimbabwe’s head is ‘His Ex- cellency, The Head of State and Government and Death occupies a central place in the life of Commander in Chief of the Zimbabwe Defense Zimbabweans (Kazembe 2010: 66). It signifies Forces’. This compares favorably to Amin’s first the passage from one form of life to the other part of his official title ‘His Excellency, President (Masaka and Chingombe 2009:190). The place for Life, Field Marshal, Al Hadji, Doctor, VC (Vic- where one dies is important, so is the place where torious Cross), DSO (Distinguished Service Or- the human remains are kept. Adult Zimbabwe- der), MC (Military Cross), Lord of all the Beasts ans across tribes and ethnicities prefer to die of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea, Conqueror of among their loved ones. Hence, when one gets the British Empire in Africa in General and Ugan- very sick, they are ‘taken home to rest’. Dying in da in Particular and Professor of Geography’ exile is a preserve of the cowards and criminals (Benatar 2011; Hale 2011: xi). The significance of who cannot return home even in spiritual form. these titles for both leaders is that it authenti- For Zimbabwean politicians, their place is the cates their stronghold on power while simulta- National Heroes Acre, where they must rest neously communicating to their adversaries that among their like-minded ones, protecting what their spheres of power are limited. For Zimba- they fought for. Fleeing and possibly dying in bwe these titles are a message to the opposition exile must be too ghastly to contemplate for those political parties that real power resides with the ordering and those executing violence. President, that is the Head of state, Head of gov- For a former head of state to die and be bur- ernment, head of army, air force, police, prison ied in exile is both a reflection of their failure to and intelligence services. rule and a curse from God. Mapfumo used Amin The extent of their deployment of force is to demonstrate his point because of the manner also comparable with figures ranging between in which Amin died in exile. In 2003 Amin’s fam- 100,000 and 500,000 people reportedly killed dur- ily reported that he was in a coma and pleaded ing Amin’s 8-year rule ((Briggs 1998; Museveni the Ugandan leader Yoweri Museveri to allow 1997). Bodies were dumped into the Mabira For- Amin back into Uganda so that ‘he spends the est and the Nile River because graves could not remainder of his life in Uganda’. Museveni re- be dug fast enough (Kasfir 2012). The Legal fused stating categorically that Amin would be Resource Foundation and the Catholic Commis- held accountable for his actions the moment he sion for Peace and Justice also reports that 20,000 arrives in Uganda (Mulindwa and Kibirige 2003). people predominantly in Matebeleland and Mid- Amin died in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia and is buried lands province were killed during the army’s there. Like Amin, Mobuto also fled to exile. He Operation Gukurahundi. initially went to Togo, and then finally to Mo- The use of the army to protect incumbent rocco in May of 1997 where he died of cancer in regimes instead of citizens can be seen in all September of the same year in Rabat. Like Amin, three countries. It can be argued that one of the he was also buried in exile where he died. major reasons why the Mobuto regime could not defend the country against the sustained CONCLUSION onslaught of the Banyamulenge rebels was be- cause they were used to suppressing unarmed Thomas Mapfumo’s song, Masoja Nem- civilians. When faced with real warfare against apurisa did well in terms of warning dictator- other soldiers, not unarmed civilians, women and ships that impunity in no longer tolerated. The children, Mobuto’s army stood no chance and song is important not only because of the na- 268 EVERISTO BENYERA
ture of the message it portrayed but also be- Benatar D 2011. A first name basis? Think, 10(29): cause it is among the first Shona songs to ex- 51-57. Blair D 2002. Degrees in Violence: Robert Mugabe plicitly denounce impunity. This kind of music and the Struggle for Power in Zimbabwe. London: composition helps widen the audience for tran- Continuum Books. sitional justice in states like Zimbabwe, which Bowman L 1973. Politics in Rhodesia: White Power in can be argued to be states in transition. The use an African State. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. of popular music to convey contemporary dis- Brown DA 2006. The Role of Pop Culture Based Infor- courses such as the intolerability of human rights mation and Stereotypes Versus Direct Knowledge of abuses in general and transitional justice in Individuals in Forming Teacher Expectations of particular is a growing phenomenon, which African American Students. From
Henke S 2008. ‘The Printing Press’, Forbes Magazine, to-salute-tsvangirai .html+ MISA+ salute+Tsvan 22 December 2008, From