Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas

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Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas urn:nbn:de:0070-ijcv-2013230 IJCV: Vol. 7 (2) 2013, pp. 216 – 231 Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas: Societies Between Tradition and Transition Melanie Hoewer, School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Republic of Ireland Vol. 7 (2) 2013 Editorial (p. 197) Focus Section: Guest Editorial: Intimate Partner Violence as a Global Problem – International and Interdisciplinary Focus: Intimate Partner Perspectives Barbara Krahé / Antonia Abbey (pp. 198 – 202) Violence The Relation Between Dating Violence Victimization and Commitment Among Turkish College Women: Does the Investment Model Matter? Ezgi Toplu-Demirta s / Zeynep Hatipo glu-Sümer / Jacquelyn W. White (pp. 203 – 215) Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas: Societies Between Tradition and Transition Melanie Hoewer (pp. 216 – 231) Intimate Partner Violence Against Disabled Women as a Part of Widespread Victimization and Discrimination over the Lifetime: Evidence from a German Representative Study Monika Schröttle / Sandra Glammeier (pp. 232 – 248) Perceptions of Gay, Lesbian, and Heterosexual Domestic Violence Among Undergraduates in Sweden Ali M. Ahmed / Lina Aldén / Mats Hammarstedt (pp. 249 – 260) College Students’ Perceptions of Intimate Partner Violence: A Comparative Study of Japan, China, and the United States Toan Thanh Nguyen / Yasuko Morinaga / Irene Hanson Frieze / Jessica Cheng / Manyu Li / Akiko Doi / Tatsuya Hirai / Eunsun Joo / Cha Li (pp. 261 – 273) Self-efficacy in Anger Management and Dating Aggression in Italian Young Adults Annalaura Nocentini / Concetta Pastorelli / Ersilia Menesini (pp. 274 – 285) Open Section Reactions to Provocation and Feelings About Aggression in an Indian sample VanLal Thanzami / John Archer (pp. 286 – 297) Transitional Justice and the Quality of Democracy Anja Mihr (pp. 298 – 313) This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives License. ISSN: 1864–1385 IJCV : Vol. 7 (2) 2013, pp. 216 – 231 Melanie Hoewer: Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas 217 Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas: Societies Between Tradition and Transition Melanie Hoewer, School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Republic of Ireland Violence against women occurs in peacetime, intensifies during wartime, and continues in the aftermath of armed conflict. Women sometimes make gains dur- ing conflict and their efforts to break the pattern of violence have led to a greater awareness of gender-based violence. However, a lack of acknowledgement of transformations in gender identity at the macro-level during peace processes may create conflict in intimate partnerships. This study brings to light the complexity of changes occurring during peace processes in a multi-level analysis of women’s perceptions and positioning towards the state, their community, and their intimate partnership. This comparative analysis of fifty-seven female activists’ narratives from Chiapas and Northern Ireland demonstrates how a one-dimensional peace process (Northern Ireland) can limit the space for addressing women’s concerns, while peace processes that transcend the ethno- national dimension of conflict (Chiapas) can open a dialogue on issues of contention in male-female relationships. My husband was in prison and he is an alcoholic now. And after [he of great importance to highlight failures of peace processes, came out of prison] his life has changed quite a lot. Being a woman, it is also important to recognize shifts in beliefs which have an activist and a mother, my life is taking on other roles now. I’m actually a bit of a buffer, you know between the kids and that alco- occurred during the conflict. Many ethno-national con- holism, you know. And it’s not even just me; you know that has flicts have included women’s voices and brought women’s happened in so many other families too. concerns from the private into the public realm (Kamp- Maire, Republican community activist, Northern Ireland1 wirth 2004), leading to changes in traditional gender roles By learning and organizing we are moving forwards. It will never be and perceptions (Hoewer 2011). This article asks how the same again once you learned new things, once you experienced changes in gender identity occurring during conflict are that you are of great value for the community. Men do not under- translated into peace processes and in what way more or stand all that we have in our heart at once, but bit by bit they also less successful translations impact on contention in inti- learn and understand. mate partnerships. It does so by looking in a comparative Odelia, indigenous women’s rights activist fashion at the way in which changes in gender and ethnic from Chol community, Chiapas2 identity feature in women’s perceptions of the state, the community, and the micro-level (intimate partnerships) of Feminist literature on ethno-national conflict often high- society. The analysis shows that while ethno-national resis- lights an increase in domestic violence in the aftermath of tance communities have been central spaces for gender and wars as proof for unequal gender structures in post-conflict ethnic identity change during conflict, these spaces can developments (Turshen 2001, Alison 2007). Although it is become limited depending on the way in which the resis- 1 Interview, 8 March 2010, Belfast, page 15, line 2 Focus group/workshop organised in collabor- 3ff. In order to comply with research ethics and pro- ation with the peace organisation SERAPAZ and the tect the identity of the participants, all participants’ human rights organisation Centro de Derechos names have been altered. Humanos Fray Pedro de la Nada, 13 and 14 July 2010, Ocosingo, Chiapas (Mexico), page 31. IJCV : Vol. 7 (2) 2013, pp. 216 – 231 Melanie Hoewer: Women, Violence, and Social Change in Northern Ireland and Chiapas 218 tance movement reengages with the state in conflict settle- violence. Moreover, it calls for the inclusion of women and ment processes. The failure to acknowledge the intersection their different gendered experiences and perspectives in of changes in ethnic and gender identity precludes a com- political decision-making (United Nations Security Coun- prehensive understanding of the contentious dynamics in cil 2013). By doing so, the framework acknowledges the private sphere after episodes of armed conflict. women’s agency and emphasizes the importance of women’s participation in connection with ending gender- The male-female power imbalance is inarguably fundamen- based violence as central elements of peace-building. tal to gender-based violence in situations of peace and con- flict, though the motivation and meaning of gender-based However, despite the advancing international discourse on violence are different in war and peacetime (Pillay 2001, addressing gender-based violence against women, both in 35ff.). Violence against women during armed conflict is general and in situations of armed conflict, many questions usually reflective of existing pre-conflict patterns of violence remain regarding how women’s perspectives are addressed (Rehn and Johnson Sirleaf 2002) that are often overlooked in the aftermath of armed conflict. In particular, it is in overall studies on ethno-national mobilizations. The important to understand which processes and structures neglect of gendered perspectives and experiences of conflict contribute to an increase in intimate partner violence post- in both academic research and policy-making prevents inti- conflict and when conflict empowers women to refuse to mate partner violence and violence prevention from being accept violence from partners. addressed adequately in peace treaties and in conceptual - izations of security in the aftermath of armed conflict. Studies of domestic and sexual violence in the transition from conflict to peace (UNHCR 2007; Oosterfeld 1996) Historically, gender-based violence has not been addressed fulfil the important purpose of bringing women and adequately in the legal framework of war. The 1949 Geneva women’s issues onto the agenda. However, they conflate Convention and the 1977 Additional Protocol acknowledge women and children into a single category (Freedman sexual violence against women in times of war not as a 2012, 124) and portray women as silent victims or surviv- “grave breach” but only as a “lesser abuse.” Only in the ors of abuse. The focus on sexual violence has a dis- 1990s was violence against women acknowledged as a dis- empowering function as it fails to take into consideration tinct war crime by the International Criminal Tribunals for women’s agency and changes in gender and ethnic identity the former Yugoslavia (1993) and for Rwanda (1994). developed during conflict. Additionally, the Rome Statute of the International Crimi- nal Court (2002) recognizes sexual violence as a war crime Academic literature often highlights the way ethno- and a crime against humanity. Global grassroots and trans- national movements fail to value women’s contribution to national initiatives on women’s rights and gender equality the struggle in the aftermath of armed conflict, which sees have been instrumental in addressing violence against the return of conventional conceptions of femininity, mas- women and in bringing the issue into policy agendas in the culinity, and gender relations (Yuval-Davis 1997; Yuval 1990s, particularly evident at the Fourth World Conference Davis and
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