A Country Held Captive by Its Past: the Case of Zimbabwe
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What's at Stake in Zimbabwe
What's At Stake In Zimbabwe By all accounts, the conference In Geneva on scheme, whose main purpose was to destroy • Zimbabwe Is bound to collapse In failure. And all the ZANU-ZANLA and negotiate "Black majority rule" ! participants know It. Why are they there, and what that would be under their economic and political are they going to do next? The reasons why all the control. They tried to get this through especially In different participants are at Geneva reveal the late 1974 and early 1975, before Mozambique could history of Zimbabwe In the last few years. become a sound base for ZAN LA. However, in spite of severe repression by Zambia(which until this time Why is the US Government at Geneva(even if had been the guerrilla fighters main base area), unofficially)? ZANU-ZANLA survived and moved all its forces to Mozambique by December 1975. Until recently, the US Corporations and govern ment have operated under a policy (spelled out in Responding to the betrayal by political leaders in National Security Study Memorandum 39) that was exile, ZANU-ZANLA' formed a' jOint military front based on the premise that Blacks in Southern Africa with ZAPU troops, under the name of the Zimbabwe 'could never'come' to power through armed struggle. People's Army(ZIPA). In January 1976, ZIPA stepped The white governments of South Africa Rhodesia up the armed struggle inside Zimbabwe, which had 'South West Africa, Mozambique and Angola wer~ ,ebbed during the pe'riod of massive attacks on and there to stay. The US Corporations and government conspiracies against ZANU-ZANLA. -
The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials
Fordham Law Review Volume 76 Issue 1 Article 8 2007 Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials Katherine Hughes Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Katherine Hughes, Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials, 76 Fordham L. Rev. 323 (2007). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol76/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials Cover Page Footnote J.D. Candidate, 2008, Fordham University School of Law; M.A. Candidate, 2008, International Political Economy and Development, Fordham University Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. I extend my deepest gratitude to the many Zimbabweans who welcomed me into their country. I would also like to thank Jim Leitner; Professors Rachel Vorspan, Jeanmarie Fenrich, and Susanna Chung; and Alasdair Ferguson for their invaluable support and comments. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol76/iss1/8 OPERATION "DRIVE OUT THE TRASH": THE CASE FOR IMPOSING TARGETED UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS AGAINST ZIMBABWEAN OFFICIALS KatherineHughes * In May 2005, representatives of PresidentRobert Mugabe's government initiated a slum-clearance campaign entitled Operation Murambatsvina, which displaced nearly one million Zimbabweans. -
A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008
A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008 A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008 By Chengetai J. M. Zvobgo A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008, by Chengetai J. M. Zvobgo This book first published 2009 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2009 by Chengetai J. M. Zvobgo All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-1360-5, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-1360-0 To Kelebogile Clara and Ruvimbo Heather And to the memory of Eddison. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements .................................................................................. xiii Preface....................................................................................................... xv Summary ................................................................................................. xvii Introduction ............................................................................................... 1 Chapter One............................................................................................. 11 From the Occupation of Mashonaland to the Ndebele and Shona Risings, -
Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 19, Issue 4, Ver. III (Apr. 2014), PP 137-149 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland Clifford Mabhena Institute of Development Studies- National University of Science and Technology-Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Abstract: This article argues that the hegemony of the Shona people in Zimbabwe has been largely influenced by ethnicity and the quest to dominate Matabeleland politically, socially and economically. Development marginalisation of Matabeleland region, I argue has been influenced by ethnicity and politics of revenge. The study used ethnography to collect data and hence in-depth interviews were used as data collection tools. The results of the study indicate that Matabeleland has been largely dominated by the Shona ethnic group, and arguments advanced by scholars for this dominance, it is argued, Ndebele dominated the Shona people in the 19th and 20th centuries. This was due to conquest by the marauding Ndebele warriors under the leadership of King Mzilikazi and latter on King Lobhengula. The ascendance of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANUPF) in the 1980 independence elections opened the gates for the ascendancy of the Shona people as the party was pre-dominantly Shona speaking. The march to state house by the ZANUPF dominated party created a lot of tension between the two ethnic groups; Ndebele and Shona, and hence the lashing out of the fifth brigade in 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces of the country. Key words: Hegemony, ethnicity, internal colonisation, marginalisation I. -
The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository THE RHODESIAN CRISIS IN BRITISH AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 1964-1965 by CARL PETER WATTS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2006 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis uses evidence from British and international archives to examine the events leading up to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 from the perspectives of Britain, the Old Commonwealth (Canada, Australia, and New Zealand), and the United States. Two underlying themes run throughout the thesis. First, it argues that although the problem of Rhodesian independence was highly complex, a UDI was by no means inevitable. There were courses of action that were dismissed or remained under explored (especially in Britain, but also in the Old Commonwealth, and the United States), which could have been pursued further and may have prevented a UDI. -
Flag of Defiance – the International Use of the Rhodesian Flag Following Udi
FLAG OF DEFIANCE – THE INTERNATIONAL USE OF THE RHODESIAN FLAG FOLLOWING UDI BRUCE BERRY University of Pretoria ([email protected] ; +27 82 909 5829) Abstract The international response to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was to proclaim the colony to be in a state of rebellion, the government in Salisbury to be illegal, and to request the United Nations to apply sanctions against the ‘rebel regime’. The ensuing political impasse resulted in the need to promote a more distinctive national identity and the symbols to reflect this newfound independence. The first, and most obvious, change came with the adoption of a new national flag on the third anniversary of UDI on 11 November 1968. As the most visible symbol of post-UDI Rhodesia, the international use and display of the new flag became the subject of demonstration and controversy. This paper shows how the green and white Rhodesian flag came to highlight Rhodesia’s contested statehood when flown outside the country during the UDI period. Rhodesia’s new flag became a symbol of the country’s defiance, and the emotion it evoked, and continues to evoke, causes controversy even to this day. Keywords: Rhodesia, symbols, flags 1 1. INTRODUCTION After years of fruitless negotiations on the issue of independence, at 11 a.m. on 11 November 1965 (the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month) Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith and his Cabinet signed a Proclamation of Independence from the British Parliament, whilst retaining loyalty to the person of the Monarch as the Queen of Rhodesia.1 The immediate response by the British Government to this Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was to proclaim Rhodesia to be in a state of rebellion, the Government in Salisbury to be illegal and to request the United Nations to apply sanctions against the ‘rebel regime’. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
The Business-Security Complex and the Transition in Zimbabwe
The Security-military Business Complex and the Transition in Zimbabwe Zimbabwe Institute Discussion Paper: June 2008 Abstract The military has over the last few years expanded and consolidated its position in both the politics and the economy of Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwe army now virtually controls the major institutions of the state and formal policy making structures and processes of the country. Through their role in the Joint Operations Command- a group of the Army, Police, Prisons and the Central Intelligence Organisation heads which meets regularly to coordinate military and security affairs, serving and retired military and other security officials have come to direct all key national and governance issues rather than the cabinet. On the economic front, the military has increasingly played an important role in both directing production and ownership of the means of production. The military has become a significant part of the domestic bourgeoisie class and many top commanders have teamed up with politicians and businessmen to form political and economic interest groups venturing into lucrative business ventures, such as platinum and gold mining. The military is now deeply engrained in the in political and economical affairs of the country that whatever transitional deal has to be undertaken has to take into consideration the political and economic interests of this important constituency. The increased role of the army in politics since the late 1990s strongly suggests that the military leadership would be an important power broker whose opinion will have to be sought on any political deal to be concluded. Equally, all other parties would need to get the army to underwrite any agreement if it were to be effective and lasting. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 25 March 2011 ZIMBABWE 25 MARCH 2011 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN ZIMBABWE FROM 22 FEBRUARY 2011 TO 24 MARCH 2011 Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON ZIMBABWE PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 22 FEBRUARY 2011 AND 24 MARCH 2011 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Public holidays ..................................................................................................... 1.06 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 Remittances .......................................................................................................... 2.06 Sanctions .............................................................................................................. 2.08 3. HISTORY (19TH CENTURY TO 2008)............................................................................. 3.01 Matabeleland massacres 1983 - 87 ..................................................................... 3.03 Political events: late 1980s - 2007...................................................................... 3.06 Events in 2008 - 2010 ........................................................................................... 3.23 -
The Discourse of Tribalism in Botswana's 2019 General Elections
The Discourse of Tribalism in Botswana’s 2019 General Elections Christian John Makgala ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5984-5153 Andy Chebanne ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5393-1771 Boga Thura Manatsha ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5573-7796 Leonard L. Sesa ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6406-5378 Abstract Botswana’s much touted peaceful Presidential succession experienced uncertainty after the transition on 1 April 2019 as a result of former President Ian Khama’s public fallout with his ‘handpicked’ successor, President Mokgweetsi Masisi. Khama spearheaded a robust campaign to dislodge Masisi and the long-time ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) from power. He actively assisted in the formation of a new political party, the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF). Khama also mobilised the country’s most populous Central District, the Bangwato tribal territory, of which he is kgosi (paramount chief), for the hotly contested 2019 general elections. Two perspectives emerged on Khama’s approach, which was labelled loosely as ‘tribalism’. One school of thought was that the Westernised and bi-racial Khama was not socialised sufficiently into Tswana culture and tribal life to be a tribalist. Therefore, he was said to be using cunningly a colonial-style strategy of divide- and-rule to achieve his agenda. The second school of thought opined that Khama was a ‘shameless tribalist’ hell-bent on stoking ‘tribalism’ among the ‘Bangwato’ in order to bring Masisi’s government to its knees. This article, Alternation Special Edition 36 (2020) 210 - 249 210 Print ISSN 1023-1757; Electronic ISSN: 2519-5476; DOI https://doi.org/10.29086/2519-5476/2020/sp36a10 The Discourse of Tribalism in Botswana’s 2019 General Elections however, observes that Khama’s approach was not entirely new in Botswana’s politics, but only bigger in scale, and instigated by a paramount chief and former President. -
Oxford Department of International Development Report 2013
OxfOrd department Of internatiOnal develOpment RepoRt 2013 the challenge • two-thirds of humankind live in developing countries, where most of the world’s worst deprivation is located. Understanding these societies is of central importance to any enquiry into the human condition. • International action to reduce poverty, inequality and vulnerability of people and nations must be based on critical yet rigorous knowledge. Universities have a special duty to create and share this. What We can contRIbUte • the six postgraduate programmes and six specialised research groups of the oxford Department of International Development give us unequalled depth of scholarship in key themes of this enquiry. • our interdisciplinary approach has strong roots in oxford faculties (economics, politics, international relations, anthropology, sociology, history, law, geography, management, population health and area studies) and multidisciplinary graduate colleges. • We specialise in academic research and research training, drawing on a worldwide network of partners. We are not constrained by aid agency agendas, and thus can explore new and old problems from a critical standpoint. oUR objectIves • Influencing thetheory, analysis and practice of development worldwide to the benefit of disadvantaged people and countries; supporting international networks and local institutions involved in this endeavour; engaging with the global epistemic community and contested policy agendas. • Worldwide attraction of the best postgraduate students; recruitment of outstanding -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 -