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Hindu nationalist organization in India Rashtriya Swayamsevak SanghAbbreviaa27 1925 (94 years ago) (1925-09-27)FounderK. B. HedgewarTypeRight Wing,1 Volunteer, 2 Militaryization3677Legal StatusActiveProfilt and Hindutva.89 HeadquartersDr. Hedgvar Bhavan, Sang Building Road, Nagpur, Maharashtra - 440032Coordinates21-08'46N 79'06'40E / 21,146 degrees Celsius 79.111E / 21,146; 79.111Coordinates: 21'08'46N 79'06'40E / 21.146'N 79.111'E / 21.146; 79.111Area served IndiaStomy 5-6 million 1111 56.859 branches/shakhas (2016) 13 Official Sanskrit language, Hindi, EnglishSarsanghchalak (chief)Mohan BhagwatUkriiyaSna ParivarWebsiterss.org Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, abbreviated RSS (IAST: Ruria Swayamsevaka Saṅgha, IPA: rɑːʂˈʈriːj (I) sʋəjəmˈseːʋək ˈsəŋɡɦ lit. The National Volunteer Organization is an Indian right-wing nationalist organization. RSS is the ancestor and leader of a large number of organizations called Sangh Parivar (RSS family) that have a presence in all aspects of Indian society. RSS was founded on September 27, 1925. As of 2014, it has a membership of 5-6 million. The initial incentive was to teach character through Hindu discipline and to unite the Hindu community to form a Hindu Rashra (Hindu nation). The organization promotes the ideals of supporting Indian culture and the values of civil society and promotes the ideology of the Hindu community in order to strengthen the Hindu community. He drew inspiration from European right-wing groups during World War II. Gradually, RSS became a prominent Hindu nationalist umbrella organization, spawning several affiliated organizations that created numerous schools, charities and clubs to spread their ideological beliefs. RSS was banned once during British rule, and then thrdd of the time by the Post-Independence Indian government, first in 1948 when an RSS member, who claimed to leave RSS in 1946 over ideological dispersion,21 killed Mahatma Gandhi; Then during an emergency (1975-1977); and for the third time since the demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992. The founding of Keshav Baliram Hedgevar RSS was founded in 1925 by Keshav Baliram Hedgevar, a physician in Nagpur, British India. Heddvar was a political protege of B.S. Munier, a congressman from Tilakita, a Hindu politician mahasabha and a public figure from Nagpur. Munier sent Hedgvar to Calcutta to continue his medical education and study military techniques in the secret revolutionary Bengali societies. Hedgvar became a member of the anti-British revolutionary group Anushilan Samiti, getting into her inner circle. Secret methods society were eventually used by him in organizing RSS. Returning to Nagpur, Hedgwar organized anti-British activities through Kranti Dal (Party of the Revolution) and participated in the Home Rule campaign of The Right to Independence activist Tilak in 1918. According to the official history of RSS, he came to understand that revolutionary activities alone are not enough to overthrow the British. After reading the Hindu book by V. D. Savarquare, published in Nagpur in 1923, and meeting Savarkir in Ratnagiri prison in 1925, Hedgvar was influenced by him, and he founded RSS to strengthen Hindu society. Hedgvar believed that a handful of Britons were able to rule the vast country of India because the Hindus were divided, had no valor (pararkram) and were not civil in nature. He hired energetic Hindu youth with revolutionary fervor, gave them the shape of a black forecoat cap, khaki shirt (later a white shirt) and khaki shorts, imitating British police, and taught them paramilitary techniques with lati (bamboo staff), sword, spear and dagger. Hindu ceremonies and rituals played a large role in organizing, not so much to observe religious rites, but also to ensure awareness of India's glorious past and to connect members in religious communion. Hedgvar also held weekly sessions of what he called Baudhik (ideological education), consisting of simple questions to newcomers about the Hindu nation and its history and heroes, especially the warrior King Shivaji. The saffron flag of Shivaji, Bhagwa D najt, was used as the emblem of the new organization. His public tasks included protecting Hindu pilgrims at festivals and countering Hindu processions near mosques. Two years into the organization's life, in 1927, Hedgvar organized an Officer Training Camp to form a corps of key workers, whom he called the Praharaks. He asked volunteers to become sadhu first, giving up professional and family life and dedicating himself to the RSS cause. According to the scholar Christophe Jaffrelo, Hedgvar adopted this doctrine after it was reinterpreted by nationalists such as Aurobindo. The tradition of abdication gave RSS the character of a Hindu sect. The development of the RSS Shah network has been a major concern for Hedgvar throughout his career as head of RSS. The first Pracharaki were responsible for creating as many Shahs as possible, first in Nagpur, then through Maharashtra and eventually in the rest of India. . B. Dani was sent to create a shah at Benaras Hindu University, and other universities were also aimed at recruiting new followers among students. Three pracharaks went to Punjab: Appaji Joshi in Sialkot, Moreshwar Munier in DAW in Rawalpindi and Raja Bhau Paturkar at DAV College in Lahore. In 1940, Madhavrao Mouley was appointed Pracharak (regional missionary) in Lahore. The scientists' motives differ in Hedgevar's motivation to form RSS, especially because he never participated in the fight against British rule. Jaffrelot says that RSS was intended to promote hindutva ideology and provide new physical strength for most of the community. An alternative interpretation is that he formed it to fight Indian Muslims. After the death of Tilak in 1920, like other Tilak followers in Nagpur, Hedgvar was against some of the programs adopted by Gandhi. Gandhi's position on the Indian Muslim issue of Hilafat is a concern for Hedgwar, as well as the fact that cow protection is not on the agenda of Congress. This led Hedvar, along with other Tilacs, to part with Gandhi. In 1921, Hedgvar gave a series of lectures in Maharashtra with the slogans Freedom for a year and boycott. He intentionally broke the law, for which he was jailed for a year. After his liberation in 1922, Hedgvar was saddened by the lack of organization among congressional volunteers to fight for independence. Without proper mobilization and organization, he felt that India's patriotic youth would never be able to gain independence for the country. Subsequently, he felt the need to create an independent organization based on the traditions and history of the country. Hindu-Muslim relations The Decade of the 1920s marked a significant deterioration in relations between Hindus and Muslims. The Muslim masses were mobilized by the Hilafat movement, demanding the restoration of the caliphate in Turkey, and Gandhi formed an alliance with him to conduct his own non-cooperative movement. Gandhi sought to create Hindu-Muslim unity in forming an alliance. However, the alliance saw a common enemy rather than a common feud. When Gandhi called off the new movement because of the outbreak of violence, Muslims disagreed with his strategy. After the movements failed, the mobilized Muslims turned their anger on the Hindus. The first major incident of religious violence was reportedly the Moblakh uprising in August 1921, widely reported that the uprising ended in widespread violence against Hindus in Malabar. For several years, a cycle of intercommunal violence has been observed throughout India for several years. In 1923, riots broke out in Nagpur, which Hedgvar called Muslim riots where Hindus felt completely disorganized and panicked. These incidents impressed Hedvar and convinced him of the need to organize a Hindu society. After acquiring about 100 swayamsevaks (volunteers) in RSS in 1927 Hedgvar took the issue to the Muslim field. He led a Hindu procession for Ganesha, bia drums contrary to the usual practice do not pass in front of the mosque with music. On Lakshmi Puja Day on 4 September, Muslims reportedly retaliated. When the Hindu procession reached the mosque in the Mahal nagpur district, the Muslims blocked it. Later in the afternoon, they attacked a Hindu residence in the Mahal area. It is said that RSS staff were ready to attack and beat the Muslim rebels back. The unrest continued for three days and the army had to be called in to quell the violence. The RSS organized Hindu resistance and protected Hindu households while Muslim households had to leave Nagpur en masse for safety. Tapan Basu et al. Muslim aggression and Hindu self-defence are noted in the descriptions of the incident. The above incident significantly increased the prestige of RSS and allowed its subsequent expansion. The stigmatization and emulation of Christophe Jaffrelo points to the theme of stigmatization and emulation in RSS ideology, along with other Hindu nationalist movements such as Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha. Muslims, Christians and Britons were considered foreign bodies implanted into a Hindu nation that could use disunity and lack of prowess among Hindus to subdue them. The solution is to emulate the characteristics of these menacing others, which were thought to give them strength, such as paramilitary organization, emphasis on unity and nationalism. Hindu nationalists combined these emulatory aspects with selective borrowing of traditions from the Hindu past to achieve a synthesis that was uniquely Indian and Hindu. The influence of the Hindu Mahasabha on the Hindu Mahasabhu, which was originally a group with a special interest in the Indian National Congress and then an independent party, was an important influence on RSS, although it is rarely recognized. In 1923, prominent Hindu leaders such as Madan Mohan Malawia met on this platform and expressed their concern about separation in the Hindu community. In his presidential speech in Mahasabha, Malawiya said: Friendship can exist between equals. If the Hindus had made themselves strong and the rowdy were convinced that they could not safely plunder and dishonor the Hindus, unity would be established on a stable basis. He wanted activists to educate all boys and girls, establish ahara (gymnasiums), establish a volunteer corps to convince people to implement the decisions of hindu Mahasabhi, accept the untouchables as Hindus and give them the right to use wells, enter temples, receive education. Later, the ideology of Hindu leader V.D. Savarquar also had a profound influence on Hedgvar's thinking about the Hindu nation. First meeting The sangha on vijaya Dashami Day of 1925 was held between Hedgvar and four Hindu Mahasabha leaders: B.S. Munier, Ganesham Savarkir, L. W. Paranjape and B. B. Tolar. RSS took part as a volunteer force in organizing the Hindu Mahasabha annual meeting in Akola in 1931. Moonje remained an RSS patron throughout his life. Both he and Ganesh Savarkar worked to spread RSS shahs in Maharashtra, Punjab, Delhi and princely states, starting contacts with local leaders. Savarkar teamed up his own youth organization Tarun Hindu Sabha with RSS and helped it expand. After his release in 1937, V. D. Savarkar joined them in distributing RSS and giving speeches in support of him. Officials in the Interior Ministry called RSS a voluntary organization of Hindu Mahasabhi. The historic Independence movement of India after the formation of the RSS, which portrays itself as a social movement, Hedgvar kept the organization from any direct connection with the political organizations that then fought against British rule. RSS rejected Gandhi's willingness to cooperate with Muslims. In keeping with Hedgwar's tradition of keeping RSS away from the Indian independence movement, any political activity that could be construed as anti-British was carefully avoided. According to RSS biographer K.P. Bhishikar, Hedgvar spoke only about Hindu organizations and avoided any direct comments on the government. The Independence Day declared by the Indian National Congress on January 26, 1930, was celebrated by RSS in the same year, but was subsequently shunned. The tricolor of the Indian national movement was avoided. Hedgvar personally participated in the Satyagrah launched by Gandhi in April 1930, but he did not involve RSS in the movement. He sent information everywhere that the RFU would not participate in Satyagrah. However, those wishing to participate in individual participation are not prohibited. In 1934, Congress passed a resolution prohibiting its members from joining the RSS, Hindu Mahasabha or the Muslim League. M.S. Goluokkar M.S. Golvalkar, who became leader of the RSS in 1940, continued and further strengthened the isolation from the independence movement. In his opinion, RSS pledged to achieve freedom through the protection of religion and culture, not the fight against the British. Goloukkar lamented anti-British nationalism, calling it a reactionary view which, he said, had disastrous consequences for the entire course of the struggle for freedom. It is believed that Olocar did not want to give the British a reason to ban RSS. He complied with all the restrictions imposed by the government during the Second World War, even announcing the end of the military control of RSS. The British government believed that support for any civil disobedience against them, as well as their other political actions, may be overlooked. The British Home Office took note of the fact that rss speakers urged members to stay away from the anti-British movements of the Indian National Congress, which were duly followed. The Home Office does not believe that RSS is a problem for law and order in British India. The Government of Bombay praised the RSS, noting that Sang had scrupulously kept himself within the law and refrained from participating in the unrest (India's zagoru Movement) that broke out in August 1942. He also said that RSS had never violated government orders and was always willing to comply with the law. The report of the Government of Bombay further notes that in December 1940 the leaders of the provincial RSS were ordered to renounce any activities that the British Government deemed undesirable, and the RSS, in turn, assured the British authorities that it had no intention of insulting the Government's orders. Golukkar later openly acknowledged that RSS was not involved in the Leave Movement of India. He agreed that this position led to the perception of RSS as an inactive organization whose statements were not of any significant importance. The RSS neither supported nor joined the Royal Indian Navy's Rebellion against Great Britain in 1945. Attitudes towards Jews during World War II, RSS leaders admired Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. Golukkar allegedly drew inspiration from the ideology of Adolf Hitler's racial purity. This did not imply any antipathy towards jews. RSS leaders supported the formation of the Jewish state of Israel. Golowkar admired Jews for preserving their religion, culture and language. The Section of India section affected millions of Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims who tried to escape the massacres and massacres that followed. During the partition, RSS helped Hindu refugees flee western Punjab; its activists also played an active role in community violence during the Hindu-Muslim riots in northern India, although this was not officially sanctioned by the leadership. For RSS activists, the section was the result of an erroneous soft line towards Muslims that only confirmed the natural moral weaknesses and corruption of politicians. The RSS blamed Gandhi, Nehru and Patel for their naivety that led to the partition and blamed them for the massacres and the displacement of millions of people. The first RSS ban was introduced in Punjab Province, British India, on 24 January 1947 by Malik Hizar Hayat Tiwani, Prime Minister of the ruling Unionist Party, a party that represented the land Punjab's landowners, which included Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs. Along with RSS, the Muslim National Guard was also banned. The ban was lifted on January 28, 1947. Opposition to the National Flag of India Rashtriya Swaiamsevak Sang initially did not recognize the Tricolor as the National Flag of India. Rss-inspired publication, Organizer, 78 demanded, in an editorial titled National Flag, that Bhagwa Dhwaj (Saffron flag) be adopted as India's national flag. After the Tricolor was adopted as the National Flag by the Constituent Assembly of India on July 22, 1947, the Organizer brutally attacked the Tricolor and the decision of the Constituent Assembly. In an article titled Mystery behind Bhagwa Dhwaj, the organizer stated that the people who came to power blow fate may give in our hands a tricolor, but it will never be respected and belongs to Hindus. The word three itself is evil, and a flag with three colors will certainly have a very bad psychological effect and is harmful to the country.- In an essay titled Drifting and Design, published in Bunch of Thoughts, Goloukkar lamented the choice of Tricolor as the National Flag, and compared it to an intellectual vacuum/vacuum. According to him, our leaders have installed a new flag for the country. Why would they do that? It's just a case of drifting and imitating... Our ancient and great people with a glorious past. Then, if we didn't flag our own? Had we not had a national emblem for all these thousands of years? No doubt we did. Then why this complete emptiness, this complete vacuum in our minds.- 82 84 84. This issue has always been a source of controversy. In 2001, three activists, Rashtrapremi Yuva Dahl , President Baba Mendha and its members Ramesh Kalame and Dilip Chattani, as well as others - allegedly entered the RSS headquarters in Resimbach, Nagpur, on 26 January, on the Day of the Republic of India, and forcibly raised the national flag there against the backdrop of patriotic slogans. They argued that RSS had never before or since independence ever raised tricolor color in their premises. The crimes were recorded by Bombay police against the trio, who were then jailed. They were released by the court of R.R. Lohi after eleven years in 2013. The arrests and the question of raising the flag sparked controversy in Parliament. Raising the flag was very restrictive until the formation of the Indian Flag Code (2002). Subsequently, in 2002, the national flag was raised at RSS headquarters on the occasion of Republic Day for the first time in 52 years. Opposition to India's Rashtriya Constitution Sang initially did not recognize the Constitution of India, sharply criticizing it, because the Indian Constitution did not mention the laws of Manu - from the ancient Hindu text of Manusmriti. When the Constituent Assembly completed the drafting of the constitution, the mouthpiece of the RSS, the Organizer, complained in an editorial dated November 30, 1949: But in our Constitution there is no mention of this unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat... To this day, its laws, proclaimed in Manusmriti, arouse admiration of the world and cause spontaneous obedience and conformity. But for our constitutional experts, this means nothing Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sang did not stop her incessant attacks on this issue and criticized the public statements of B.R. Ambedkar that the new constitution will ensure equality for all castes. On 6 February 1950, the Promoter conducted another article entitled the Manu Rules of Our Hearts, written by a retired High Court judge named Sankar Subba Ayyar, in which they reaffirmed their support for Manusmriti as the final body for Hindu law, not the Constitution of India. He said: Although Dr. Ambedkar reportedly recently stated in Bombay that the days of Manu are over, it is nevertheless a fact that the daily lives of Hindus even now depend on the principles and prohibitions contained in Manusmrithi and other Smrit. Even the unorthodox Hindu feels bound, at least in some matters, by the rules contained in Smrithis, and he feels powerless to give up his commitment to them altogether. The opposition to the RSS and the vicious attacks on the Constitution of India continued after independence. In 1966, Goloukaar, in his book The Bouquet of Thoughts, argued: Our Constitution is also just a cumbersome and heterogeneous pie with various articles from different constitutions of Western countries. There is absolutely nothing in it that can be called ours. Is there one word in its guidelines to what our national mission is and what is our keynote address in life? No! The second ban and acquittal after the murder of Mahatma Gandhi in January 1948 by a former member of RSS, NaturamOm Godse, many prominent RSS leaders were arrested, and RSS as an organization was banned on February 4, 1948. A Commission of Inquiry into the Conspiracy to Kill Gandhi had been established and its report had been published by the Indian Ministry of the Interior in 1970. Accordingly, the Commission of Judge Kapoor (Ru) noted that RSS as such is not responsible for the murder of Mahatma Gandhi, that is, in such a way that the organization cannot be called such as the responsibility for this most diabolical crime, the murder of the Apostle of peace. It has not been proven that they (accused) were members of RSS. However Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister Sardar Wallabkhai Patel said that the people of RSS expressed joy and gave away sweets after Gandhi's death. RSS leaders were acquitted by India's Supreme Court on conspiracy charges. After his release in August 1948, Goloekar wrote to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to lift the RSS ban. After Nehru replied that the matter was under the authority of the Minister of the Interior, Golocar consulted with Wallabhai Patel about the same. Patel then demanded an absolute precondition that RSS adopt an official written constitution, and make it public, where Patel expected RSS to swear in its loyalty to the Constitution of India, adopt the tricolor as India's national flag, determine the authority of the head of the organization, make the organization democratic by holding internal elections, allowing their parents before enrolling the teens in motion, and renounce violence and secrecy. Goluavar began a huge agitation against this demand, during which he was imprisoned again. Later, a constitution was drafted for RSS, but at first did not meet any of Patel's requirements. After a failed attempt to agitate again, the RSS constitution was eventually amended in accordance with Patel's wishes, except for the procedure of selecting the head of the organization and enrolling the pre-retirees. However, the internal democracy of the organization, which was written in its constitution, remained a dead letter. On July 11, 1949, the Indian government lifted the RSS ban by issuing a communique stating that the decision to lift the RSS ban was made in connection with the commitment of RSS leader Golulkar to make the group's loyalty to the Indian Constitution and recognition and respect for the National Flag of India more explicitly in the RSS Constitution, which was to be drafted in a democratic manner. The decolonization of Dadra, Nagara Haveli and Goa after India achieved independence, RSS was one of the socio-political organizations that supported and participated in the decolonization movements of Dadra and Nagara Haveli, who ruled Portugal at the time. In early 1954, volunteers Raja Vacankar and Nana Kairekar of RSS visited the area around Dadra, Nagara Haveli and Daman several times to study topography and meet locals who wanted the area to be overworked from the Portuguese colony to the Indian Union. In April 1954, RSS formed a coalition with the National Movement Liberation Organization (NMLO) and Azad Gomantak Dale (AGD) for the annexation of Dadra and Nagara Haveli to the Republic of India. On the night of 21 July, the United Front of Goans, a coalition- dependent group, captured the Portuguese police station in Dadra and Dadra is independent. Subsequently, on 28 July, volunteer groups from RSS and AGD seized the territories of Naroli and Fiporia and, ultimately, the capital of Silvasa. Portuguese forces who fled and advanced towards Nagar Haveli were attacked in Handvel and were forced to retreat until they surrendered to the Indian border police in Udava on 11 August 1954. On August 11, 1954, under Appasahbe Karmalkare, the NMLO established a home administration as administrators of Dadra and Nagara Haveli. The capture of Dadra and Nagara Haveli gave impetus to the movement against Portuguese colonial rule in the Indian subcontinent. In 1955, RSS leaders demanded an end to Portuguese rule in Goa and its integration into India. When Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru refused to allow armed intervention, RSS leader Jagannath Rao Joshi led a campaign in Goa. A Portuguese policeman imprisoned him along with his followers. Non-violent protests continued but were suppressed. On 15 August 1955, Portuguese police opened fire on Satyagrahi, killing about thirty civilians. Goa was later annexed to the Indian Union in 1961 as a result of an army operation codenamed Operation Vijay, which was carried out by the Nehru Government. During the 1962 Chinese War, RSS provided active assistance to the Civil Administration. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was impressed by the assistance provided and allowed the RSS to withdraw a contingent of 100 stilts at the Republic Day parade in 1963. During the 1965 war with Pakistan, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri invited RSS Sarsanghchalak Madhavashiv Golwalkar to an All-Party meeting. RSS has been asked to release Delhi police from their routine duties so they can focus on strategic tasks for military efforts. After the 1971 Bangladesh War of Independence was declared by Indira Gandhi, RSS supported the government by offering its law and order services in Delhi, and its volunteers were the first to surrender blood. The Swayamsewaks also helped Indian army troops dig trenches, and after the war helped repatriate Bangladeshi refugees back to their newly formed country, Bangladeshi. The Movement Against the State of Emergency In 1975, the Government of Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in India, thereby suspending basic rights and restricting freedom of the press. This was taken after the Supreme Court of India overturned her election to the Indian Parliament on charges of electoral negligence. Democratic institutions were suspended and prominent opposition leaders, including Gandhi Jayaprakash Narayan, were arrested and thousands detained without charge. RSS, which was considered opposition leaders, as well as with its large organizational base, were also seen to be prohibited from organizing protests against the Government. Deoras, then head of RSS, wrote letters to Indira Gandhi, promising her to expand the organization's cooperation in exchange for lifting the ban, arguing that RSS had nothing to do with the Bihar movement and In Gujarat. He tried to persuade Vinob Bhava to mediate between RSS and the government, and also sought the offices of Sanjay Gandhi, the son of Indira Gandhi. Later, when there was no answer, RSS volunteers formed underground movements against the Emergency. Literature, which was censored in the media, was secretly published and distributed on a large scale, and funds were collected for the movement. Networks have been set up between leaders of various political parties in prison and beyond to coordinate the movement. RSS claimed that the movement was dominated by tens of thousands of RSS employees, although more and more young recruits are coming. Speaking about its goals, RSS said: its platform at the moment has only one bar: to return democracy to India. The emergency was lifted in 1977 and as a result, the RSS ban was also lifted. The emergency is said to have legitimized the role of RSS in Indian politics, which has not been possible since the slick organization acquired after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, thereby sowing seeds for Hindutva's policy of the next decade. India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, has been vigilant of RSS since he took over the company. When Golowkar wrote to Nehru asking for the RSS ban to be lifted after Gandhi's murder, Nehru replied that the government had evidence that RSS's activities were anti-national because it was communalist. In his letter to the heads of provincial governments in December 1947, Nehru wrote that we have a lot of evidence that RSS is an organization that is in the nature of the private army and which certainly takes place along the strictest Nazi lines, even following the organization's methods. Sardar Wallabhai Patel, India's first deputy prime minister and interior minister, said in early January 1948 that RSS activists were patriots who love their country. He asked the congressmen to defeat RSS for love, instead of crushing them. He also called on RSS to join Congress, not against it. Jaffrelot says that this attitude of Patel can be partly explained by the help RSS gave to the Indian administration in maintaining public order in September 1947, and that his expression of qualified sympathy for RSS reflects the long-standing inclination of several Hindus Congress. However, after Gandhi's murder on 30 January 1948, Patel began to know that RSS was a danger to public safety. In his reply to a letter to Goluawar dated September 11, 1948, concerning the lifting of the RSS ban, Patel stated that while RSS did serve Hindu society by helping and protecting Hindus when they needed to divide the violence, they also began attacking Muslims with vengeance and went against innocent men, women and children. He said that RSS speeches were full of communal poison, and as a result of this poison, he noticed India was forced to lose Gandhi, noting that RSS men celebrated Gandhi's death. Patel also feared secrecy in the RSS working order, and complained that all of its provincial heads were Marata Brahmin. He criticized the RSS for having their own army inside India, which he said could not be allowed because it was a potential danger to the state. He also noted: RSS members claimed to be defenders of Hinduism. But they must understand that Hinduism will not be saved by a rowdy man. Rajendra Prasad, India's first president, disapproved of RSS. In 1948, he criticized the RSS for carrying out robbery, arson, rioting and killing of Muslims in Delhi and other Hindu majority areas. In a letter to Interior Minister Patel on 14 May 1948, he stated that rss-men had planned to dress as Muslims in Hindu-majority areas and to attack Muslims in Muslim-majority areas to create problems. He asked Patel to take strict measures against RSS in order to create animosity among Hindus and Muslims. He called RSS the Maharasht Brahmin movement and viewed it as a secret organization that used violence and promoted fascism, ignoring truthful means and constitutional methods. He said that RSS is definitely a threat to the public world. Field Marshal K. M. Kariappa said in a statement to RSS volunteers: RSS is the work of my heart. My dear young people, do not be disturbed by the unenterdent comments of interested parties. Look ahead! Go ahead! The country needs your services. Mr Hussain, former President of India, told Milad Mehfil in Mongyar on November 20, 1949: The accusations against RSS of violence and hatred of Muslims are completely false. Muslims should learn the lesson of mutual love, cooperation and organization from RSS. The leader of Gandhi and the leader of the Sarvodaya movement, Jayaprakash Narayan, who was previously an ardent opponent of RSS, was told in 1977: RSS is a revolutionary organization. No other organization in the country is approaching it. It can transform society, put an end to castism and wipe tears from the eyes of the poor. He added: I have high expectations of this revolutionary who took over creating a new India. Welcome from the city of Milpitas California, USA to K Sudarshan Structure Main Articles: List of Sarsanghchalaks Rushtriya Swayamsevak Sang and List of Rashtriya Swayamsevak members RSS has no official membership. According to the official website, men and boys can become members by joining the nearest shah, which is the main unit. Although RSS claims to have no membership record, it is estimated that between 2.5 million and 6.0 million people participated in membership in 2001. Leadership and position members there are the following terms to describe the leaders and members of RSS: Sarsanghchalak: Sarsanghchalak is the head of the organization RSS; position is determined by nomination by predecessor. Sarkaryawah: equivalent to the Secretary General, the exotic leadership of Sah-Sarkayavah: Joint Secretary General, of which 4. Famous Saha Sarkaraivah include Dattatreya Hosabale. Viharak: A number of RSS leaders act as Viharaka or ideologues of the organization. Pracharak: Active full-time missionary who spreads the RSS doctrine. The Pracharak system, or RSS-missionary system, has been called the organization's blood. Some of these people dedicate themselves to the life of celibacy, poverty, and the service of the organization. The Pracharakis played an important role in spreading the organization from its roots in Nagpur to the rest of the country. There are about 2,500 pracharaks in RSS. Karjakarta: Active functionary. To become a karjakara, members of Svyamsevka undergo four levels of ideological and physical training in the camps of Sang Shiksha Varg. 95% of Karjakartas are known as grahastha karyakartas, or homeowners who support a part-time organization; while 5% are pracharaks who support the organization full time. Muhya- Shikshak: Head Teacher and Chief shah-130 Karjava: Executive Head of Shah 130 Gatanayak: leader of the Group Swayamsevak (वयसं ेवक): volunteer. Svayam can mean I or voluntarily, while Sevaka Bihari Vajpayee called himself Swayamsevak. They visit RSS shahki. Shahas Sangh Shah Shah at Nagpur headquarters Term Shah is a Hindi for branch. Most of the organizational work of RSS is done through the coordination of various shahs, or branches. These shahs work for one hour in public places. The number of Shahs increased from 8,500 in 1975 to 11,000 in 1977 and to 20,000 by 1982. In 2004, more than 51,000 Shahs were launched across India. The number of Shakass has fallen by more than 10,000 since the fall of the government of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2004. By mid-2014, however, the number had risen again to about 40,000 since the BJP returned to power in Delhi in the same year. That's the number August 2015. Shahas conduct various activities for their volunteers, such as physical training through yoga, exercise and games, and activities that encourage civic awareness, social service, social life and patriotism. Volunteers are trained in first aid and rescue and rehabilitation and are encouraged to participate in community development. Most of the Shahs are located in Hindi-speaking regions. As of 2016, there were 1,898 shahs in Delhi. UP has more than 8,000 Shah, Kerala has 6,845 Shah, Maharashtra has 151,400, and Gujarat has about 1,000. There are more than 1,000 Shahs in north-eastern India, including 903 in Assam, 107 in Manipur, 36 in Arunachal and 4 in Nagaland. There are more than 900 Shahs in Punjab as of 2016. At the end of 2015, Bihar had a total of 1,421 shakhas, 156,870 in Rajasthan, 1,457 in Uttarakhand and 1,492 in West Bengal. There are about 500 shakov in Jammu and Kashmir, 130 in Tripura and 160 in Megaly. According to the 2019 RSS Annual Report, a total of 84,877 checks were held, of which 59,266 are held daily; 17,229 weekly checkers (58,967 in 2018, 57,165 shakhas in 2017 and 56,569 in 2016) (162) (162) - Uniforms - Volunteer, In October 2016, RSS replaced the shape of khaki shorts, which her frame wore for 91 years with dark brown trousers. Additional organizations: Sangh Parivar organizations, inspired by the ideology of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, call themselves members of Sangh Parivar. In most cases, the Pracharaki (RSS volunteers) were assigned to run and manage these organizations in their early years. Affiliated organizations include: Bharatiya Janata Bjp Party, literally, Indian People's Party (23m) Bharatiya Kisan Sangh, literally, Indian Farmers Association (8 m) Bharatiya Mazdaur Sang, literally, the Indian Labour Association (10 million as of 2009) Rashtra Sevika Samiti, literally, National Association of Volunteers for Women (1.8 m) , Akhil Bharatiya Vidirti Parishad, literally, All India Student Forum (2.8 m) World Hindu Council (2.8 m) Hindu Smse , literally, Hindu volunteer association - the overseas wing of Swadesh Jagaran Manch, the Nativist Awakening of the Front Saraswati Shishu Mandir, the kindergarten Vidya Bharati, the Educational Institutes of Vanawasi Kalyan Ashram (Ashram for Tribal Welfare) , Organization for the Improvement of Tribes; and Friends of the Tribal Society Muslim Rashtriya Manch (Muslim National Forum), Organization for the Advancement of Muslims Bajrang Dahl, Hanuman Army (2 m) Anusuchit Arakshan Bachao Parishad, Dalit Improvement Organization Laghu Udyog Bharati, an extensive network of small businesses. Bharatiya Vihara Kendra, Think Tank Vishwa Samvad Kendra, Communication Wing, has spread throughout India for media-related work, with a team of IT professionals (samvada.org) Rashtriya Sikh Sangat, the National Sikh Association, a sociocultural organization dedicated to spreading Gurbani's knowledge to Indian society. Vivekananda Kendra, a promotion of Swami Vivekananda's ideas with the Vivekananda International Foundation in New Delhi as a public policy think tank with six study centers Although RSS has never directly contested elections, it supports parties that are similar ideologically. Although the RSS generally supports the BJP, it has at times refused to do so because of the difference of opinion with the party. The Golwalkkar mission describes Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sang's mission as reviving India's value system based on universalism and peace and prosperity for all. Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the worldview that the whole world is one family propagated by the ancient thinkers of India, is considered one of the ideologies of the organization. But the immediate focus, according to the leaders, is on a Hindu renaissance that would build an egalitarian society and a strong India that could presage this philosophy. Thus, the focus is on social reform, the economic recovery of the oppressed and the protection of the cultural diversity of India's Aboriginal people. The organization says it seeks to unite all Hindus and build a strong India that can contribute to the well-being of the world. According to the RSS ideologue and the second head of RSS, Golukar, in order to be able to bring our unique knowledge into humanity, to be able to live and strive for the unity and well-being of the world, we stand before the world as a self-confident, resurgent and powerful nation. In V vicharhar (ideology), Goluokkar reaffirms RSS's integration mission, as 174 RSS makes a determined effort to instill in our people a burning devotion to Bharat and its national spirit; to ignite in them a spirit of selflessness and sterling quality and character; to awaken the public consciousness, mutual will, love and cooperation between them; so that they understand that casts, beliefs, and languages are secondary, and that the service of the nation is the highest end and shape their behavior accordingly; instill in them a sense of true humility and discipline and to train their bodies to be strong and reliable in order to take on any social responsibility; and thus to create a comprehensive Anushasana (Discipline) in all spheres of life and unite all our people into a single harmonious national whole, extending from the Himalayas to Kanakumari.- M.S. Golopokar and Balasaheb Deoras, the second and third top leaders of the RSS, opposed the caste system, although they did not support its abolition. Golukar also explains that RSS does not intend to participate in election politics or share power. The movement views Hindus as including Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, tribes, the untouchables, veerashaivism, Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission, and other groups as a community, an opinion similar to the inclusive reference to the term Hindu in the Indian Constitution of Article 25 (2)b). When it came to non-Hindu religions, Golovkar's opinion (which once supported Hitler's creation of the highest race by suppressing minorities) was seen as a view of extreme intolerance. A 1998 article in the journal reported that some members of the RSS and BJP had distanced themselves from Golovkar's views, though not entirely. The Non-Hindu people of Hindutan must either embrace Hindu culture and languages, or learn, respect and respect the Hindu religion, or have no idea other than glorifying the Hindu race and culture... in short, they should cease to be foreigners; or can remain in a country completely subordinate to the Hindu nation, not claiming anything, not deserving of any privileges, much less than any preferential treatment, not even the rights of citizens.- M. S. Goluokkar (M.S. Goloukkar) has expressed support for LGBT rights, saying that the LGBT community falls within the boundaries of the transfer of the Hindu nation, and historically designated the issue as a private issue should not be. Social Service and Reform Participation in Land Reforms RSS Volunteers took part in the Bhoodan movement organized by Gandhi leader Vinoba Bhave, who met with RSS leader Golulkar in Meeruba in November 1951. Golomalkar was inspired by a movement that encouraged land reform by voluntary means. He promised RSS support for this movement. Thus, many RSS volunteers, led by Nanaji Deshmukh, took part in the movement. But Golowkar also criticized Bhudhan's move in other cases for its reaction and work simply to counter communism. He believed that the movement should instill faith in the masses, which would force them to rise above the basic call of communism. Reform in the caste of THE RSS advocates the education of Dalits and other backward classes as temple high priests (a position traditionally reserved for caste brahmins and denied to lower castes). They argue that the social division of the caste system is the reason for the lack of commitment to Hindu values and traditions, and that addressing the lower castes in this way will be a means of solving the problem. RSS also condemned upper caste Hindus for preventing Dalits in the temples, saying that even God would leave the temple in which the Dalits could not enter. Jafrelot says that there is not enough data to conduct a statistical analysis of the social origins of early RSS leaders, but further concludes that, based on some well-known profiles, most of the RSS founders and its lead organizers, with a few exceptions, were the Maharashtrian Brahmans from the middle or lower class, and argues that the prevalence of brahminist ethics in the organization was probably the main reason why it was unable to attract support from the lower classes. He claims that RSS resorted to instrumentalist methods of ethno-religious mobilization, in which his brahminism was diluted to overcome this deficiency. However, Anderson and Damle (1987) believe that representatives of all castes have been accepted into the organization and are treated as equals. During a visit in 1934 to the RSS camp in Wardha, accompanied by Mahadev Desai and Miraben Mahatma Gandhi, he said, When I visited the RSS camp, I was very surprised by your discipline and lack of lack of lack of cooperation. He personally inquired about this with Swayamsevaks and found that volunteers live and eat together in the camp, without bothering to get to know each other's castes. RSS assistance and rehabilitation have been instrumental in relief efforts since Cyclone Orissa 1971, Cyclone Andhra Pradesh 197 and 1984 in Bhopal. He assisted in relief efforts during the 2001 Gujarat earthquake and helped rebuild villages. Approximately 35,000 in-form RSS members were involved in the relief effort, and many of their critics acknowledged their role. An NGO affiliated with RSS, Seva Bharati, conducted relief operations after the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake. Activities included the construction of shelters for victims and the provision of food, clothing and basic necessities. RSS assisted relief efforts during the Sumatra-Andaman earthquake in 2004 and the subsequent tsunami. Seva Bharati also adopted 57 children (38 Muslims and 19 Hindus) from the militant-affected areas of Jammu and Kashmir to provide them with education at least to the highest secondary level. They also cared for the victims of the 1999 Kargil War. During the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, according to Tarlochan Singh, former Chairman of the National Minority Commission and well-known journalist and author Khushwant Singh, RSS activists also protected and assisted members of the Sikh community. In 2006, RSS participated in relief efforts to provide basic necessities such as food, milk and drinking water to residents of Surat, Gujarat, who have been affected by floods in the region. Not the primary source needed RSS volunteers carried out relief and flood recovery efforts Karnataka and some areas Andhra Pradesh. In 2013, after the floods in Uttarakhand, RSS volunteers were involved in flood relief work through their offices set up in the affected areas. By supporting the closure of coronavirus in India in 2020, Rashtriya Swaiamsevak Sang provided basic services including masks, soaps and food for many across India during the lockout. The criticisms and accusations of Jafrelot are noted that while RSS, with its paramilitary style of functioning and emphasis on discipline, is sometimes regarded by some as the Indian version of fascism, he argues that the ideology of RSS treats society as an organism with a secular spirit that is implanted not so much in the race as in the socio-cultural system and which will be regenerated over time by the patient's work at the grassroots level. He writes that the ideology of RSS did not develop the theory of state and race, a critical element in European nationalisms: Nazism and fascism and that RSS leaders were interested in culture as opposed to racial edict. The likening of Sang Parivar to fascism by Western critics was also opposed by Jyotirmaya Sharma, who called it an attempt to make sense of the growth of extremist politics and intolerance in their society and that such simplified transmission has done a great injustice to our knowledge of Hindu nationalist politics. RSS was criticized as an extremist organization and as a paramilitary group. He was also criticized when its members engaged in anti-Muslim violence; Since then it was formed in 1984, a battle wing called Bajrang Dal. Along with Shiv Sina, RSS was involved in riots, often inciting and organizing violence against Christians and Muslims. According to published WikiLeaks documents, Rahul Gandhi, Secretary General of the Congress Party (I), told U.S. Ambassador Timothy Romer at a dinner hosted by the Prime Minister of India at his residence in July 2009 that RSS posed a greater threat to India than Lashkar-e-Taiiba. Participation in the RSS riots was condemned for participating in public unrest. After careful and serious consideration of all the material that is formally reviewed, the Commission considers that the RSS, with its extensive organization in Jamshedpur and which had close ties to the Bharatiya Janata Party and Bharatiya Mazdaur Sang, has positively worked to create a climate that has been most conducive to an outbreak of communal unrest. First of all, Sri Deoras' speech (delivered just five days before the Ram-Nawami festival) tended to encourage Hindu extremists to be adamant in their demands for road 14. Secondly, his speech was tantamount to communal propaganda. Third, Shakh the camps, which were held during the division of the conference, represented the Hindu community with a military atmosphere. In these circumstances, the commission cannot but re-establish the responsibility of RSS for creating a climate for the riots that took place on 11 April 1979. Jitendra Narayan Commission report on the Jamshedpur riots of 1979 Human Rights Watch, a non-governmental organization for human rights based in New York, claimed that Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council, VHP), Brangaj Dahl, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sang, and BJP were a participant in the Gujarat violence that erupted after the Gujarat violence erupted. Local leaders VHP, BJP and BD have been named in many police reports filed by eyewitnesses. RSS and VHP claimed that they had made calls for an end to the violence and that they had asked their supporters and volunteer staff to prevent any activity that might disturb the world. The religious violence in Odisha Christian groups accuses RSS along with its close affiliates, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal (BD), and Hindu Jagaran Sammuhiya (HJS), of participating in the 2008 religious violence in Odisha. Participation in the demolition of Babri Masjid According to a 2009 report by the Liberhan Commission, Sang Parivar organized the destruction of the Babri Mosque. The Commission said, The blame or merit of the entire temple construction movement in Ayodha must necessarily be attributed to Sang Parivara. He also noted that Sangh Parivar is a vast and widespread organic body that encompasses organizations that appeal and unite almost all types of social, professional and other demographic groups. RSS denies responsibility and questions the objectivity of the report. Former RSS head K.S. Sudarshan claimed that the mosque was destroyed by government men, unlike Karsewak volunteers. On the other hand, the Indian Government's White Paper rejected the idea that the demolition had been pre-arranged. RSS was banned after the demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992, when the government at the time considered it a threat to the state. The ban was subsequently lifted in 1993, when a court, under the Illegal Activities (Prevention) Act, found no evidence of any illegal activity. Several Politicians, Such as Balraj Madhok in the 1960s and 1970s, have complained about RSS interference in party politics. Although some former Hindu nationalists believed that Sang should be involved in politics, they failed to attract RSS, which was supposed to be a purely cultural movement, in the political arena until the 1950s. Savarkar tried to convince Hejvar, and then Holokar, to associate with the Hindu Mahasabha, but do it. Under pressure from other benches, Golowekar gradually changed his mind after independence under unusual circumstances during the RSS ban in 1948 after Gandhi's assassination. After the first wave of arrests of RSS activists at the time, some of its members who went underground recommended that their movement be involved in politics, seeing that there is no political power to defend the RSS case in Parliament or anywhere else. One such member who greatly suggested this reason was K.R. Malkani, who wrote in 1949: Sang must participate in politics not only to protect himself from greedy design politicians, but also to stop un- Bharatiya and the anti-Bharatiya government policy and to advance and accelerate the Bharatiya case through a state mechanism side by side with official efforts in the same direction. ... Sang must continue, as it is, an ashram for national cultural education throughout the national world, but it must develop a political wing to achieve its ideals more effectively and as soon as possible. Golowcar endorsed Malkani and others for forming a new party in 1950. Jaffrelot says that sardar Patel's death has influenced this change since Golwalkar opined that Patel could transform the Congress party by emphasizing its affinity with Hindu nationalism, while after Patel, Nehru became strong enough to impose his antisocial line within his party. In this regard, Golowkar met with Syama Prasad Mukherjee and agreed to endorse the older benches, which included Devendayal Upadhiya, Balraj Madhoka and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in Bharatiya Janu Sang, the newly formed political party of Mukherjee. These people, who took their orders from RSS, seized power in the party after the death of Mukherjee. Balasakheb Deoras, who succeeded Golobalkar as head of RSS, became very interested in politics. In 1965, when he was RSS general secretary, he spoke at the annual meeting of Yana Sangh, which is seen as an unprecedented move by the RSS dignitary, which reflects his strong interest in politics and his will to let the movement play a greater role in the public sphere. Jaffrelot says he illustrates a specific kind of swayamsevaks known as activists, giving an expression of his penchant for political activism by having RSS support for JP's MOVEMENT. The importance that RSS began to attach to electoral policy was demonstrated when its divisions (shahas) were demonstrated in the early 1970s, from which RSS checkers began to participate directly in the elections not only of legislators, but also of trade unions, students and cultural organizations. As soon as RSS people took over the party of Jan Sang, Hindu traditionalists who had previously joined the party because of S. Mukherjee were sidelined. (citation required) the party was reorganized, and all its organizational secretaries, who were pillars of the party, came from the RSS, both at the district and state level. The party also adopted the rss vision in its mission, where its ultimate goal, in the long run, was to reform society, but not to gain power, as the state is not seen as a prominent institution. Therefore, Yana Sang at first is still reluctant to join any alliance that was not completely in harmony with his ideology. In 1962, Dendaal Upadhaya, who was the head of the party, explained this approach by saying that coalitions will inevitably escalate into a power struggle with an opportunistic element, uniting in the interests of expediency. He wanted to build a party as an alternative party in Congress and saw the election as an opportunity to educate people on political issues and challenge the right of Congress to be in power. Jafrelot says that this indifferent approach of party policy was in line with his lack of interest in the state and his desire to make it weaker or more decentralized. After India's defeat in the Sino-Indian War of 1962, RSS and other right-wing forces in India have strengthened, as leftist and centrist views, sometimes even Nehru himself, could be accused of being soft towards China. RSS and Jana Sangh also took full advantage of the 1965 war with Pakistan to deepen suspicion about Muslims, and also en-cashed the growing unpopularity of Congress, particularly in Hindi-belt, where the left alternative was weak or inconsequential. The main topics on the party's agenda during this period were the ban on cow slaughter, the abolition of the special status granted to Jammu and Kashmir, and the adoption of a single civil code. Explaining Jana Sang's inability to become a major political force despite her claims to represent the national interests of Hindus, the scholar Bruce Desmond Graham argues that the party's close initial ties to the Hindi Belt and its concern for Northern India's issues such as the advance of Hindi, vigorous resistance to Pakistan, etc., have become a serious flaw for the party in the long run. He also adds that his interpretation of Hinduism was restrictive and exclusive, arguing that his doctrines were inspired by the activist version of Hindu nationalism and, indirectly, the values of Brahmanism, rather than the faithful and quiet values of popular Hinduism. Desmond says that if Jana Sang carefully moderated her Hindu nationalism, she could well exploit any strong increase in support for traditional and nationalist Hindu opinion, and therefore compete on a level playing field with Congress in the northern states. He also notes that if it had taken a less harsh attitude towards Pakistan and Muslims, were much more acceptable to Hindu traditionalists in the central and southern states, where the section left fewer emotional scars. Yana Sangh began alliances, joining anti- conceive coalitions since the 1960s. It became part of the Great Alliance of 1971 and finally merged with the Janata Party in 1977. The success of the Janata Party in the 1977 elections first made RSS members central ministers (Vajpayee, Adwani and Brid Lal Verma) and provided RSS with the opportunity to use the state and its tools to achieve its goals, at the expense of the resources of various state governments as well as the central government. However, this merger, which was seen as diluting its original doctrine, was regarded by ex-Yana Sangis as a dive of their original identity. Meanwhile, other components of Janata's party denounced the allegiance of ex-Jan Sangis to continue paying RSS. This led to a double membership controversy over the links of former members of Jan Sangha were retained with the RSS, and this led to the split of the Janata Party in 1979. Former elements of Jan Sang formed a new party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in 1980. However, the BJP emerged more as the successor to the Janata Party and did not return to the initial stage of Jana Sang's Hindu nationalist identity and doctrines. RSS resented this erosion of ideology, new slogans promoted by then BJP President Vajpayee, such as Gandia Socialism and positive secularism. By the early 1980s, RSS is said to have developed its political strategy of never keeping all eggs in one basket. He even decided to support Congress in some states, such as the establishment of the Hindu Mannani in Tamil Nadu amid the mass conversion of the Minakshipuram to Islam in 1981 and to support one of its offshoots, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), to launch an en-religious movement on the Ayodha dispute. The BJP had little electoral success in the early years of its year and was able to win only two seats in the 1984 elections. After L.K. Adwani replaced Vajpayee as party chairman in 1986, the BJP also began to rally around Ayodha's campaign. In 1990, the party organized Ram Rat Yatra to promote the campaign on a large scale. Adwani also attacked the then-ruling Congress party with slogans such as pseudo-secularism, accusing Congress of abusing secularism to appease minorities, and established a clear and unambiguous path of Hindu revival. The instrumentalization of the Ayodha issue and the associated social unrest that polarized the electorate on religious grounds helped the BJP make significant progress in the subsequent elections of 1989, 1991 and 1996. In the mid-1990s, however, the BJP took a more moderate approach to politics to make allies. As According to him, this was due to the fact that the party at that time realized that it would not be able to form a government on its own in the near future. In 1998, it formed a major coalition, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), in Lok Sabha and succeeded in the 1998 general elections, and was able to succeed again in the 1999 midterm elections, and Vajpayee was their candidate for Prime Minister. While RSS and other components of Sangh Parivar appreciated some of the steps taken by the Vajpai government, such as the nuclear bomb test, they were disappointed by the overall effectiveness of the government. The fact that no firm step was taken towards the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodha was outraged by VHP. The government's liberalisation policy has been met with objections from Bharatiya Mazdur Sangh, an RSS-controlled trade union. Jaffrot says that RSS and other elements of Sangh Parivar have come to believe that BJP leaders were victims of their thirst for power: they chose to compromise to stay in power rather than stick to their principles. After the end of Vajpay's term in 2004, the BJP remained a major opposition party in the following years; And again in 2014, the NCO came to power after the BJP won an overwhelming majority in the 2014 general election, with Narendra Modi, a former RSS member who previously served as Gujarat's chief minister for three terms in office, as its candidate for prime minister. Modi was able to project himself as someone who could achieve development without focusing on any particular policy, through the Gujarat development model that was often used to counter accusations of communism. Voter dissatisfaction with Congress, as well as support for RSS, are also cited as reasons for the BJP's success in the 2014 election. 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