Boris Nemtsov, 1959–2015: Seeking Justice, Securing His Legacy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
OPERATION NEMTSOV”: 307 Disinformation, Confusion MARCH and Some Worrying Hypotheses 2015
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 D.L.: B-8438-2012 opiniónEuropa “OPERATION NEMTSOV”: 307 Disinformation, confusion MARCH and some worrying hypotheses 2015 Nicolás de Pedro, Research Fellow, CIDOB Marta Ter, Head of the North Caucasus department at the Lliga dels Drets dels Pobles he investigation into the assassination of Boris Nemtsov reminds previ- ous ones on high-profile political killings, although the uncertainties grow with every new revelation. The verified, documented connec- Ttion between the main suspect, Zaur Dadayev, and Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechen strongman and close ally of Putin strengthens the theory linking the crime to the Kremlin and suggests possible internal fighting within the state security apparatus. Nemtsov joins a long list of critics and opponents who have been assassinated in the last fifteen years. Among the most prominent are:Sergey Yushenkov, member of parliament for the Liberal Russia party (assassinated on April 17th, 2003); Yuri Shchekochikhin, journalist on the Novaya Gazeta (July 3rd, 2003); Paul Klebnikov, US journalist of Russian origin and editor of the Russian edition of Forbes (July 9th, 2004); Anna Politkovskaya, journalist for Novaya Gazeta (October 7th, 2006); Alexander Litvinenko, former KGB/FSB agent (November 23rd, 2006); and Na- talya Estemirova, human rights activist for the Chechen branch of the NGO Me- morial (July 15th, 2009). Each of these assassinations has its own particularities, but none has been properly explained and all of the victims were people who dis- comfited the Kremlin. Despite this, political motivations and possible connections with state apparatus are the only lines of investigation that have been systemati- cally ignored or explicitly denied in all of these cases. -
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
Russian Aggression Against Ukraine and the West’S Policy Response
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee Subcommittee on Europe and Regional Security Cooperation Statement for the Record Russian Aggression against Ukraine and the West’s Policy Response Steven Pifer Senior Fellow, Center on the United States and Europe The Brookings Institution March 4, 2015 1 Russian Aggression against Ukraine and the West’s Policy Response Introduction Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, and the U.S. and West’s policy response. What began as an internal Ukrainian political dispute became a Ukraine-Russia crisis in early 2014. Since then, Moscow has used military force to seize Crimea, supported armed separatists and ultimately sent regular Russian army units into eastern Ukraine. A ceasefire agreement was reached in Minsk last September, but the separatists and Russians failed to implement its terms. The Minsk II ceasefire agreed on February 12 may now be taking effect but seems fragile at best. Implementing other terms of the agreement will prove difficult. Driving Russia’s aggression has been a mix of geopolitical and domestic political considerations. The Kremlin’s goal over the past year appears to have been to destabilize and distract the Ukrainian government, in order keep that government from addressing its pressing economic, financial and other challenges as well as from drawing closer to the European Union through implementation of the EU-Ukraine association agreement. Beyond Ukraine, the United States and Europe face a broader Russia problem. Moscow has operated its military forces in a more provocative manner near NATO members and has asserted a right to “protect” ethnic Russians and Russian speakers wherever they are located and whatever their citizenship. -
Gazprom's New Weakness Offers Opportunity by Anders Åslund
CASE Network E-briefs 6/2009 June 2009 Gazprom's New Weakness Offers Opportunity By Anders Åslund Gazprom has gone from being a great commercial hope Gazprom also lacks a comparative advantage in the to an ailing giant. Gazprom's owners need to face up to transportation of gas. No other company has so many the crisis and institute reforms. explosions on major pipelines. Moreover, Gazprom is notorious for including shady intermediaries, which A year ago, Gazprom was the third‐most valuable later prompt the company to shut off its deliveries. company in the world with a market capitalization of over $350 billion. Today, it has shrunk by two‐thirds to Finally, few companies procure at more excessive about $120 billion, declining to become the world's prices. When Gazprom built Blue Stream, Hermitage 40th‐largest company, even though it still accounts for Capital Management showed that Gazprom's cost per about 20 percent of Russia's market capitalization and kilometer of pipeline was three times greater than on roughly 10 percent of its gross domestic product. the Turkish side. This seems to be a standard excess cost for Gazprom. In the first quarter, the country's gas exports plunged by 56 percent from last year, compelling Gazprom to cut its Gazprom's only comparative advantage is its control of production ever more. During the first 10 days of May, it one‐quarter of the world's gas reserves, but these plummeted by 34 percent. Even in the fourth quarter of reserves do not actually belong to the company. They 2008 ‐‐ when production, exports and prices were still are only licenses granted by the government. -
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T. Allison, Director Editor: Ben Dunlap Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Production Director: Melissa C..Carr John F. Kennedy School of Government Researcher: Emily Van Buskirk Harvard University Production Assistant: Emily Goodhue SPOTLIGHT ON RUSSIA’S OLIGARCHS On July 28 Russian President Vladimir Putin met with 21 of Russia’s most influ- ential businessmen to “redefine the relationship between the state and big busi- ness.” At that meeting, Putin assured the tycoons that privatization results would remained unchallenged, but stopped far short of offering a general amnesty for crimes committed in that process. He opened the meeting by saying: “I only want to draw your attention straightaway to the fact that you have yourselves formed this very state, to a large extent through political and quasi-political structures under your control.” Putin assured the oligarchs that recent investi- The Kremlin roundtable comes at a crucial time for the oligarchs. In the last gations were not part of a policy of attacking big business, but said he would not try to restrict two months, many of them have found themselves subjects of investigations prosecutors who launch such cases. by the General Prosecutor’s Office, Tax Police, and Federal Security Serv- ice. After years of cozying up to the government, buying up the state’s most valuable resources in noncompetitive bidding, receiving state-guaranteed loans with little accountability, and flouting the country’s tax laws with imp u- nity, the heads of some of Russia’s leading financial-industrial groups have been thrust under the spotlight. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy Ilya Zaslavskiy Ilya Zaslavskiy | Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy | Free Russia Foundation, 2017 1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 3 NS2 AS A TOOL OF KREMLIN’S POLITICAL INFLUENCE AGAINST NEIGHBORS AND CORRUPTION 4 ACTUAL RESULTS OF NORD STREAM 1 7 ROOTS OF GAZPROM’S APPEASEMENT IN EUROPE 10 IMPLICATIONS OF NS2 FOR WESTERN POLICY-MAKERS 16 Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 CONTENTS to EU Security and Democracy I. INTRODUCTION his paper is a continuation of publications on security architecture. This Moscow-led pipeline Tthe Kremlin’s subversive activity in Europe seemingly being served as a free and lucrative prepared by Free Russia Foundation. The first gift to European energy corporations in reality paper, The Kremlin’s Gas Games in Europe, comes at the expense of taxpayers and the published jointly with the Atlantic Council, reasonable long-term development of gas looked at Gazprom’s overall current tactics in resources in Russia. Nord Stream 1 and 2 have Europe, including its pipeline plans, energy already started bringing the Kremlin’s business propaganda, and other policies.1 However, after practices and political cooptation to Europe, and our presentations in the US and Europe earlier they will further undermine EU aspirations for this year,2 we realized that a separate paper better governance, democratic institutions and specifically focused on certain aspects of Nord security. Stream 2 was required. To understand why this development is accepted Gazprom and its Western partners that are slated in Germany, and meets with weak and confused to benefit from Nord Stream 2 are aggressively resistance in the EU, it is important to look at advancing the pipeline as a purely commercial the roots of the friendship between big Western project that will only bring benefits to Europe. -
132 March 2019
Romanov News Новости Романовых By Ludmila & Paul Kulikovsky №132 March 2019 The monument to the Royal Martyrs at the St. Seraphim Cathedral in Vyatka "For the first time in 100 years, a descendant of the Romanovs appeared in Vyatka" From 17 to 20 of March the great-great-grandson of Alexander III, the great-grandson of Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna - the sister of Emperor Nicholas II - Paul E. Kulikovsky and his wife Ludmila visited Vyatka. They were invited by the regional public organization "Revival of Vyatka". Paul E. Kulikovsky - "Kirov, or Vyatka as we prefer to call the city, was one of the places on our "to-visit-list", as we want to visit all the places in Russia directly related to the Romanovs, and especially those in which the Romanovs were in exile after the revolution. That is why first of all were visited Romanov related locations and city landmarks. But for the local citizens the main event was a presentation of the book of memoirs of Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna “25 Chapters of my life”, followed by a press- conference. City history The city is actually called Kirov - in honour of one of the Stalin co- workers – Sergei Kirov killed in 1934 – but many citizens still use the historical name Vyatka. It was established in 1174. From 1457 to 1780 it was called Khlynov, from 1780 to 1934 Vyatka, and now Kirov. It is the administrative centre of the Kirov region and located on the Vyatka River, 896 km northeast of Moscow. Population is about 507,155 (2018). -
Russian Place-Names of 'Hidden' Or 'Indirect' Scottish Origin
Russian place-names of ‘hidden’ or ‘indirect’ Scottish origin (the case of Hamilton – Khomutov) Alexander Pavlenko and Galina Pavlenko In Russia there are numerous toponyms going back to personal or place names of western European origins. This phenomenon resulted from several waves of massive immigration from the West, first to Muscovite Rus’ and later, in greater numbers, to the Russian Empire. Among the immigrants, most of whom originated from Germany, there was quite a number of Scotsmen – active participants in all the major historical events in both Western and Eastern Europe. The first Scotsmen in Russia, called Shkotskie Nemtsy (literally ‘Scottish Germans’) by locals, belonged to the military class and came to this country either as mercenaries or prisoners of war in the late sixteenth century in the reign of Ivan the Terrible. Most of them were captured during the Livonian War and continued their military service in the Russian troops (Anderson 1990: 37). In the seventeenth century with the accession of the Romanovs dynasty to the throne, Scotsmen started to arrive in Russia in ever increasing numbers. Some of those who abandoned their motherland, driven by circumstances managed to inscribe their names in Russian history as prominent soldiers, engineers, doctors, architects, etc. Scottish mercenaries and adventurers considered the remote Russian lands to be a place where they could build their career and hopefully make a fortune. Of course, as is well known, Russia was only one of a multitude of destinations which Scotsmen sought to reach. The late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries saw a more abundant influx of Scots due to the Petrine reforms and a high demand for foreign professionals in all fields (Dukes 1987: 9–23; Cross 1987: 24–46). -
Committee Secretary Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade PO Box 6021 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600, Australia
Committee Secretary Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade PO Box 6021 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600, Australia 30 January 2020 Dear Members of the Committee, It is my privilege to write to you as part of your ongoing Parliamentary inquiry in strong support of the passage of legislation comparable to the United States Magnitsky Act of 2012. By way of brief background, I am a Russian journalist, historian, and political activist, and was a candidate for the Russian Parliament representing the pro-democracy opposition. For more than fifteen years, I had the honour of working with the late Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov, and I currently chair the Boris Nemtsov Foundation for Freedom. Below this letter you will find an addendum with a more detailed biography for your reference. On 31 December 2019, Russia marked two decades under Vladimir Putin’s rule. An entire generation has grown up not knowing any other ruler or political reality. These years have been marked, above all, by the dismantling of political freedoms and of our country’s nascent democratic institutions. Freedom of the media has been the first target of Mr. Putin’s regime, with all independent nationwide television channels shut down or taken over within the first three years. Today, Russian television – still the primary source of information for the majority of citizens – provides a continuous propaganda drumbeat, with laudatory coverage of the authorities and with attacks on the Kremlin’s opponents who are denounced as “traitors” and “foreign agents”. Indeed, “foreign agent” is now an official designation, introduced by a recent law designed to target non-governmental organisations. -
Scoping Opportunities, Barriers and Enablers of Nature-Based Solutions in Russia the REACT Programme’S UK–Russia Exchange on Climate Change Transition
Report Scoping opportunities, barriers and enablers of nature-based solutions in Russia The REACT programme’s UK–Russia exchange on climate change transition Paul Sayers, Olena Borodyna, Beatrice Tanjangco and Alexandra Didcock March 2021 Readers are encouraged to reproduce material for their own publications, as long as they are not being sold commercially. ODI requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication. For online use, we ask readers to link to the original resource on the ODI website. The views presented in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of ODI or our partners. This work is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. How to cite: Sayers, P.B., Borodyna, O., Tanjangco, B. and Didcock, A. (2021) Scoping opportunities, barriers and enablers of nature-based solutions in Russia: the REACT programme’s UK–Russia exchange on climate change transition. London: ODI (www.odi.org/publications/ 17998-scoping-opportunities-barriers-and-enablers-nature-based-solutions-russia). Cover photo: River Pra, Meshchera. © EIPC Acknowledgements We gratefully acknowledge the contribution of experts from the Environmental Industrial Policy Centre (EIPC) in arranging our participation in several federal, regional and sectoral events in Russia, and the contribution of the attendees. The authors also thank the internal ODI peer reviewers, Rebecca Nadin, Sarah Colenbrander and Sarah Opitz-Stapleton. About the authors ORCID numbers are given where available. Please click on the ID icon next to an author's name in order to access their ORCID listing. Paul Sayers Senior Research Associate within the ODI Global Risks and Resilience programme and a partner at the applied research consultancy Sayers and Partners LLP. -
Journal of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia
Journal of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia Vol. 13, No. 2 Summer 1990 COVER PHOTO: Franz Ullrich and Marie Elisabeth Dinkelacker. The picture was taken in Neu-Messer, circa 1913. Depicted left to right are: unknown boy, Franz Ullrich, unknown child, Marie Elisabeth (Dinkelacker) Ullrich, unknown man and child. INDEX THE TIES THAT BIND—THE DINKELACKER LETTERS...................……………….…..... 1 William Seibel THE BEGINNING OF AN ODYSSEY Ella (Wasemiller) and Werner K. Wadewitz............................................………………………………………........ 12 ETHNIC WOMEN HOMESTEADING ON THE PLAINS OF NORTH DAKOTA H. Elaine Lindgren ........................................................................………………………………...…… 15 SUFFERINGS OF THE FIRST GERMAN COLONISTS DURING THE FIRST TWO DECADES, 1764 TO 1784 John Erbes ..........................................................................………………………………………..…… 26 THE TREK OF 1921-1922 Glenn Mueller ......................................................................……………………………………………….………..... 29 VILLAGE LIFE Alex Bauer ...............................................………………………………………………….............…...... 34 RESTING IN PEACE V. Krasnovsky ........................................................……………………………………………………………...…...... 37 KUKKUS, ONCE . AND TODAY Reinhold Keil................................................................……………………………………………………………..….. 38 DONATIONS TO AHSGR LIBRARY ....................................……………………………………....… 39 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE CREATION OF