Strategies, social effects, and citizen responses of Barranco’s urban renewal process, Lima

Universiteit van Amsterdam

Centre for Latin-America Research and Documentation (CEDLA)

Mirtha Lorena del Castillo Durand: UvA ID: 11132892

Supervisor: Dr. Christien Klaufus Second reader: Dr. Annelou Ypeij

Submission: Amsterdam, December 2017

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List of contents

List of illustrations ...... 3 List of tables...... 5 List of abbreviations ...... 6 Acknowledgments ...... 7 1. Barranco under construction ...... 8 1.1 Contingency and subjectivity: My trajectory to study gentrification in Barranco ...... 8 1.2 My role as a gentrification researcher in Barranco ...... 9 1.3 Locating gentrification in Barranco ...... 10 1.4 Why Barranco? The relevance of this case study ...... 12 2. Literature review and research design ...... 13 2.1 Gentrification, spatial justice, and public space in the contemporary city ...... 13 2.2 Research question and operationalization ...... 16 2.3 Methods of data collection ...... 17 2.4 Methods for ordering and structuring the information ...... 18 2.5 Finding my own path: my experience as a gentrification researcher in Barranco ...... 18 3. The spatialization of the problem...... 20 3.1 Lima’s real estate boom ...... 20 3.2 Barranco in the frame of the real estate boom ...... 22 3.3 Barranco’s socio-spatial background ...... 24 3.4 Conclusion ...... 27 4. Barranco’s urban renewal process: Strategies and aftermaths ...... 28 4.1 Displacement of “Genuine Barranquinos”: The story of the quintas and solares ...... 28 4.2 The expansive wave of urban renewal processes ...... 32 4.3 Barranco’s urban renewal process and promises for development and modernization ...... 35 4.4 The loss of the heritage architecture ...... 38 4.5 Conclusion ...... 43 5. Barranco’s urban renewal process and the loss of cultural identity ...... 45 5.1 The capture of Barranco’s genuine cultural values ...... 45 5.2 The mourning of culture: displacement of Barranco’s cultural centers ...... 52 5.3 Conclusion ...... 57 6. Barranco’s urban renewal process and the fight for public space ...... 58 6.1 The resignification of public space ...... 58 6.2 “Los Yuyos” case: struggling for Barranco’s public space ...... 70 6.3 Conclusion ...... 80 7. Conclusive chapter: the trajectories of Barranco’s urban renewal process ...... 82 References ...... 86 Appendix A: Operationalization of theoretical elements ...... 99

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Appendix B: List of conducted interviews ...... 100 Summary ...... 102 Resumen ...... 105

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List of illustrations

Illustration 1-1: Image of Medalit’s house and the construction of Quinta Arrieta’s project ...... 9 Illustration 3-1: Maps of Greater Lima - Peripheral and Central Lima ...... 21 Illustration 3-2: Evolution of apartment prices per square meter 2012 – 2017 ...... 22 Illustration 3-3: Percentage growth of square meter prices in Barranco and San Isidro 2014 – 2017 ...... 22 Illustration 3-4: Distribution of Barranco’s population ...... 25 Illustration 3-5: Map of “El Metropolitano” trajectory in Barranco and images of Avenue Bolognesi ...... 27 Illustration 4-1: Residents and dwellings of quintas and solares ...... 30 Illustration 4-2: Location of the "Quinta San José" ...... 32 Illustration 4-3: Percentage growth of square meter prices 2014 – 2017 in Jesús María, Barranco, Chorrillos, Miraflores, San Isidro and San Borja ...... 33 Illustration 4-4: Percentage growth of new-build apartments 2014 - 2017 in Jesús María, Barranco, Chorrillos, Miraflores, San Isidro and San Borja ...... 34 Illustration 4-5: Images of Barranco’s adobe houses with “for sale” signs ...... 38 Illustration 4-6: Images of medium and high-rise buildings ...... 39 Illustration 4-7: Map of Barranco’s monumental area ...... 41 Illustration 4-8: Images recovered from the leaflet of Stelar project ...... 43 Illustration 5-1: Image of a leaflet showing Barranco’s municipal library with the municipality’s slogan ...... 46 Illustration 5-2: Images from the inside of Barranco’s municipal library ...... 49 Illustration 5-3: Images of Martin Adan’s house ...... 50 Illustration 5-4: Image recovered from the leaflet of “Domeyer Building”...... 51 Illustration 5-5: First row of images recovered from the leaflet of “Stelar” project, second row of images recovered from the leaflet of “El Mirador de Barranco” project ...... 52 Illustration 5-6: Image of the left shows a concert in “El Cinematógrafo”, image of the right shows the new residential building “Atelier” ...... 54 Illustration 5-7: Image of the left shows “La Libre’s” owners, image of the right shows the inside of “La Libre” ...... 54 Illustration 5-8: Image on the left shows the moment that the excavator tumbled the dividing wall between “La Libre” and the future residential building “San Martin 140”, image on the right shows the project itself ...... 55 Illustration 5-9: Image on the left shows a fair of independent designers carried out in “Casa Tupac”, image on the right shows the construction of project “Osma 307” ...... 56 Illustration 6-1: Social protests against the concession of the “Confraternity Park” ...... 61 Illustration 6-2: Image on the left corresponds to the civic center "Manuel Beltroy Vera", image on the right corresponds to the MAC ...... 62 Illustration 6-3: Fences surrounding the park ...... 63 Illustration 6-4: Image on the left shows a climbing tournament promoted by the clothing brand “The North Face”, image on the right shows a public relationship event of the car brand “Mitsubishi” ...... 65 Illustration 6-5: Location of Barranco’s beaches ...... 66

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Illustration 6-6: Image on the left shows the only remaining “Bajada a la playa”, image on the right shows buildings blocking former “Bajadas” ...... 66 Illustration 6-7: “Las Cascadas” beach before and after the concession ...... 67 Illustration 6-8: Rústica's parking lots invading the sidewalk and the bicycle lane ...... 69 Illustration 6-9: Garden of “Cala’s” restaurant ...... 69 Illustration 6-10: Image on the left shows the mock-up of the first version of Ana María project, image on the right shows the mock-up of the second version ...... 71 Illustration 6-11: Screenshot of the Facebook page of Barranco’s mayor explaining details of “Ana María” project ...... 72 Illustration 6-12: Image of the left shows Vilma Gonzales making statements for Canal N, image of the right shows José Rodríguez making statements for Panamericana television ...... 76 Illustration 6-13: Invitations to the “plantones playeros” and images of public demonstrations .. 77 Illustration 6-14: Callings for protests on different Facebook pages ...... 78 Illustration 6-15: Screenshot of an invitation to a campaign for free dental service ...... 80

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List of tables

Table 3-1: Comparison of building parameters of Lima Top districts ...... 24 Table 3-2: Total population and poverty percentage of Lima Top districts ...... 24 Table 4-1: Barranco’s housing types by 2007 ...... 39 Table 6-1: Debt of the beach concessions with active facilities ...... 70

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List of abbreviations

ADI: Asociación de Desarrolladores Inmobiliarios

APCV: Autoridad del Proyecto Costa Verde

BBVA: Banco Bilbao Viscaya Argentaria

BCRP: Banco Central de Reserva del Perú

CAPECO: Cámara Peruana de Construcción

IAC: Instituto de Arte Contemporáneo

INC: Instituto Nacional de Cultura

INEI: Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática

MAC: Museo de Arte Contemporáneo

PDC: Plan de Desarrollo Concertado

SBN: Superintendencia Nacional de Bienes Estatales

SBS: Superintendencia Nacional de Banca y Seguros del Perú

SUNARP: Superintendencia Nacional de los Registros Públicos

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Acknowledgments

I dedicate this work to the memory of my mother. Her many reflections and experiences as an administrator of real estate assets started my interest in urban studies and gave rise to this research. Also, I am grateful for the patient work of my supervisor Christien Klaufus throughout this process. Her guidance and knowledge were crucial in overcoming the personal obstacles and difficulties that arose during this work. Likewise, I want to thank the collaboration of Vilma Gonzales who helped me to better understand the history of Barranco and my many other interviewees who facilitated me the information needed for the development of this research. Especially José Rodríguez, José Ayulo and Javier Alvarado, activists of urban social movements whom I interviewed several times and gave me their free time to answer all my questions. Finally, I want to thank Simon Vleugels for his tireless support in editing the texts that are now part of this work.

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1. Barranco under construction

1.1 Contingency and subjectivity: My trajectory to study gentrification in Barranco

My interest in the changes occurring in the urban landscape of Barranco (Lima) and their impact on the locals started in a way that is probably uncommon: as a client of a real estate company. My mum and I used to live in Lima. When she passed away, she left me in inheritance a property in the outskirts of Arequipa (the second largest city of Peru). Due to the distance, I’ve experienced maintaining that property as a difficult and time-consuming task. Consequently, I decided to sell it in order to purchase an apartment in Barranco due to its strategic location and its leisure offer. It was located nearby the sea and next to Miraflores, one of the richest and the most touristic districts of the city. Barranco also had a thriving nightlife and a diverse cultural scene. In search of an apartment, I started walking along its streets and in a matter of minutes I found myself surrounded by multiple real estate projects that targeted young professionals of the upper and the middle-classes. After a negotiation with Abel, a real estate agent, I bought an apartment in a high-rise condominium with several private facilities. During my walks in Barranco I wanted to have a few dresses that my mother left for me, tailored to my body shape. And so, I met Medalit, a seamstress and a resident of a derelict area of the district. The third time I visited her I noticed that a few things in her street had changed. A fence was blocking the traffic, there was an excavation about five meters deep next to her home and there was an unbearable noise disturbing us throughout the visit. When I asked her, what was going on she replied that “Quinta Arrieta”, a new residential building was under construction. Without much academic knowledge about gentrification, I realized that residents of a highly unequal and socially diverse district as Barranco must have very diverse perceptions and experiences with the effects of the real estate boom that has been taking place in Lima for the past ten years (2007 - 2017). I assumed that these different experiences may have caused social struggles. It should be emphasized that Barranco encompasses a widely variated type of urban settlements. While apartments in high rise towers could be valued on three million soles (approximately 800,000.00 euros)1, there are other areas with precarious adobe building where six family members live in a 12-square meter rooms and share the bathroom with ten other families under the same condition. With that context in mind, I understood that being a home owner in Barranco could mean at least two different things. For Abel and for myself, owning a property in the district could be reduced to a monetary transaction where a place to live could be transformed into an asset. In other words, I could decide to inhabit the new apartment or not. Meanwhile, due to the unstoppable real estate boom, “investing” in a property was going to appraise my money as the years went by. Moreover, Abel advised me that I should take the opportunity to buy an apartment since square meter prices were still affordable for my pocket, especially in Barranco, an up-coming neighborhood highly demanded by young professionals and new couples. Likewise, he told me that Barranco would always have the essence and the mysticism that attracts tourists and artists since it was the traditionally bohemian neighborhood of Lima. For Medalit, owning a home was not just about owning a physical space and her neighborhood was not only a “strategic location”. Both her home and her neighborhood were a very important part of her life, where her friends and her clients could find her. It was her place of belonging. After a year I came back to Medalit’s neighborhood, I observed that she and her family lived in the shadow of “Quinta Arrieta” (see illustration 1-1), a 7-story building with 17 of the most expensive apartments of the district (Vicca Verde, 2017). Apart from the noise she told me that in

1 Prices along this document are shown in the Peruvian local currency: soles. According to the average exchange rate for September 2017, for one euro, S/. 3.75 soles are payed (SBS, 2017). [8]

the peak of the construction, she thought that her house was going to collapse because of the rumbles of the mechanical shovel. She pointed out that the hardest times for her were during the summer. Despite the high temperatures of the environment, she was not able to open the windows because of the dust and the smell. Not only she had to deal with the unpleasant odors of the construction material, but every Saturday the construction company also cleaned the chemical toilets used by the workers which produced an unbearable smell. On top of that she noticed that her adobe house was clearly deteriorated. The wood was chopped up and suddenly cracks in the structure started to appear. I also observed that the street had changed. Several properties on her street were already sold. She told me that the developers of “Quinta Arrieta” project had offered to buy her house. Since it was a family property, she had no decision rights. But she told me that she would not leave. She had been living and working there for more than 20 years. A few blocks away, she had a stand in the market that she had “built with her own hands".

Illustration 1-1: Image of Medalit’s house and the construction of Quinta Arrieta’s project (Source: fieldwork pictures)

Comparing Medalit’s experience with my own made me reflect on two aspects. First, I noticed that in the conversations with the real estate agent, the frequently used words that expressed regeneration and revival of the area had an overall positive connotation: the urban renewal process would turn Barranco into a more modern, appealing, and safer environment for new social groups (such as young professionals, new couples, and foreigners). I felt that real estate companies treated the former urban space as an empty and abandoned area that had to be intervened and developed. However, the negative impacts that new constructions had on long- term residents were never addressed. Secondly, by turning urban space into an asset, real estate companies only thought of urban land as a commodity with economic potential and underestimated other alternative values. With this view on the urban renewal process I wondered how many families like Medalit’s had to go through the same struggle Who were the ones who had sold their homes or moved out to make way for the new buildings? What is the role of urban policies in this process? What were the perceptions of the different social groups of the district after ten years of real estate boom in Barranco?

1.2 My role as a gentrification researcher in Barranco I narrate my personal experience not only to describe how I started to develop an interest in urban studies, but also to be explicit about how my perspective was enriched as I became a researcher of Barranco’s urban renewal process. However, two issues had accompanied me during my whole trajectory: Should I consider my decision to buy a property as part of the problem? Did buying an apartment in a new residential building in Barranco disqualify me to study the urban changes of the district? In this respect, I would like to emphasize that the new knowledge that I acquired during this research helped me to reformulate my thoughts about the organization and structure of cities. Thus, with this work I attempt to develop a critical eye to analyze

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gentrification strategies and effects in Barranco. Besides, although I have taken steps to maintain a distance as a researcher, I believe that my proximity to this topic has also allowed me to paint a richer picture of this phenomenon. In other words, by knowing the characteristics, the actors, the processes, and the struggles of Barranco, I found myself more able to understand the complexity of the forces that dispute urban space in the district. I also discovered that responses to urban transformations showed various forms of adaptation and resistance. Hence, these responses could be considered bottom-up alternatives to the enforced redefinition and redistribution of urban space by the municipality and the real estate agents. Therefore, I agree with scholars stating that awareness to the gentrification debate will contribute to develop (1) strategies to claim spatial rights and (2) new rules to change the exclusionary forms of authoritarian governmentality present in Latin American cities (López-Morales et al., 2016, p. 1103). Finally, during my three months of fieldwork I understood the sociodemographic characteristics of Barranco and I saw its social diversity had always produced social tensions between rich and poor residents. Furthermore, despite being small, both physically and in terms of population, Barranco had a long trajectory of community and social participation (Carrasco, 2011, p. 36). These observations form the starting point of my academic search. And so, I hypothesize that Barranco’s residents are not opposed to the changes in their urban environment, however they demand that the urban renewal process respects their identity, their values, their traditions, and their necessity of public space. Thus, based on that hypothesis, the research question that I aim to answer is: How are the strategies and effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process linked to the spatial rights of the district’s long-term residents?2 1.3 Locating gentrification in Barranco Between 2007 and 2017, an unprecedented real estate boom has characterized Lima. In this context, Barranco, considered to be the smallest, most mixed, unequal, and socially divided district of the inner-city (Municipalidad de Barranco, n.d. a, n.p.), has been part of an intense urban renewal process. However, unlike other central districts of Lima, until 2016 the district lacked of a valid and applicable Concerted Development Plan (PDC)3. Due to the pressure from urban social movements of the district, in 2016, the Municipality of Barranco approved the first PDC of Barranco (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2016 a, p.2). Several activists of the district claimed that this document has not been constituted in a legitimate participatory process. Also, they stated that local authorities do not considered the document when they decide upon the fate of the urban space of the district. Both real estate companies and local authorities exploit this institutional vacuum. On the one hand, without taking into account an urban planning horizon, it is easier for real estate companies to negotiate with the municipality for advantageous construction permits. On the other hand, the autonomy given to municipal administrations during Peru’s decentralization process in 2002 and the country’s inefficient accountability system (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2010, pp. 107 - 112) had empowered municipal officials to authorize new projects with little fear of public liability. Likewise, due to Barranco’s fiscal deficit, local authorities justify their decisions to ease the rules for real estate business as the only possible way to develop the district. They believe that new residential and commercial buildings will increase economic resources through tax collection and the concession of public spaces. Moreover, construction companies and the municipality sign private-public agreements to restore infrastructure and install new services in the surroundings of new buildings under the premise of serving the public good (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 a, p.1). During the years of the real estate boom (2007 - 2017), municipal administrations in Barranco continued with the lack of

2 Section 2.2 explains details about the operationalization of the research question. 3 The Concerted Development Plan is a master plan that should be designed in a participatory process. This plan aims to develop common objectives between local authorities and residents of a district or city. After the designing process, local authorities must ensure its compliance (Congreso de la República, 2003, p. 133).

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urban planning and with the relaxation of the requirements to facilitate the construction of residential buildings and commercial developments (Decisión Ciudadana, 2017, a). Additionally, the strong presence of artists and “hipsters” in the district promoted the development of high- culture centers and redirected local businesses to satisfy high-income groups (Archdaily, 2016). As a result, long-term residents of Barranco perceive a shady atmosphere in the decision-making process of urban policy, and they believe that the escalating prices of new apartments and the turnover of new business in the district incline to favor higher social groups whilst the necessities of lower social groups are compromised4. In short, one could say that the urban policy in Barranco is focused on attracting private investments and a higher income population, which results in a typical gentrification process. Ruth Glass coined the concept of gentrification in 1964. It originally referred to a process by which working class residential neighborhoods are revitalized by middle class homebuyers, landlords, and professional developers, causing property values to increase, which would have the collateral effect of driving out poorer families (as cited by Lees et al., 2008, p. 8). However, Neil Smith argues that gentrification should not be restricted to a permanent definition and should consider the broad range of processes that contribute to its restructuring. In his contribution to the Urban Human dictionary, he claims that gentrification is:

The reinvestment of capital at the urban center, which is designed to produce space for a more affluent class of people that currently occupies that space, displacing low-income families and small businesses. (Smith, 2000, p. 294) Gentrification theory was coined to explain urban revitalization and displacement in typical “western cities”. However, López-Morales et al. argue that when applying this theory to the Latin-American context, the region’s characteristics should be taken into account such as the imbalance between central urban areas with plenty infrastructure and extended deprived peripheries, the reproduction of informality in all the spheres of social life, and social inequality due to preexisting socio-economic structures (López-Morales et al., 2016, p. 1094). In other words, the social changes that gentrification produces are an example of class imposition through the accumulation of economic, social, and cultural capital. Moreover, private investments, market- oriented policies, and middle-class groups, including artists and “hipsters”, strengthen the reproduction of global urban lifestyles capable of displacing aesthetics, economies, and consumption patterns that follow global trends (Mathews, 2010, pp. 661-666). Consequently, certain social practices and preferences considered undesirable are casted out through urban policies, municipal regulations and mechanisms of control and surveillance. The new neighborhood conditions require residents of central areas to have certain ethnic and class features and preferences to follow specific lifestyles that are validated as desirable public behavior. In the process, social groups without “appropriate” cultural, social, or economic features are displaced (Davidson, 2008, p. 2390; Hubbard, 2016, pp. 4 - 5). In that regard, gentrification has become a concept that not only explains displacement and replacement of one social class for another one. But it has extended to describe other processes such as functional changes in the overrepresentation of cultural characteristics, aesthetic formulas, etc. (Díaz, 2013, p. 21). George and Eunice Grier have defined displacement as a phenomenon that occurs when any household needs to move out from its residence because the conditions that affect the dwelling or its immediate surroundings are beyond the household’s ability to control or prevent (as cited by Marcuse, 1985, p. 205). The main cause of displacement is related to the increase of housing prices, but it is also associated with the changes of the physical conditions of the house or the neighborhood, such as infrastructure, public facilities, transportation patterns and supply of goods and services (Marcuse, 1985, p. 207). However, Delgadillo states that in Latin American cities, displacement followed different trajectories than those in western cities (Delgadillo, 2015).

4 27 out of 34 (79%) of the informants believed that corruption is widespread in the local government and is part of the negotiation of construction permits and concession of public spaces. [11]

Similar to Delgadillo, Janoschka & Sequera state that three recurring categories of displacement could be found in Latin American cities: (1) displacement by heritage dispossession, (2) displacement by cultural dispossession and (3) displacement by ground rent dispossession (Janoschka & Sequera, 2016, pp. 1183 – 1187). Inzulza identified a fourth type of displacement: (4) displacement by transformation of housing typology (Inzulza, 2016, p. 1198). These four categories of displacement were found in Barranco as well. This case study will attempt to describe two additional categories unaccounted in other works about Latin American displacements: displacement by physical destruction of houses and displacement of cultural centers. Local authorities justify gentrification and displacement by arguing that both are necessary processes for the development, modernization, and progress of the city. For example, Janoschka & Sequera described cases in Rio de Janeiro, Santiago de Chile, Mexico City, and Buenos Aires where the government’s plans justify the displacement of “unwanted social groups” for urban projects that supposedly will benefit the collective interest (Janoschka & Sequera, 2016, pp.1182-1190). Paradoxically the negative impacts of those plans often fall disproportionately on low-income population (Delgadillo, 2015). This is where gentrification processes are related to spatial justice. The spatial justice theory refers to the geographical aspects of social justice and aims to encourage a fair and equitable distribution of socially valued resources, such as central areas, public spaces, and services, but it is also focused on the opportunities to use those resources. Therefore, the spatial justices approach studies cases of spatialization where socio-economic structures privilege certain groups of population at the expense of other groups (Soja, 2009, pp. 2 - 3). Thus, spatial justice theory will be suitable to analyze the gentrification process in Barranco as a producer of power imbalance between higher social groups that take economic and physical advantages of urban space while spatial rights of lower social groups are being infringed.

1.4 Why Barranco? The relevance of this case study I consider that Barranco’s urban renewal process presents one of the most striking scenarios of urban struggles in the contexts of a voracious real estate boom. I also noticed that effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process are intensifying sociopolitical tensions between high-income and low-income population. Hence, I believe that a study about gentrification in Barranco will provide a suitable framework to understanding potential spatial injustice in central districts of Lima. Likewise, due to Barranco’s long trajectory of urban social struggles, this case will contribute to unravel the strategies of urban social movements to confront or adapt to new forms of spatialization in Latin American cities. Finally, it will emphasize the importance of urban planning from the perspective of citizen claims. Thus, by the end of this analysis I hope to accurately describe the following elements of Barranco’s urban renewal process: the strategies that subordinate public actors to private actors’ necessities; the social effects of gentrification and market-oriented policies in terms of spatial justice and spatial rights of long-term residents of Barranco and the social struggles and social movement responses to the new spatialization produced after the real estate boom. Consequently, I consider that the relevance of this research lies in three main aspects. To begin with, unlike other Latin American metropolis, and despite the latest real estate boom, there is scarce literature about gentrification and spatial justice in Lima’s central districts. Secondly, based on a bibliographical review, it is worth highlighting that the big majority of urban studies in Lima are focused on the social dynamics of informal settlements in low-income peripheries. This leaves open a niche for the study of the emerging social dynamics and phenomena that take place in central districts of the city. Thirdly, the study of Barranco’s urban renewal process provides new elements that extend the debate about the (negative) social effects of gentrification and the responses of urban social movements in Latin American metropolis.

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2. Literature review and research design

To study Barranco’s urban renewal process, I took two main theoretical frameworks into consideration: Gentrification and Spatial Justice. The first one describes gentrification in the Latin American context. With this theoretical framework I aim to explain the changes that this phenomenon is producing on both the social and the physical fabric of the district. The second one explores spatial justice theory. This theory analyzes the way in which various forms of justice or injustice are present in the process of spatialization. Spatial justice is one of the most useful terms to depict the social injustices produced by gentrification in cities (Casgrain & Janoschka, 2013, p. 21). Furthermore, theorizing spatial justice has reintroduced the idea of “the right to the city” in present research related to urban studies (Soja, 2010, p. 10). Accordingly, “the right to the city” idea has been used by urban social movements to re-politicize the debate around the functions for which spaces are used and who exactly gets to use them (Harvey, 2005, p. 63). So, I will apply spatial justice theory and “the right to the city” reflections to describe the three major impacts of gentrification on long-term residents of Barranco (cultural and physical displacement from their communities; access restrictions to former public space; and changes on the identity and memories of the neighborhood), and to explore strategies to cope with the new spatialization of the district.

2.1 Gentrification, spatial justice, and public space in the contemporary city Without a doubt, gentrification has become one of the most popular topics of urban studies. The sociologist Ruth Glass coined the concept of gentrification. In her studies about urban transformations in London, she noticed that working-class districts were revitalized by middle class homebuyers, landlords, and professional developers, causing property values to increase, and working-class occupiers to be displaced. In the end, the rapid urban transformation changed the whole social character of the districts one by one (Glass, 1964, p.22). By the early 1980’s, the term “gentrification’’ could easily be found in different academic papers. It was evident though that the residential rehabilitation that Ruth Glass described in the early 1960’s was only one aspect of the gentrification process. In the 30 years that followed, gentrification theory became broader and it was increasingly recognized as a new phenomenon that presented political and policy-relevant challenges for achieving social justice in urban environments around the world (Lees et al., 2008, p. 9). Based on the process described by Ruth Glass, Neil Smith defined gentrification as:

(…) a physical, economic, social, and cultural instrument of accumulation by ground rent dispossession that involves the incursion of higher income groups in previously low-income neighborhoods and the replacement or displacement of many original occupants. (…) it involved the physical renovation of the housing stock and its upgrading to meet the requirements of its new owners. In the process, housing in both, renovated and non-renovated areas, undergoes a significant price appreciation (Smith, 1987, p. 463). Since its birth during the 1960’s and 1970’s, gentrification has attracted the attention of national and local authorities, the media, real estate companies and academics that developed a solid theoretical framework based on their researches of cities in England and the United States. Gentrification has become a topic of general interest because it brought a new urban theory that helped to understand the configuration of the city and its social structure. According to Smith, since urbanization processes have been intensified and the metropolis has turned into the main producer of capital, gentrification has become an unstoppable phenomenon (Smith, 2002, p. 434). Likewise, the influence of international capital flows and cultural circulation has transformed gentrification into a worldwide process (Smith, 2002, p. 427). Lees et al. outlined the necessity to study gentrification as a cause of uneven development and displacement around the world (Lees et al., 2015, p. 1). The Latin American metropolis lead the urban growth worldwide (Atlantic

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Council, 2017) becoming crucial environments to produce gentrification theory. Janoschka & Sequera argue that by comparing urban realities from Latin-American cities, meaningful analytical categories could be elaborated to understand paradigmatic yet complementary processes of gentrification (Janoschka & Sequera, 2016, p. 1176). Likewise, gentrification tends to create global cultural products which aim to satisfy consumer groups that have the aspiration to become cosmopolitan and globalized (Atkinson & Bridge, 2005, p.2). For example, in a comparison of two gentrifying Polish neighborhoods in Cracow and New York, the sociologist Jerome Krase concluded that their aesthetics and livelihoods became like those of western cities (as cited by Lees et al., 2015, p. 4). So, although the triggers of gentrification could be different, the final outcome in the neighborhood’s structure, class composition and culture seem to be the same. However, “cosmopolitanism” only considers “western livelihoods” and transforms them into status symbols while it disregards other “non-western livelihoods” that are considered to be unappealing. In that sense, studies of gentrification in Latin American cities have shown that gentrification not only physically displaces indigenous or “mestizo” communities with lower incomes and replacing with whiter affluent classes, it also produces the imposition of aesthetic tastes associated with consumption patterns of white population (López-Morales, 2016, p. 227). Therefore, one could say that gentrification results in a land tenure scheme aiming at a new homogeneous social composition of whiter people with higher incomes and similar tastes. Gentrification is used as an instrument of urban policy designers to reconfigure urban space for purposes of capital accumulation. They use ambiguous terms such as “regeneration”, “revitalization” or “rebirth” to conceal the negative impacts that these transformations produce (Smith, 1996, p. 30; Smith, 2002, p. 437). Furthermore, in non-western environments (such as those of Latin American cities), when local authorities design urban policies, they link urban renewal processes with the ideal of development, modernization, and progress as a strategy to legitimize gentrification. In those cases, the main objective of urban development is to create urban spaces which produce economic value. Therefore, urban policies prepare cities to function as spaces of consumerism, attracting new social groups and displacing unwanted classes (Hidalgo & Janoschka, 2014, p. 16). In Latin America, such displacement follows different trajectories. Janoschka & Sequera identified the following categories of displacement: by heritage dispossession, by cultural dispossession, and by ground rent dispossession (Janoschka & Sequera, 2016, pp. 1183 - 1187). In the case of displacement by heritage dispossession, two strategies have been combined to displace traditional uses of urban space. The first strategy is social cleansing. It refers to appropriation of urban space by displacing “unfashionable lifestyles” such as street vending, beggary and other “improper” uses. The second strategy refers to controlling and securing certain public areas. The enforcement of these policies involves the application of physical and material violence to avoid “unwanted behaviors” in these public areas. Displacement by cultural dispossession refers to cases where there is a cosmopolitan and touristic extraction of culture. Consequently, the gentrification process is intrinsically related to the valorization of circuits and modes that redefine the cultural activities in touristic urban areas, with the imposition of a new esthetic taste and the devaluation of popular culture following from that. Displacement by ground rent dispossession refers to eradication of informal housing by forced evictions, the burning of old premises, and other material and symbolic relocations. The goal of this type of displacement is to remove the low-income population to other urban areas to give way to new forms of residential living, such as apartments in high-rise condominiums. The result is the reshaping of the physical and social fabric of the neighborhood. Inzulza identified another type of displacement in his research about Santiago de Chile’s inner-city neighborhoods: displacement by the transformation of housing typology. This category refers to the replacing of terraced houses by new medium and high-rise buildings, which are usually occupied by emergent middle-income strata (Inzulza, 2016, p. 1198).

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Several scholars argued that gentrification does not aim to improve the living conditions in cities, but it violates the right of housing, it makes a city more unequal and it ends up turning urban land into a commodity where access is restricted for those who cannot afford it (Brener et al., 2012, p. 8; Ponder, 2016, p. 367; Slater, 2010, p. 294). Likewise, gentrification has redeveloped public spaces into places of leisure and commerce where any other activity is underestimated (Vega, 2006, pp. 36-38). Under this new structure of urban space, the low-income population is confined to fewer available spots while the use of public space is regulated and enclosed for the higher-income population. Therefore, the reconfiguration of cities by gentrification leads to spatial exclusion and to a feeling of marginalization amongst the low-income population, producing injustice based on an uneven distribution of urban land and its resources (Jordi, 2013, pp.63 -64). One theoretical approach to study this effect of gentrification is “spatial justice”. The specific term “spatial justice” was coined by Edward Soja as a result of his research about the spatialization of resources and services in the city of Los Angeles (Soja, 2010, pp. 3 - 13). The concept emphasizes the ways in which various forms of injustice are manifested in the process of spatialization and in which spatial distribution could be seen as an outcome or a process that is just or unjust (Dikeç, 2001, p. 72). It entails three principles: the ontological spatiality of being that describes human relationships as both spatial and social; the social production of spatiality that conceives space as a social creation; and the socio-spatial dialectic that refers to how the “spatial” shapes the “social” as much as the “social” shapes the “spatial” (Soja, 2009, p. 3). Space is a structure created by society and is not merely a physical container of human life (Dikeç, 2001, p. 73). As a result, “social space” produces “representations of space” and “representational spaces”. On the one hand, representations of space are planned, controlled, and ordered. They are produced trough urban planning and they are logically conceived. On the other hand, representational spaces are created by the experience of directly living in the space. It is appropriated in use and it is transformed by social needs (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 291). Consequently, urban space originates from a dialectic between representations of space and representational spaces. It arises between the “conceived” and the “appropriated” and it is also constructed through heterogeneous social groups that use it to express themselves (Mitchell ,2003, p. 129). Harvey argues that the city is a place of demonstration of power and struggle where individuals express their spatial rights while negotiating spatial claims to others (Harvey, 2005, p. 59). According to Soja, seeking spatial justice is a demand for greater control over how the spaces in which we live are socially produced, so that demand becomes a synonymous of fighting for the right to the city (Soja, 2010, p. 6). Lefebvre’s approach of “the right to the city” entails the liberty of all urban inhabitants to contribute with the production of their social space. Based on Lefebvre’s reflections about “the right to the city”, several scholars have defined a set of rights to put the idea of a more just city into practice and to provide the necessary narratives to enfranchise inhabitants of urban environments (Dikeç, 2001; Purcell, 2002; Earle, 2012). Those rights can be summarized in the following: 1) The right to participate means that urban dwellers should play a central role in any decision that contributes to the production of urban space. It involves their active participation in the political life, management, and administration of the city. (Purcell, 2002, p.103) 2) The right to appropriation refers to the right of dwellers to occupy and use urban space. It promotes the right of people to be physically present in the space of the city. (Purcell, 2002, p.103) 3) The right to centrality refers to the right of the population to live in central areas because they are equipped with infrastructure and services and are closer to opportunities for work, leisure, health, and education. (Earle, 2012, p.8) 4) The right to be different entails the right to not be classified under categories determined by the homogenizing powers. It aims to avoid the classification of certain groups through

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identities imposed upon them or to avoid characteristics that stigmatize them or reduce them into banal representations. (Dikeç, 2001, pp. 74-75) The spatial dimension of justice has become useful to understand urban development in the Latin American context. According to Caldeira, due to the relentless pace of neoliberalism and to the permanent social and economic inequalities, Latin American cities have produced fragmented environments with fortified enclaves where the fear of violence justifies privatization, enclosing, and monitoring spaces for residence, consumption, leisure, and work (Caldeira, 1996, p. 303). Likewise, Latin American urban policies are transforming public space into a controlled area with the only purpose to promote the consumption of services or products. Similarly, those policies are reducing the capacity of public space to foster simultaneous activities and heterogeneous social groups. One political strategy that accompanies those policies is the establishment of rules and guidelines to discipline and displace “unwanted social groups” (such as street vendors, beggars, political activists, etc.), so the city’s new image is not compromised by their visible presence (Mac Leod, 2002, p. 602). In other words, the fear of inappropriate users has established a solution where the combination of environmental change, behavior modification and stringent policing will become the methods of guarantee that public space will be “safe” rather than hijacked by undesirable users (Mitchell, 2003, p.2). Consequently, Latin American cities have become fragmented fortified enclaves where the most important principles of public space (openness and free circulation of people) have been significantly reduced (Caldeira, 1996, pp. 305 - 307), thus producing spatial injustices. In that regard, Borsdorf et al. argue that Latin American cities are facing a new type of fragmentation. While social sectors with greater economic resources tend to make their living in enclosed spaces (“high-rise condominiums” or “gated communities”), marginal quarters construct fences and gates to protect themselves from the “unwanted” others (Borsdorf et al., 2007, p. 2). As a result, urban environments are becoming internally homogeneous, but externally heterogeneous (since there is no necessity to interact with different social groups). The response against this background mainly came from urban social movements. Over the last thirty years new strategies were created to cope with contemporary urban planning and to encourage a democratic and fair distribution of public space. As a result, the debate about urban space has developed in three ways: (1) the re-evaluation of space as a determining factor of life- quality; (2) the demand for participative democracy; and (3) the right to participate in urban environment plans (Borja, 1998, p. 5). Thus, urban social movements attempt to reposition the citizen as a subject that must be taken into consideration with the same conditions as private actors when designing and shaping urban policy. Literature about urban struggles in non- western scenarios showed a wide range of strategies that have emerged from the collective action. Most of them are related to claims over spatial rights that can range from self–organization to new interpretations of formal law (Roy, 2007 p. 232 & Earle, 2012, p. 124). In Barranco, where urban space has been fiercely transformed and commodified for residential and commercial purposes, active forms of local responses have appeared. Long-term residents and urban social movements have developed strategies to regain control over public spaces that have been captured by private investments or to prevent the privatization of the few public spaces left in the district.

2.2 Research question and operationalization The main research question consists of three elements; two elements that are both directly related to gentrification (strategies to promote the urban renewal process and the social effects caused by this process), and a third element that relates to spatial justice (strategies to claim spatial rights). Thereby, the research question that I aim to answer is: How are the strategies and effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process linked to the spatial rights of the district’s long-term residents? This main question can be broken into three sub-questions:

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- Sub-question 1: What are the strategies of Barranco’s urban renewal process? - Sub-question 2: What are the social effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process? - Sub-question 3: How does Barranco’s urban renewal process affect public space and what does the population do to claim their spatial rights? To operationalize the main elements of the sub-questions (strategies, social effects, and spatial rights), I considered López-Morales assumptions about gentrification (see Appendix A). He argues that gentrification should be considered a conceptual category that provides with a comprehensive insight to understand how urban renewal processes produce inequalities and social polarizations in cities (López-Morales, 2016, p.225). Moreover, gentrification entails the strategies designed by the most powerful social groups to capture the city's key spaces and resources for economic and political goals. Finally, gentrification leads to social effects on long- term residents of an urban area. The main negative social effect of gentrification is the displacement of social groups, social structures and uses from urban space. As a result of the displacement, low-income population are located into peripheries and lose their (spatial) rights. Those rights involve participation to decide the uses of urban space and accessibility to its main resources. Gentrification also implies urban policies that entail disciplinary mechanisms to control the behavior of the citizens and displace “informality” or “inappropriate uses” of strategic urban spaces (López-Morales, 2016, p. 227). Hence, any other value that is not considered profitable or lucrative becomes irrelevant to the most powerful groups that make unilateral decisions about the distribution of urban space (López-Morales, 2016, p. 235). To complete all core aspects used for this analysis, one element will be added to the premises of Lopez-Morales: the spaces of political organization and struggle against the conjunction of power between the real estate business (capital) and the exclusionary policies of local authorities.

2.3 Methods of data collection The research proposal had a qualitative orientation. I selected three methods of data collection: (1) open interviews, (2) photographic comparison and (3) document analysis. With regard to the first method, I conducted 34 interviews with long-term residents and key- informants (see Appendix B). I categorized the interviewees based on two main criteria: to their place of residence in the district,5 and their relationship with the district6. During the design of the research proposal, I identified many of the informants. Moreover, I applied the snowball method to broaden my contacts and to discover new relevant cases. The variety of informants became one key element in my research because it made me encounter contrasting viewpoints about Barranco’s urban renewal process. Furthermore, I got to know the perceptions that the district’s social groups have about each other, which became a key element in understanding the social polarization that the urban renewal process is producing among its residents. I also interviewed activists from urban social movements and local politicians. When I analyzed their testimonies, I discovered tensions and causes of fragmentation and the political game behind the management of the neighborhoods claims. In addition to the interviews, I have attended events where I could find new potential informants. I attended two municipal hearings, one council session, three neighbor’s meetings, three social protests and one forum where I was invited to present the previous results of my research. Both interviews and events where recorded and transcribed. As transcribing was a time-consuming task, I hired an assistant to help me with the process. One issue was not foreseen during the development of the interviews. The informants narrated the facts unsystematically and their ideas were not organized chronologically. Therefore,

5 The Municipality of Barranco divides the district in three main zones (see section 3.3). 6 I developed the following categories: activists, municipal employees, highly skilled professionals, artists and cultural promoters, street vendors, business owners, informal tenants, and real estate agents.

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I had to reschedule additional meetings with them. The second method combined the use of primary with secondary data. I used pictures to compare physical changes of public space and the district’s landscape during the real estate boom (2007 - 2017). I also captured the characteristics of social protests that opposed to changes produced by Barranco’s urban renewal process. To collect early pictures, I resorted to files from the following sources: pictures of the informants, blog and media publications, and leaflets. Likewise, during the fieldwork, I took more than 700 pictures that become a key element of my analysis. The third method aimed to explore official documents with relevant information about the strategies and narratives of the three central actors of Barranco’s urban renewal process: real estate companies, local authorities, and urban social movements. I organized the information into the following categories: official documents (municipal ordinances, decrees, public-private agreements, zoning plans and urban plans), media publications (webpages, newspaper clips and YouTube videos), advertising material from real estate companies (leaflets, messages, webpages, selling strategies) and information produced by urban social movements (Facebook pages, calls for protests, agreements, presentations, and aide memoires). 2.4 Methods for ordering and structuring the information In order to arrange the data, I used the following criteria. Regarding to the interviews, I noticed that the informants repeatedly addressed certain topics. I labelled those repetitions according to three categories: (1) perceptions of the changes and uses of urban space before and after the real estate boom, (2) impacts of the new constructions on their daily routines, (3) cases of displacement addressed in the literature (see section 1.3). To determine the social polarization that Barranco’s urban renewal process was producing within the different social groups of the district, I asked the informants opinion about the way they use urban spaces and the way other social groups use the same spaces. Regarding to the documents collected from the real estate business, I organized the information in the following ways. Firstly, I analyzed the advertisement material and I tried to find common patterns within the images and messages about Barranco’s urban renewal process. Secondly, I examined the real estate financial models such as investment possibilities, cost quotes and offers to potential clients. Thirdly, I identified the sale’s target group of the real estate business (e.g.: large scale and middle scale investors, young single professionals, new families, and foreigners). Regarding to the documents collected from local authorities, I identified the presence of the following elements: the justification to privatize public space due to the lack of municipal resources, the justification to grant construction permits because of a need for new residents to increase the number of taxpayers (with a greater number of apartments a greater number of taxpayers) and the use of clientelist campaigns to get votes in the poorest areas of the district. Furthermore, I found cases where municipal authorities use legal tools for political retaliation against members of urban social movements that oppose to their actions, or against social groups that they want to displace (e.g.: inspections, fines, lawsuits, and municipal ordinances to control a specific opponent). To describe the responses of urban social movements towards Barranco’s urban renewal process, I identified forms of neighborhood organization (e.g.: collectives, opposition political parties, grassroot organizations). Then I established patterns to categorize the strategies that they use to control the decision-making power of local authorities over the destination of public space (e.g.: public demonstrations, media presence, contacts with institutions of greater power than the Municipality of Barranco). Finally, I asked the activists opinions about Barranco’s urban renewal process. Most of their testimonies I found out that they believe there is a connection between corruption of local authorities, and the approval of construction permits and the concession of public spaces.

2.5 Finding my own path: my experience as a gentrification researcher in Barranco Before I started this project, Barranco was just another district for me. For that reason, during the design of the research proposal, I considered important to become a resident of

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Barranco and experience its daily routines and dynamics. The decision to live in Barranco became crucial for the success of this research because of two aspects. Firstly, when I told the informants that I lived there, they felt more confident giving their testimonies. It was also easier to have access to closed forums and Facebook groups of long-term residents and having an address in Barranco allowed me to attend neighborhood meetings which were exclusive to local “barranquinos”. These meetings were either summoned by the mayor or by the neighbors opposing the current municipal administration. Secondly, moving around Barranco by foot or by bicycle enabled me to develop a personal insight about the changes and the impacts that construction works were causing on the district. Moreover, I always carried a camera with me to take pictures when I found something that caught my attention (e.g.: advertisement of new projects, construction tracks blocking the streets, damaged sidewalks, and paths, etc.). When I started with the interview process, I noticed that mostly middle-class professionals, artists, and cultural promoters were more involved in my research project than other social groups. Later I saw that those social groups mostly constitute the urban social movements. It can therefore be said that in Barranco, these narratives are more appealing for people that have either social or economic resources to challenge the new spatialization of the district. These resources could be higher levels of education and better networks with influential actors such as related professional bodies. Moreover, I had difficulty contacting the following social groups of the district: residents of “Los Malecones”, residents of “quintas” and “solares” and street vendors 7. On the one hand, residents from Los Malecones are the wealthiest elites in the district and their economic power differs greatly from the rest of the residents. As much for the other residents of Barranco as for me, the inhabitants of Los Malecones were the least approachable social group. When I arrived to the fieldwork, I tried to meet with them in the district’s public spaces or in the hearings either summoned by neighborhood organizations or by the municipality. They don’t use the district’s public spaces and neither do they attend meetings about the development of the district. By the end of the fieldwork, I had only been able to collect one testimony. On the other hand, residents of “quintas” and “solares” and street vendors are the poorest residents of the district. They usually live and work under informal conditions. Many of them felt that either I was working for the municipality and therefore I was going to report them to “Serenazgo” (the municipal security) or that I was a real estate agent that wanted to expel them from their homes to buy their property. I had to ask two acquaintances (Maria, a house maid who lives on the boundary of zone B and C, and Pablo, a construction worker who lives in zone C) to introduce me to potential informants of these social groups. Their testimonies revealed one important element that will be used for the analysis. They use the public spaces of the districtwith less frequency in comparison to other social groups because they have very little time to spend on leisure activities since they live in a survival economy, which in some cases means that they work from Monday to Sunday. Additionally, they live further away from the main public spaces of the district, which means that it takes too long for them to arrive there.

7 Section 3.3. describes characteristics of these social groups. [19]

3. The spatialization of the problem

This chapter briefly describes the context of Lima’s real estate market. After analyzing tendencies of the real estate business and square meter prices of housing units, I argue that the real estate boom has mainly focused on the central districts of Lima, which includes Barranco. I discuss the intensification of the real estate business in Barranco during the past four years (from 2014 to 2017) because of two main factors, Barranco’s label as Lima’s bohemian district, and the recent trend of local authorities to relax construction parameters to attract real estate developers. Finally, I present the socio-spatial background of Barranco. I argue that due to the socio-spatial and economic characteristics of the district, the urban renewal process is causing a greater polarization and a deeper fragmentation among its residents.

3.1 Lima’s real estate boom In recent years, Lima has been the scenario of an unprecedented real estate boom (2007 – 2017). During the past ten years, the square meter prices have grown by 293% (BCRP, 2016, p.1; BCRP, 2017, p. 1). The demand and supply of housing units has grown according to these trends8, thus the real estate boom is transforming the spatial structure of the city and urban land has become a strategic resource. Lima – Callao conurbation is distinguished in two geographical areas: Central Lima and Peripheral Lima. Based on their socio-demographic and residential characteristics, the Peruvian Polling Company, Ipsos Apoyo and the Peruvian Chamber of Construccion, CAPECO classify these two areas in seven different sectors (see illustration 3-1) (Ipsos Apoyo 2013, p.7 – 9; CAPECO, 2016, p. viii). For the purposes of this work, only the sectors of Central Lima will be described. The central area of Lima is divided into three sectors: (1) Traditional Lima, (2) Modern Lima and (3) Top Lima. The first sector is formed by the districts of Breña, La Victoria, Rímac, San Luis and “Cercado” (Lima’s historical center) which are the oldest areas in the city. Typical characteristics of these districts are overcrowded dwellings and deterioration of old monumental buildings. These districts have several colonial and republican houses divided into small rooms where low-income families live. In the past years, municipal administrations have implemented programs to recover the monumental area and to reorganize informal housing and commerce in “Cercado”. These programs have attracted tourism, new forms of business, and encouraged investments in the real estate sector. As a logical consequence urban land prices in Traditional Lima, specifically in the historic center, have not escaped from the real estate boom (Castillo, 2015, pp. 138-140). The second sector is formed by the districts of Jesus María, Lince, Magdalena del Mar, San Miguel, Pueblo Libre and Surquillo. Currently, this sector is leading the real estate offer in the city. In an interview for the daily newspaper “Gestión”, Ricardo Arbulú, the director of CAPECO argues that the social middle-class of Lima rather tends to purchase a home in these districts than in the Lima Top districts. He states that this is a consequence of more reasonable prices due to smaller housing units (78 square meters on average). Therefore, he states that the market in this sector responds to a more realistic and non- speculative demand (Gestión, 2017 a). The third sector is formed by the districts of San Isidro, San Borja, Miraflores, La Molina and Barranco. “Lima Top” concentrates the most touristic and recreational areas of the city. It also includes Lima’s business district and consequently brings together the city’s population with the highest income and highest social status. Ricardo Arbulú, states that in this sector the purchasing and selling of housing units is slowly transforming from a dwelling necessity to a speculative investment instrument (Gestión, 2017 a).

8 For instance, in 2007, 2,600 housing units were sold, while in 2016, 11,300 housing units were sold, increasing the figure in 434%. Likewise, in 2007, the supply of appartments was 14,408, while in 2016, the supply of appartments was 24,519, increasing the figure in 170% (BBVA 2009, p. 10; BBVA 2016, pp. 10 - 24). [20]

Illustration 3-1: Maps of Greater Lima - Peripheral and Central Lima (Source: Ipsos-Apoyo, 2013, p. 7 - 9; CAPECO, 2016, p.75)

Although the growth of square meter prices in the Greater Lima is a transversal phenomenon it is not equal in all the sectors. On the one hand, the square meter prices of the Central Lima area (Traditional Lima, Modern Lima and Top Lima) have always been above the square meter prices of peripheral Lima and have been rising constantly over the past years. While, in the case of Peripheral Lima, the square meter prices have reflected more fluctuations. For instance, in the past six years, the square meter prices in the North Lima sector have only increased by 0.07%, while in the Constitutional Province of Callao, the square meter prices have had a negative growth of -0.19% (see illustration 3-2). This may be because Lima’s peripheral areas, like peripheral areas in other Latin-American cities, are perceived as hostile and unappealing due to poor urban conditions such as a deficient vehicular network, unequal distribution of services and institutions and public safety issues (Kapstein & Aranda, 2014, pp. 44 - 45). Consequently, they remain unprofitable for real estate development. In this respect, Ludeña argues that Lima’s central areas have always been spaces of struggle between high-income and low-income populations:

The “oligarchies” [upper social classes] consider Lima central areas as their only modern and civilized shelter which is separated from the barbarian and uncivilized city… while the poor refuse to be excluded from modernity and try to find their own place of belonging (Ludeña, 2002, p. 62). In other words, while Central Lima districts are considered enclaves of civilization and development and are disputed by different social groups, the rest of the city (Peripheral Lima), lacking in modernity, services, and infrastructure, is considered a space for the excluded and the marginalized. In this regard, section 4.2 discusses how urban renewal processes all over Lima gradually expand into districts that were once considered peripheral, by changing their social fabric and economic characteristics and making them look more similar than those in central districts. So, for the real estate business centrality is not a fixed concept but a concept in

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expansion. Thus, it could be said that centrality is not only a geographical concept but also a social concept.

Illustration 3-2: Evolution of apartment prices per square meter 2012 – 2017 (Source: adapted by the author from CAPECO; 2012; p.172; CAPECO 2013, p.172; CAPECO, 2014, p. 173; CAPECO 2015, p.175; CAPECO; 2016; p. 155, CAPECO 2017, p.156)

8.000 Top Lima 7.000 Modern Lima 6.000 Traditional Lima

5.000 Est Lima 4.000

entral Lima entral North Lima 3.000 C South Lima 2.000 Constitutional Province of 1.000 Callao 0.000 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017

3.2 Barranco in the frame of the real estate boom

Before 2016, CAPECO classified Barranco as a part of Modern Lima (CAPECO, 2015, p.67). In the last four years though, the square meter price in Barranco has intensively increased and has exceeded that of San Isidro (where the city's financial center is located and considered the wealthiest district). According to CAPECO, since 2014, San Isidro square meter price has increased in 4%, while in Barranco it has increased in 22%. At this moment, the square meter price in Barranco is 0,8% more expensive than in San Isidro (see illustration 3-3). Thus, the square meter price in Barranco has been positioned as the highest in Lima and CAPECO now classifies the district as a part of Top Lima (CAPECO 2016, p. viii). According to “Urbania.pe”, the largest Peruvian real estate portal, the increase in Barranco’s square meter price follows from the great appealing that the district has for artists, foreigners, young professionals, and new couples (Urbania.pe, 2017 a). Several scholars specify all these subgroups as potential gentrifying agents (Inzulza 2016, p. 1203; Hubbard 2010, p. 1- 2 & Mathews 2010, p. 661).

Illustration 3-3: Percentage growth of square meter prices in Barranco and San Isidro 2014 – 2017 (Source: adapted by the author from CAPECO; 2014; p.174; CAPECO 2015, p.176; CAPECO, 2016, p. 156; CAPECO 2017, p.157)

S/. 7,606.00 22%

S/. 8,000 Barranco S/. 7,000 San Isidro S/. 7,267.56 S/. 7,545.00 4% S/. 6,000

S/. 5,000 S/. 5,901.52

S/. 4,000

S/. 3,000

S/. 2,000

S/. 1,000

S/. - 2014 2015 2016 2017 [22]

Some of the main aspects that attract the attention of the district are its strategic location, its proximity to the sea, its architectural heritage, its traditional fame as a bohemian and cultural district, its extensive offer of nightlife and its label as the “hipster district” (Gestión, 2017 b; Municipalidad de Barranco, 2012, p. 20). Besides, while local authorities of other Lima Top’s districts tend to establish more strict requirements for the construction of new residential buildings, the Municipality of Barranco tends to ease those requirements, thus making it more appealing to the real estate business. For example, the minimum required area for a one-bedroom apartment is 70 square meters in San Isidro, while in Barranco it is only 25 square meters. The situation is the same for parking lots: other districts require a percentage of parking lots for visitors and a minimum of one parking lot per apartment. In Barranco no parking lots for visitors are required and real estate companies can build one parking lot for 1.5 apartments (see table 3- 1). In an interview for the financial journal “Semana Económica”, Ricardo Caillaux, general manager of the real estate company “My Home” revealed that one of the main aspects that gives added value to the district is the local authorities’ predisposition to ease construction parameters (Semana Económica, 2015), which currently are the most flexible of all Top Lima’s districts. Likewise, Roberto Rothschild, general manager of “Phorma” construction company, explained for the same journal that it is more attractive for construction companies to build in Barranco than in Miraflores despite that both districts have similar clients (Semana Económica, 2015). Moreover, unlike the other Top Lima’s districts, Barranco has no official regulations to limit the sizes of housing units and number of parking lots per residential building. Nevertheless, even though the Municipality of Barranco has not established those regulations, Ana Victoria Díaz, urban development manager of the Municipality of Barranco 9 , stated that the real estate companies present projects based on the minimum official requirements established by the Municipality of Lima and the Ministry of Housing, Construction, and Sanitation. Consequently, real estate companies in Barranco take advantage of this legal vacuum to develop larger projects with a greater number of apartments. So, although the price of the square meter is higher in Barranco, the apartments are smaller and therefore cheaper than in other Lima Top districts. Therefore, this flexibility allows real estate companies to develop more profitable projects since more apartments can be built on the same terrain. Moreover, it is easier for middle-class buyers (young professionals and new families) to purchase their first apartment in Barranco because even though the square meter price is higher, the total cost of the down payment and the apartment itself ends up being lower than in other Top Lima districts. This also means that the high price per square meter in Barranco does not necessarily respond to the quality of the services offered by the district, like safe streets, green areas, or recreation areas, but rather to the profitability for construction companies.

9 See Appendix B for references about interviews with informants.

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Table 3-1: Comparison of building parameters of Lima Top districts (Source: adapted by the author from municipal documents, municipal council decrees and national regulations10)

Minimum square meters required Minimum number of parking lots required per per apartment apartment District three- Three- Visitor One-bedroom One-bedroom bedroom Bedroom parking apartment apartment apartment apartment spaces 10% of total Surco 100 200 1 3 parking lots La Molina 70/80 120/150 1 2 - San Borja 70 140 1 2 - Miraflores 70 200 1 3 10% San Isidro 70 200 1 3 30%

Barranco 25 75 1 parking lot per 1.5 apartments -

3.3 Barranco’s socio-spatial background Barranco is the smallest and least populated district of Lima Top, thus despite having a greater middle-class population, it also has the largest percentage of people living in poverty. The Peruvian National Institute of Statistics and Informatics (INEI) states that while the poverty rate in other Top Lima districts does not exceed 2%, Barranco’s poverty rate reaches almost 6% (see table 3-2). Since the second half of the twentieth century, the Municipality of Barranco divided the district in three territorial zones: zone A, zone B, and zone C. These zones do not have a uniform demographic distribution (see illustration 3-4). The spatial divisions of the district also determine contrasting social divisions (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2016 b, n.p.; Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 b, pp. 9-10).

Table 3-2: Total population and poverty percentage of Lima Top districts (Source: adapted by the author from INEI, 2013, pp. 94 - 95)

Total Population living under District Percentage population poverty conditions

Surco 344,242 5,164 1.50%

La Molina 171,646 1,545 0.90% San Borja 111,928 448 0.40%

Miraflores 81,932 82 0.10% San Isidro 54,206 11 0.02%

Barranco 29,984 1,679 5.60%

10 Comparison of official documents that establish urban parameters in Top Lima districts: - Ordinance No 342 approving the urban parameters and building conditions in Miraflores (2011). Lima - Council Decree No 13, Regulation of Urban and Building parameters of Santiago de Surco (2011). Lima - Council Decree No 010, Regulation of Urban and Building Parameters, Complementary Norms on Quality Standards and Operational Levels for Urban Activities, La Molina (2016). Lima - Ordinance No 491, Regulation of buildings and supplementary rules, San Borja (2012). Lima - Council Decree No 002-ALC / MSI, approving the Urban and Building Parameters of San Isidro (2012). Lima. - Ordinance No 1076, Zoning regulations of the districts of Barranco, Surquillo and an area of Chorrillos and Santiago de Surco. Lima - National construction regulations of the Ministry of Housing, Construction, and Sanitation - 2006. Lima [24]

Illustration 3-4: Distribution of Barranco’s population (Source: Carbajal, 2013, p. 34; Municipalidad de Barranco, 2016 b, n.p; Google maps, 2017 a)

The first zone (zone A) is located near the sea and close to the district of Miraflores. It is considered the most attractive area for tourism and it is where most of the entertainment facilities and restaurants are located. Residents of these area are part of Lima’s upper and middle classes. They have the highest income and the highest level of education in Barranco (Carbajal 2013, p. 41). In many cases, residents of this zone have profited of the real estate boom. Despite the official division established by the Municipality of Barranco, after my fieldwork experience, I divided this zone in two different sub-zones: Los Malecones (seawalls) and the areas behind Los Malecones. I argue that even though residents of both sub-zones could have similar social characteristics, the economic differences between the two groups are remarkable. Accordingly, when comparing the sizes of apartments in both areas, I noticed that the apartments in Los Malecones vary between 250 and 650 square meters while the buildings behind Los Malecones vary between 40 and 140 square meters. This size difference makes the apartments in “Los Malecones much more expensive (500%) than those behind Los Malecones. Based on the information of real estate projects in both sub-zones, while an apartment of 450 square meters in Los Malecones could cost S/. 3’467,700.00 soles (approximately 924,000.00 euros), an apartment of 90 square meters in the area behind Los Malecones could cost around S/. 693,540.00 soles (La Quebrada de Barranco, 2017; San Martín 227, 2017). Furthermore, resident of Los Malecones live in large luxurious apartments with an open view to the sea, and all the buildings have great leisure facilities such as tennis courts, swimming pools, gyms, etc. Due to their membership at private clubs they barely use Barranco’s public spaces and since they move through the district by car, they almost never walk through the streets. According to the residents of other zones, they are barely ever exposed to Barranco’s problems and they want to live separated from the rest of the district. In the meantime, residents behind Los Malecones are mostly upper-middle class and middle-class groups (young professionals, business owners, workers in the entertainment business and foreigners). They are more inclined to integrate with the rest of the district, and, although many of them own cars, they also travel through the district by bicycle or on foot and they make use of the public spaces. They also feel that the urban renewal process is affecting them negatively because nowadays this sub-zone continues to be intensely redeveloped by the

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real estate business. These residents are more familiar with the problems of the district, consequently they either belong to or give support to urban social movements. The second zone (zone B) is located behind the Avenue Miguel Grau. Currently, the real estate boom has been intensified in this zone. This zone has the most mixed population of the district. One can find middle-class residents with a professional education level (e.g.: lawyers, architects, and engineers) living in the same street as low-income population living in informal conditions and working in the informal economy (e.g.: street vendors, household employees, taxi drivers). Most activists of urban social movements live in this zone; hence it is the most politicized. Some residents of this zone are threatened with eviction because their housing condition is informal, particularly those residents who live in “quintas” and “solares”. While the “quintas” consist of a group of small houses of approximately 30 square meters, the “solares” are a group of small rooms of approximately 12 square meters. Both types of dwellings are placed on terrains of 1000 to 7000 square meters. Usually, a whole family shares a room or a house with an independent exit to a common hall-way. They can also have either shared or independent bathroom facilities (INEI, 2007, p. 11). Due to the size of the terrain, “quintas” and “solares” have a great potential to be demolished to develop buildings on their terrain instead. The third zone (zone C) is located behind Avenue Bolognesi and borders the districts of Santiago de Surco and Chorrillos. The residents of Zone C are considered to be the poorest residents of the whole district. A significant part of them lives in quintas and solares but also in other type of homes with inadequate habitable conditions where their housing tenure is also informal (INEI, 2007, p. 372; Municipalidad de Barranco 2012, p. 59). In that regard, the Municipality of Barranco has stablished that several houses in this zone face overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, and poor material conditions (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2012, pp. 40 - 45; Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 b, p. 19). So, residents of this zone have been the least affected by the real estate boom. So far however, the Municipality of Barranco has planned to redevelop this area by easing construction parameters and therefore encouraging the presence of the real estate. Accordingly, local authorities argue that an adequate strategy of densification in this zone will reduce the risk of collapse that many dwellings have, and it will also improve the quality of housing and services in this area (Canal N, 2016). In other words, Barranco’s local authorities will continue with the general trend towards opening the way for real estate developments in all zones of the district. Common elements of this zone are high levels of domestic violence, school desertion, robberies and micro commercialization of drugs (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 b, p. 28). Consequently, residents of zone C are frequently stigmatized and marginalized. In 2009, the Municipality of Lima decided to build “El Metropolitano”, a public bus lane that has been built along Avenue Bolognesi (see illustration 3-5). The construction of El Metropolitano created a physical barrier between zone C and the rest of Barranco’s. According to a study about the impacts on the use of public spaces after the construction of El Metropolitano, the presence of the new stations and the grids placed along the whole district have changed the daily routines of Barranco’s residents (Fabbri et al., 2014, p. 38). Moreover, the study specifies that residents of zone C have been particularly disadvantaged as they were previously integrated into the district through transversal connecting axes now blocked by El Metropolitano. Consequently, they had to change their social and economic activities. These days, residents of Zone C are limited to be in just one side of the district. This situation gives them the sensation of being outcasts of their own district (Fabbri et al., 2014, p. 41). Likewise, residents of Barranco revealed that the presence of El Metropolitano on Avenue Bolognesi has become a main obstruction to cross for persons with limited mobility and a risk for the life of pedestrians, especially in areas where no sidewalks have been built after installing El Metropolitano (see illustration 3-5). The construction of El Metropolitano provoked the emergence of the grassroot organization “Salvemos Barranco”. This

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movement gave rise to grassroot organizations that still lead and organize the dissident voices of Barranco’s new configuration of urban space (Carrasco, 2011, pp. 53-54).

Illustration 3-5: Map of “El Metropolitano” trajectory in Barranco and images of Avenue Bolognesi (Source: Fabbri et al. 2014; fieldwork pictures)

3.4 Conclusion After analyzing both the context of the real estate boom in Lima and the conditions of the urban development in Barranco, it can be concluded that urban space in central areas has been transformed into a highly valued commodity for real estate investment. In the meantime, while other districts have become stricter towards the construction of new buildings, the local authorities in Barranco have done exactly the opposite: easing the construction rules to promote the proliferation of residential buildings all over the district. Amongst other characteristics of Barranco, easing those rules for the real estate business has increased the housing prices which produces a higher trend to speculate with urban land. This situation has increased the threat of eviction to those residents that live in informal conditions. Consequently, the combination of the intense urban renewal process in Barranco and the socio-spatial characteristics of the district (small size urban area with high levels of disparity between rich and poor) is creating a scenario where social tensions and struggles are emerging around the uses of urban space. The following chapters analyzes (1) the arguments that local authorities and private investors use to encourage the urban renewal process, (2) the changes of the district’s landscapes and social fabric caused by this process, and (3) the strategies of long-term residents to struggle against that process.

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4. Barranco’s urban renewal process: Strategies and aftermaths

This chapter discusses that the strategies developed by local authorities and private actors to encourage Barranco’s urban renewal process are carried out without taking into account the serious social effects that this process is causing on long-term residents and on the traditional landscapes of the district. To elaborate on this argument, this chapter will be presented in four sections. The first section describes mechanisms applied by local authorities and the real estate business to exert pressure on informal residents so that they vacate their dwellings and free the urban land for the development of new real estate projects. The second section demonstrates that these mechanisms that aim to displace informal residents have been previously used to promote urban renewal processes in other central districts of Lima. The third section explores the narratives that local authorities use to promote the urban renewal process. Those narratives frequently entail promises of development and modernization of the district and the necessity to implement certain decisions for the common good of long-term residents. I argue that these narratives result in a contradiction. First, because local authorities use them to design urban policies to attract new social groups with higher incomes but not necessarily to meet the long- term needs of residents. Second, because the negative effects of these urban policies always fall on long-term residents, and finally the fourth section discusses that urban policies and real estate projects are not only provoking a change in the district’s social fabric but are also impacting its residential morphology and with this, the way in which residents interact.

4.1 Displacement of “Genuine Barranquinos”: The story of the quintas and solares This section introduces the story of the informal residents of quintas and solares. Since these residents are always running the risk of being evicted because they do not have a formal tenure of the urban land, they are considered the most vulnerable social group of Barranco. Even though Barranco was founded as an urban district in 1874. Until the mid-20th century, most of Barranco's territory consisted of semi-rural areas (entailing vineyards, “haciendas”11, ranches and farms) and a small urban area consolidated around its central square. Among Barranco’s most well- known haciendas was the hacienda “San Juan Grande de Surco” which used to cover part of zone C. To offer shelter to farm workers, the owners of the haciendas built quintas and solares (see illustration 4-1). After the Agrarian Reform (between 1969 and 1979) and the Andean migration that provoked Lima’s urban expansion (between 1960 and 1980), rural areas started to become the new urban areas of the city (Matos Mar, 1991, pp. 1 - 2). The Agrarian Reform produced multiple land owners of the “haciendas”. The owners rented out the small houses and rooms of the quintas and solares to new residents, usually migrants from other cities of the country that came to Lima to find better job and education opportunities. These migrants found quintas and solares in Barranco as a cheap solution for their living necessities. After several owners of the quintas and solares passed away, the issue of land tenure remained unresolved and now dwellings in both quintas and solares are typically occupied by informal tenants. Under the Peruvian legislation, informal tenants are called “precarious possessors”. The Peruvian Civil Code states that precarious possessors are those who illegally occupy a terrain. Illegal occupation refers to the possession of a property that cannot be certified by an official title of ownership or tenure (Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos, 2015, p. 339). Unlike other municipalities of Top Lima districts, the Municipality of Barranco does not have a cadastral registry of Barranco’s urban land. This register aims to provide with a physical inventory of all the urban areas of the district as well as determine the status of the property ownership (Municipalidad de Barranco,

11 In Latin America, an “hacienda” was an agricultural piece of land of great size, that usually belonged to a landowner of Spaniard precedence. It contained a central large building (“la casa hacienda”) occupied by the owner and a peripheral housing area occupied by the land labor (Altman et al., 2003, p. 164)

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2017 c, n.p.). Nonetheless, according to the Municipality of Barranco, most precarious possessors are located between zone B and C of the district. Ana Victoria Díaz, urban development manager of the Municipality of Barranco, stated that a study carried out by the Peruvian Institute of Civil Defense (INDECI) in 2012 revealed that only around Avenue Bolognesi, 790 families were living as precarious possessors. In some cases, three generations of the same family share a dwelling. While the first generation signed a rental contract with a previous owner, the second and third generation lost track of who the owner was, and the contract was impossible to renew. Since families have been occupying some dwellings for over 50 years the occupants feel that they are “barranquinos" as much as the rest of Barranco’s residents. However, due to the informality of their housing situation, they are considered illegal residents and they always live under the constant fear of eviction.

I was born in Barranco, so I consider myself a genuine “Barranquina”. (…) my husband and I use to rent this room to Mr. José, he passed away 12 years ago, his son lives abroad so we don’t pay rent anymore. My husband thinks that in every moment we will have to go. He is considering buying a terrain in Ventanilla [a peripheral district located in the Constitutional Province of Callao], but I do not want to go there. I don’t know anyone there. I have lived in Barranco during my whole life (…) my friends live here; my daughter goes to school here and I feel that I know everyone around here (María Elena, solar resident, zone B, June 12th). The testimony of Maria Elena shows that the precarious possessors not only feel part of Barranco, but their life dynamics are already internalized within it. Thus, when they are pushed to peripheral areas they are forced to remake their routine in a totally new environment. So, they need time to get to know their new neighborhood, to rebuild their social fabric and to identify places of employment, services, education, and healthcare. Likewise, in a city like Lima which is tormented by an inefficient public transportation system, living on the periphery of the city means that commuting times are very long. This is a new obstacle to overcome for the displaced population since they frequently remain working in central areas. Such is the case of María, who has lived in Barranco for a decade and works in the neighboring district of Miraflores.

(...) I am from Cuzco. When I arrived in Lima I lived on a hill in San Juan de Lurigancho (a peripheral district of Est Lima). My [four] daughters came all dirty from school because they had to climb the hill (…) I had to draw water from a well, so it was hard to shower every day. I am a house maid of Ms. Carmen [an owner of several houses in a “quinta”] and she told me to move here [to the quinta] with my daughters. That was a blessing for me. Now I can pick up my kids after school and spend more time with them. (…) but what would happen if she dies? (…) I do not want to hurt anyone, but this is my house. I do not think that another person who needs a house will come [to claim this house]. This place is going to be transformed into a new building and they will sell the apartments for thousands of soles to someone who can easily buy one elsewhere (María, quinta resident, zone B, June 4th). Maria’s testimony reveals that the displacement of informal residents from Barranco to a peripheral area would also impact their quality of life because Barranco offers benefits that are not equally provided in peripheral areas of the city. For instance, a study of Wingo about gentrification in cities of the United States showed that workers located closer to their working areas have a higher net salary than those whose homes are far away since the latter have higher transportation expenses. The same study demonstrated that workers living in central areas have better living conditions since they have more time to do other activities such as studying or child caring (Wingo Jr., 2016, pp. 26 - 28). Moreover, due to the unequal distribution of infrastructure and services, the impacts of moving to a periphery in a Latin American city are even stronger than in western cities (Ruiz, 2016, p. 6).

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Illustration 4-1: Residents and dwellings of quintas and solares (Source: Giovanni Bastante’s archive; fieldwork pictures)

The residents of quintas and solares are also daily confronted with inadequate living conditions due to the deterioration of the infrastructure of their homes. According to municipal officials, several properties of the quintas and solares face the risk of collapse since the buildings are old and have never being maintained. Many residents of the quintas and solares have tried to repair the deterioration of their houses as it is their only possibility to have access to economic housing in Barranco. They have also tried to regularize the documents on home ownership with SUNARP, the Peruvian System of Public Registries but legal expenses, municipal regulations, and bureaucratic barriers make both tasks difficult. Furthermore, several quintas and solares are in strategic locations of Barranco, like in the case of “Quinta San José". This quinta has 7,800 square meters of land and is located on Avenue Grau, between Zone A and Zone B (see illustration 4-2). Avenue Grau is considered the main avenue of Barranco. It also connects the district with Miraflores and currently it is the location of several real estate projects. Due to its size and location, the terrain of “Quinta San José” has favorable conditions to develop very

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profitable residential or commercial projects. Therefore, the real estate companies, with the complicity of the municipality, want to take advantage of the uncertain condition of the land tenure of the quinta and are employing all their legal, economic, and administrative resources to regularize the ownership of the property in their favor. According to Giovanni Bastante, a handyman, born and raised in the “Quinta San José” and president of the resident’s association of the quinta, the terrain of the quinta was part of the hacienda "San Juan Grande de Surco". When the hacienda closed, the Indacochea Pejovés family became the owner of the “quinta”. When family members died, there were two remaining heirs: Samuel and Matilde Indacochea Pejovés. Giovanni stated that 50 years ago his father arrived to Barranco and met Samuel (one of the heirs) who rented him a house in the quinta. When Giovanni became a grown man, he also rented out a house to Samuel. Giovanni had to take care of his father due to the latter’s fragile health condition, thus it was easier for him to live close by. After years passed, Samuel and Matilde died and did not leave any known children. Consequently, neither Giovanni nor his father knew who to pay the rent to. However, since they already lived there for many years, they decided to stay in the quinta. Nowadays 400 people live in the Quinta San José and are in the same situation as Giovanni. In August 2017, residents of Quinta San José received a letter from the Municipality of Barranco with a technical report attached to it. In this letter, the municipality indicated that Quinta San José has been declared uninhabitable and told its residents that they have 15 days to vacate the property. The letter also argued that the Department of Private Works, Cadaster, and Urban Control of the municipality together with the Ministry of Culture have made the corresponding inspections of the properties in the quinta. Accordingly, they found that the infrastructure of most of the houses were about to collapse, so that is why it was urgent that the residents leave the property immediately (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 d, pp. 1 -3). Moreover, Francisco Narrea, the general manager of the Municipality of Barranco declared for the newspaper "El Comercio" that despite the poor state of the structures in the quinta (mostly adobe houses), the residents refuse to leave their homes as they have been living there for more than 40 years. Therefore, the letter from the municipality that tells them to vacate the property in fifteen days was to warn them that at the end of that period, they would become responsible for their own integrity if something happens to the quinta’s premises. He also stated that the eviction order could only be made by the owners, therefore the letter was only a recommendation (El Comercio, 2017 a). According to Giovanni, the letter from the local authorities expressing their concern for the well-being and physical safety of the quinta’s residents was only a cover-up of the real purpose they have for wanting them to leave the property. In that regard, he explained that when he requested authorizations from the municipality to repair cracks in the walls of his house, he received a negative answer. The local authorities argued that precarious possessors are not formal owners of the house in which they live and that they are therefore not allowed to change its condition. Moreover, they replied that Quinta San José was located in a monumental area (hence the need for authorization) so Giovanni would have to pay an inspection from the Ministry of Culture and the College of Architects to review and approve the construction works that he was planning to start on his house (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2016 c, n.p.). Nevertheless, Giovanni insisted to do the reparations without the permits because to his opinion, repairing cracks should not entail such a bureaucratic and expensive task. When the municipality found out, they fined Giovanni with S/. 12,000.00 and commanded him to stop the works. A few days after the letter of the municipality to the residents of Quinta San José, Giovanni received a letter from "San Juan de Dios" clinic and seven other people, which stated that the institution and the signers of the document were the beneficiaries of the deceased Matilde Indacochea Pejovés (owner of the 3800 square meters of the quinta). The letter specified that as new owners of the land, they have decided to sell it to the real estate project “Magdalena S.A.C." (Clínica San Juan de Dios, 2017).

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Although no evidence has been found that links the letter of the municipality with the one of "San Juan de Dios" clinic, Giovanni declared that he knows other cases of quintas where local authorities and real estate companies combined their strategies to evict precarious possessors. He considers it as highly probable that the owners of "Magdalena S.A.C" project have been behind both letters since they have been sent in the same month. Thus, he believes that while the company was negotiating the conditions with the local authorities to help them with accelerating the eviction process, it was also using all its resources to track each of the possible heirs of the land of "Quinta San José” and helped them formalize the legality of their inheritance to buy their share afterwards. Furthermore, the case of the "Quinta San José" reveals that the entire administrative, technical, and legal apparatus of the local authorities (letters, reports, inspections) is used efficiently to promote the eviction of informal residents, allegedly claiming that they care about their safety. However, the testimonies of long-term residents revealed that when they have complaints against real estate companies and request the same efficiency and diligence of the Municipality of Barranco to act on such claims, local authorities pay little attention to their requests. Finally, the case of quintas and solares also demonstrates that in Barranco informal tenure of land becomes the perfect argument for evict and displace low-income residents. According to López- Morales, this situation is frequently found in Global South cities where there is a relation between the informal land tenure and property speculation, promoted by local authorities and real estate businesses (López-Morales, 2016, p. 230).

Illustration 4-2: Location of the "Quinta San José" (Source: Google maps, 2017 b)

4.2 The expansive wave of urban renewal processes Local authorities from Barranco are not the only ones promoting displacement of informal tenants. Previously, between 2007 and 2014, the favorite districts for the real estate business were San Isidro, Miraflores and San Borja. Accordingly, until 2014, while the square meter prices in Lima grew at an annual percentage of 17%, the square meter prices in those three districts grew around 19% (CAPECO, 2014, p. xlviii). Thus, in Miraflores, one of Barranco’s neighboring districts, all the urban areas started to be highly demanded. At that time, some derelict areas of Miraflores such as “Barrio Santa Cruz” had several quintas and solares mostly occupied by informal residents. In that context, the local authorities of Miraflores implemented two strategies to displace these social groups. Firstly, they deliberately neglected areas were informal tenants

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lived and they also established regulations to specifically ban their traditional commercial activities (e.g.: street peddling and car repairing workshops). In the meantime, they gave several constructions permits for new residential buildings and operating permits to new type of businesses such as luxury restaurants (Consiglieri, 2016, p.40). The development of new residential and commercial projects caused the displacement of many families in Barrio Santa Cruz (Consiglieri, 2016, pp. 62-63). After an intense urban renewal process, urban land in Miraflores became scarce and land speculation caused that prices of terrains skyrocketed 12 . Furthermore, from 2011, the municipalities of the districts where the real estate boom was more intense (San Isidro, San Borja and Miraflores) decided to establish more restrictive construction policies (see table 3-1). As a result, many obstacles began to arise so that real estate companies could not develop profitable projects anymore. This fact caused a reduction of the amount of new real estate developments on those districts and the real estate business began to direct its interest towards other districts. Notably, from 2014 to 2017, the square meters prices began to increase with a higher pace in Barranco, Jesús María and Chorrillos than in Miraflores, San Borja and San Isidro (see illustration 4-3). Today, the housing offer in the first three districts exceeds that of the districts that were originally preferred by the real estate business (see illustration 4-4).

Illustration 4-3: Percentage growth of square meter prices 2014 – 2017 in Jesús María, Barranco, Chorrillos, Miraflores, San Isidro and San Borja (Source: CAPECO, 2014; p.174; CAPECO 2015, p.176; CAPECO, 2016, p. 156; CAPECO 2017, p.157)

S/. 9,000.00 Percentage growth Percentage growth 31% 14% S/. 8,000.00

S/. 7,000.00

S/. 6,000.00

S/. 5,000.00

S/. 4,000.00

S/. 3,000.00

S/. 2,000.00

S/. 1,000.00

S/. - Jesús María Barranco Chorrillos Miraflores San Isidro San Borja

2014 2017

12 For instance, nowadays, a terrain in Barrio Santa Cruz (Miraflores) could cost S/. 11,375.00 soles (approximately 3,000.00 euros) per square meter, depending on the size and the number of floors that could be built on the terrain (La Encontré, 2017) [33]

Illustration 4-4: Percentage growth of new-build apartments 2014 - 2017 in Jesús María, Barranco, Chorrillos, Miraflores, San Isidro and San Borja (Source: CAPECO, 2014, p. 240; CAPECO, 2017, p. 150)

Although there is a greater real estate offer in Barranco, the prices of the square meter do not stop increasing. Consequently, just as the process of urban renewal in Barranco is causing the displacement of its informal residents, it has the same effect on its formal residents. The testimonies collected revealed that several residents of Barranco move out to Chorrillos to find affordable housing in that other district. For example, Pedro Macuri, activist and resident of zone A, stated that generally his friends are moving out of Barranco because they cannot buy an apartment or pay the rents in the district anymore. They move to the neighboring districts of Chorrillos or Surco because they do not want to lose their social bond with Barranco. He also claims that in some parts of Barranco where the real estate boom has not arrived yet, there are family groups that still manage to live together in the same neighborhood.

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My friends had to move to Chorrillos and Surco because they want to stay close (…) [for example] when they have kids they have to get a bigger place and it is impossible for them to continue living in Barranco (…) in a few places where the construction boom has not reached yet, family groups that live in Barranco still meet (…) in Raimondi square [zone C] you can see them all together during weekends (…) the brother lives in front of the cousin and one block away from the brother-in-law (Pedro Macuri, zone B, June 10th). Unfortunately, looking at the trends of the real estate business behavior in Lima, it can be expected that the urban renewal process would not stop until all the possibilities of affordable housing disappear from Barranco, as it happened in Miraflores. Furthermore, I believe that at the time the children of Pedro’s friends decide to form a new household, they would have to move from Chorrillos to the next district, just like Pedro's friends (their parents) moved out from Barranco to Chorrillos due to the increasing housing prices. This shows that the urban renewal process does not stop at the borders of one specific area, instead it progresses towards other locations that are near central areas and that are not developed yet. So, this process creates a scenario where “centrality” is captured as a strategic resource by the population with higher-income while low-income population is gradually expelled to further and further peripheral areas. Under this scenario, this process violates the right of low- income population to live in central areas (the right to centrality). Furthermore, it disregards space as a central element for the achievement of social justice for the “limeños” (the inhabitants of Lima). In this respect, Harvey argues that a home in a strategic area is not only a space of attachment but a resourceful place of stability that brings a person a secure sense of personal control. Besides, he states that a home allows its dweller to develop a web of trustworthy connections, an anchor of identity and social life which is a key element to pursue the emotional and material needs that human beings needs for his satisfaction. Thus, depriving someone from their home for speculation purposes is an act of injustice. (Harvey, 1985, p. 21).

4.3 Barranco’s urban renewal process and promises for development and modernization Latin America has always lived with the challenge of becoming a developed region. The paths to achieving the ideal of development have been widely debated by politicians, economists, and scholars. In that sense, there is an idea that the promotion of private investment and stimulation of the free market will transform Latin America into a developed region (Svampa, 2012, p. 8). This idea is so rooted in the Latin American imagery that it is also present in urban planning models. Under this idea, Latin American cities are following models of urban governance that prioritize private investments to plan the destination of urban space. These plans usually do not consider the opinion of the population. Moreover, they are usually imposed with the argument that this way of planning is done for the sake of the common good and the collective interest (Janoschka & Sequera, 2016, p. 1177). At the end, they force the population to comply with market rules to achieve a universal vision of development and modernity. The case of Barranco is no exception. For twenty years now, its residents witnessed how the decisions about urban space have been determined by the needs of the real estate business and other private sectors. Those decisions disregard previous dynamics and uses of urban space. José Ayulo, activist, resident of zone C and town councilor revealed that the prevalence of the private sector over the opinion of civil society is reflected in the fact that in Barranco, the PDC is disregarded for most part of the decisions about the destination of urban land.

For years I have been asking for a Concerted Development Plan in the district. Finally, last year they [the municipality] published one. However, I think, that plan has not been designed in a legitimate participatory process. Every time I ask the current municipal administration if they took it into account when they determine municipal ordinances or agreements, they give me an excuse. This clearly shows that in Barranco the vision of development does not include the opinion of its residents (José Ayulo, zone C, July 4th).

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In Latin America, common terms that are used to justify gentrification processes are related to promises of progress, development, and modernization. These terms are employed to displace “those who do not fit” from modern spaces which are more in line with consumer places in developed cities. Thus, gentrification becomes a highly efficient strategy that recovers urban spaces from “other inadequate uses” that are considered pre-modern (Gorelik, 2002, p.128). The institutional narrative of the Municipality of Barranco corresponds to this vision. Gentrification is understood as a process that produces a “virtuous circle” where urban areas are improved to attract social groups with greater purchasing power that in turn produce new income for the municipality. This revenue can be invested to improve the district's infrastructure which will have an impact on the development of the district. Also, with gentrification, new possibilities of employment are produced, and the appeal of the district is enhanced. In an interview for the financial journal “Semana Económica” Hector Cerpa, the former urban development manager of Barranco classified gentrification in two categories: one accidental and one planned. While “accidental gentrification” causes insecurity problems and discomfort to neighbors, “planned gentrification” creates multiple places of leisure, develops communication channels, and revitalizes some areas of the district that were previously abandoned (Semana Económica, 2016). In an interview for the newspaper Gestión, Francisco Narrea, the general manager of the Municipality of Barranco manifested that “planned gentrification” will modernize the district. The way he conceives “planned gentrification” is to direct the gentrification process towards areas that are abandoned and derelict. He claimed that granting construction permits to new real estate developments in certain areas has transformed them into safer and attractive areas. For him, those areas are undergoing a positive development process. Therefore, private investment has restored their vitality and turned them into a potential area for real estate investment and high-quality business more alike to those areas in cities of the developed world (Gestión, 2016). In other words, the Municipality of Barranco believes that the intensification of private investment in deteriorated areas reduces crime rates which improves the image of Barranco overall. Consequently, the new residential character of the district creates a pole of development that attracts businesses of international quality able to please more demanding consumers. Ana Victoria Díaz, urban development manager of the Municipality of Barranco says that each month Barranco receives five million tourists, both national and international. According to her, one problem that prevents the tourism industry from growing is the high level of delinquency which mainly originates in abandoned areas of the district mostly occupy by informal tenants. (...) among all the old houses, the quintas and the solares, there are hundreds of informal tenants and there are many instances of crime breaking out in these areas (...) informal tenants do not generate any benefits to the municipality, since they are not part of the tax collection system (Ana Victoria Diaz, July 25th).

According to the local authorities’ perspective, informal tenants are an obstacle in fulfilling their development vision. Hence, municipal workers not only stigmatize them, but they do not even consider them part of the urban plans. To justify this decision the municipal workers, bring forward the following arguments: first, they claim that they are not entitled to handle the paper work since that task corresponds to other national institutions. Second, they claim that they do not have the necessary budget to repair dwellings of informal tenants, especially in the monumental areas. And third, they say that informal tenants do not pay taxes and the municipality has therefore limited economic resources (El Comercio, 2017 b). However, for José Ayulo, the budget deficit is not necessarily linked to informal tenants who refuse to pay taxes. He believes that the problem is mainly related to corruption practices and an inefficient management of the district. Moreover, he argues that even though informal tenants would want to pay taxes, they could not do it due to their informal situation. He believes that if the municipality had a truly political will it would resort to alternative solutions to help informal tenants instead of displacing them.

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[For example] If they [the municipality] wanted to help informal tenants to formalize their status of ownership, they would sign agreements with the College of Notaries or other similar institutions (José Ayulo, Zone C, July 4th). Nevertheless, the local authorities believe that if the real estate companies deal with the problem of informal housing in the district it can turn into a solution where everyone benefits. The municipality is willing to offer special conditions to real estate companies, so the latter can obtain a greater profitability in their projects while taking care of the informal tenants. For instance, the municipality is willing to allow real estate companies to build a higher number of stories per building, instead real state companies will have to negotiate with informal tenants the eviction of properties. According to the municipal authorities, since these tenants know how much their houses cost, they do not leave until they reach an agreement with the real estate companies. In the words of Ana Victoria Díaz, urban development manager of the Municipality of Barranco:

It’s a situation where everyone wins, while informal tenants are paid, with the arrival of modern buildings the image of the district improves, (Ana Victoria Diaz, July 25th). Therefore, with a supposed ideal of modernization of Barranco, municipal authorities are encouraging displacement. Furthermore, the perspective of local authorities shows that they are insensitive towards the most vulnerable social group of the district (the informal tenants) so they trivialize the fact that people are being forced out of the district and losing their homes. For local authorities, informal tenants should not even be considered real residents of Barranco because of their informal land tenure, even though they have been born and raised in the district. They can even be easily ‘sacrificed’ for the municipality’s unilateral vision of development. This way of acting represents a paradox where the legitimacy of the role of the municipality is severely compromised. According to the Institutional Operating Plan of 2016, the municipality's endeavor is to design actions and policies that promote a safe and orderly urban area. In addition, the municipality must ensure an environment of solidarity, equality and community participation that aims to improve the quality of life of long-term residents (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2016 d, n.p.). In Barranco, public policies are no longer designed to satisfy the needs of the residents of the district. On the contrary: public policies are subordinated to the needs of potential new investors and new residents. Thus, while the main objective of the public function should be to protect the interests of its residents, the objective in Barranco has been completely transformed into a different thing. For municipal authorities is more important to change the district into a competitive urban space that is comparable with other metropolitan areas in the capture of cultural, economic, and social capital. This rationale corresponds to what Sequera calls "urban neoliberal governmentality". According to Sequera, this type of governmentality occurs when the public function prioritizes the objective of improving the image of an urban space over the objective of improving the quality of life of its citizens (Sequera, 2013, p. 67). Moreover, for the Municipality of Barranco the favorite social groups have become those with higher levels of social, cultural, and economic capital such as middle classes, artists, and tourists, hence, the focus of urban policies is not about the residents anymore but aims to attract these particular social groups. The main reason for this is that these social groups usually tend to encourage that ideal of modernization. This new rationale already had an impact on the social fabric of the district. A study about urban residential mobility in Barranco developed in 2013 shows that the social fabric of Barranco has been changing since the beginning of the real estate boom. Part of the adult population has been replaced by new younger residents with higher levels of education and purchasing capacity (Carbajal, 2013, p. 39). The study also reveals that the increase of square meter prices has significantly reduced the availability of living spaces for younger descendants of the local families of Barranco. Consequently, the younger members of the community must migrate to other districts to create their own households (Carbajal, 2013, p. 17). Under the

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narratives of development, progress and modernization, Barranco’s urban renewal process is disguising the negative impacts that the real estate boom is producing. At the end, whether “planned” or not, gentrification is far from producing development but is creating an unfriendly scenario for long-term residents such as displacement of their homes to promote the arrival of new residents to the district.

4.4 The loss of the heritage architecture In this section, I argue that the urban renewal process is aggressively transforming Barranco in physical terms through the displacement of the traditional district architecture. The transformation of Barranco’s landscape involves the construction of new developments of medium and high residential condominiums, generally built by large real estate companies that replace the old characteristic adobe houses of the district. This phenomenon could be understood as a type of displacement named “displacement by transformation of housing typology” (Inzulza, 2016, p.1198). Someone once said that Barranco has a taste of sweet longing. Undoubtedly, this romantic and powerful expression applies to the district in many aspects. Nevertheless, the aggressive real estate boom is transforming Barranco before our eyes and its patrimonial essence fades into the new modern constructions. Some time ago single-story adobe houses and small residential and commercial buildings were the predominant landscape of Barranco. Currently the adobe houses are being demolished and new residential and commercial buildings are placed instead (see illustration 4-5 and illustration 4-6). Likewise, the streets of Barranco look more like a war zone than an area of cultural heritage. Blocked streets, broken sidewalks, digging holes and construction cranes are now the new elements of Barranco’s landscape.

Illustration 4-5: Images of Barranco’s adobe houses with “for sale” signs (Source: field work pictures)

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Illustration 4-6: Images of medium and high-rise buildings (Source: fieldwork pictures)

Before the real estate boom (2007 – 2017), there were only 145 buildings with 2075 apartments in the district (Carrión, 2010). The most frequent buildings back then were one or two-story houses of reinforced adobe and “quincha” (a mixture of mud and cane used in colonial and republican buildings) (see table 4-1). By now, even though no formal data exists, it is highly probable that the housing type in Barranco has changed to predominantly medium and high-rise buildings, which is a typical characteristic of gentrification processes in the Global South (Insulza-Contardo, 2016, p. 1198).

Table 4-1: Barranco’s housing types by 2007 (Source: Municipalidad de Barranco, 2012, p. 22)

Number of Percentage distribution of type of Type of dwelling dwelling dwelling Independent house 5195 55,03% Dwelling in a "quinta" 1743 18,46% Dwelling in a "solar" 371 3,93% Apartment in a building 2075 21,98% Space not destined to shelter human life 40 0,42% Improvised house 16 0,17% Total 9440 100% Between 2007 and 2011, two regulations were issued in order to relax the requirements of construction permits in favor of real estate interests. The first one determined that in the premises around parks and avenues of four lanes, buildings of 15 and 21-story could be built respectively (Municipalidad de Lima, 2011, pp. 6 – 8). The second one reduced the minimum size

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required per apartment to 25 square meters (Ministry of Housing, Construction, and Sanitation, 2011, pp. 247 - 278). Those two regulations triggered an aggressive process of verticalization in Barranco. From that moment, the urban space located nearby Barranco’s parks and avenues became profitable areas for construction companies. Large buildings of studio apartments started to spread along the district. In an interview for the newspaper “Argos”, José García, specialized architect on heritage architecture, named these constructions “mega-scale” buildings. He claimed that this type of constructions was not suitable for the architectural profile of Barranco. Moreover, he stated that these new buildings were forcing the households located nearby to remain confined between high walls (Argos, 2010, p. 4). Thus, buildings were blocking the passage of light that one and two-story houses used to receive. This situation has already been witnessed by the residents that live near parks and avenues. Buildings here are very high (...) if they were six or seven floors maybe they would be fine, but they cover the whole vision (…) it bothers me, I feel like I'm in a kind of a grave (...) Before, I could enjoy the sunlight from the window of my living room and see the sky and a garden. Today my view is a wall of concrete and hanging clothes (Mariluz, zone B, May 16th).

“Mega-scale” buildings are causing one additional problem. The fundaments of the modern buildings exert so much force on the surrounding soil that they are physically damaging the structure of the old houses which are not prepared to hold the weight of these large concrete masses. Like in Medalit’s case described in section 1.1, several testimonies revealed that Barranco’s residents have suffered damage to their houses where a large building has been erected alongside. In the most severe cases, the residents decided to move out because they felt that their homes were no longer safe, as they considered that the infrastructure was going to collapse at any time. In other cases, although the real estate companies assumed some responsibility for the repairs, the residents not only had to deal with the daily disturbances of the reconstructions but had to start long processes of claims, complaints, and lawsuits against the companies to be compensated for the damage. Besides, during these processes, they had received little support from the local authorities. Accordingly, in the TV report “Barranco in emergency caused by a predatory real estate boom", the journalist Rene Gastelumendi collected testimonies of residents that live next to buildings under construction. They claim that the construction works were destroying their homes and that the municipality acted indifferently to this well-known situation. Meanwhile, local authorities argue that they cannot forbid the constructions since real estate companies respect the current zoning policies. Also, they stated that this is a problem between private actors (real estate companies and homeowners) and therefore, they can only intervene as mediators (América Televisión, 2017). This form of displacement “by physical destruction of houses” has also caused the closure of important cultural centers such as "La Libre" and "El Cinematógrafo". These cases are discussed in section 5.2. Studio apartment buildings are now being built all over the district. Between 2007 and 2014, most real estate developments in Barranco were built in zone A. For the real estate business, zone A is the most attractive zone by far since it concentrates most of the touristic areas, historic buildings and all the “Malecones” (seawalls) (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 b, p. 9). However, due to the scarcity of urban land and the strict regulations that construction companies must comply with to build in a monumental area, the real estate business is facing limitations to develop more projects in zone A. According to Barranco’s zoning plan, 70% of the district is considered a monumental area which is mainly located in zone A (see illustration 4-7). The regulations to build in a monumental area force the construction companies to restrict themselves to develop buildings of only five-story high which limits the number of apartments that can be built per square meter. Moreover, to build in a monumental area the construction companies must have their projects approved by the College of Architects and the Ministry of Culture (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2015 a, n.p.) Zone B has not developed as extensively as Zone A and has a relatively larger area located outside the monumental zoning. This poses less limitations for

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real estate developers. Therefore, since 2015 the real estate business is gradually changing their interest from zone A to zone B. Nowadays, zone B is the area that has the most residential projects. According to Francisco Narrea, general manager of the Municipality of Barranco, 55% of the real estate projects of the district are developed in zone B (Gestión, 2016). Apparently, from the trends of the real estate business, the real estate companies will start developing in zone C after zone B is redeveloped and almost completely take over by medium and high-rise buildings. Local authorities are already preparing the terrain in Zone C for this situation. Nowadays, zone C is not attractive to private investors because it is considered poor and insecure. In addition, most of zone C is located in the district’s monumental area which represents limitations to develop "mega-scale" buildings (considered to be the most profitable type of project by the real estate business). To encourage private investment in zone C, the municipality has developed a municipal plan that specifically intends to reduce its monumental area (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2012, pp. 4-6). In the plan, local authorities’ state that the monumental area in zone C is completely abandoned, that almost half of the houses (370 of 755) in this area are in a dilapidated condition and only a few monuments have a true heritage value (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2012, pp. 41-55). Likewise, they argue that they do not have enough economic resources to "improve" these areas, therefore, they claim that the best way to develop this zone is through the intervention of private investment (América Televisión, 2016). This strategy of abandonment is frequently employ by the Municipality of Barranco to justify the necessity of private investment in the district. Nevertheless, it has been demonstrated that the intervention of private investment has never resulted in benefiting the long-term residents of the district (see section 6.1). The plan to reduce the monumental area in zone C shows that local authorities are ignoring the fact that the traditional architecture of the district will be severely reduced and that part of the cultural identity of Barranco will be lost. Those large moles of concrete will also have a stronger negative impact on the homes of the low-income residents of the district since several houses in zone C (Barranco’s poorest area) are in precarious conditions and are at risk of collapse at any time (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2012, p.41). If large constructions are built next to them it is highly probable that the infrastructure of these houses will be compromised and, increasing the risk of collapse and endangering its residents. Thus, the plan to reduce the monumental area of zone C completely overlooks this situation and only acts in favor of real estate interest, without taking into account the potential damage that this will cause to the poorest residents of the district.

Illustration 4-7: Map of Barranco’s monumental area (Source: Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 b, p.11)

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The mega-scale developments not only change the way in which the district looks but also changes the way in which neighbors interact. On that matter, four “mega-scale” 21-story buildings are being constructed in the last blocks of Avenue Grau (zone B). Those buildings are "Cenit", "Art and U", "Stellar" and "Connect" and they are owned by three of the largest, wealthiest, and technologically most advanced real estate companies in Peru and Latin America (Imagina.cl, 2017; Imagina.pe, 2017; La Muralla.pe, 2017, Edifica.pe, 2017). These projects have several elements in common. First, they are being developed on terrains of 1000 square meters approximately. According to Vilma Gonzales, activist and resident of zone B, those terrains were once four or five adobe houses that were acquired little by little by the construction companies and were transformed into one single urban land. Second, each project entails around 200 new apartments. Most of them are studios of 25 to 40 square meters. All of them offer well-guarded spaces with large common facilities to be used privately by the residents such as swimming pools, gyms, barbecue areas and game rooms (see illustration 4-8). According to Abel Villacorta, real estate agent of Edifica, these apartments are aimed to single professionals or couples without children who are in search of their first house. He states that the design of the building is made with large common amenities destined to become the new areas to "live" while the dwellings, due to their limited size, will only serve the purpose of “sleep”.

“Connect" and "Stellar" projects are designed under a new concept of housing where common areas are prioritized to give the idea of a hotel (...). this project is intended for people who work by day and come to rest in their apartment by night (…) when they want to party or play an instrument they go to the common areas because they cannot do it in their apartment (Abel, real estate agent, July 17th) Due to their small sizes, these studio apartments, even if they are purchased as houses, are only intended to be temporary places of residence instead of places where new families can start their lives. Moreover, since most of buildings have private leisure facilities, the residents of this buildings do not need to use public spaces outside of their buildings. These facts are transforming the way in which residents of Barranco interact. According to the testimonies of the long-term residents, while in the past most of them were able to identify each other and encounter each other in public space. The new residents are always unknow subjects that are not interested in meeting them anymore. Long-term residents can only see them entering and exiting the security doors of the buildings. However, most of the studio apartments being built in Barranco are not intended to meet real housing necessities, but are intended to be rented out to temporary residents who only see the district as a transit area. Most of the studio apartments are usually bought by investors who generally acquire two or three apartments in the same building, and who rent them out to social groups who can pay higher rents (e.g. foreign tourists, managers of transnational companies). Real estate agents of the four projects on Avenue Grau, as well as three other projects of studio apartments 13 in Barranco reported that while only 35% of the studios on average are being bought to be used as a home, the rest are being bought with the purpose of speculating with the renting prices. This real estate business model reveals that the main actors that trigger the process of urban renewal in Barranco are, to a lesser extent, the middle classes and to a greater extent the large real estate companies and private investors. As a result of this model, while real estate companies end up controlling the entire housing production market, private investors end up controlling the entire rental market. At the end, both actors can buy, accumulate, resell, and develop the urban space and also have become those who determine the price that residents will have to pay for renting or buying a home (López-Morales, 2016, pp. 232-233).

13 Those projects are “Mythos” (37 studio apartments), “Domeyer” (24 studio apartments) and “San Martín 140” (44 studio apartments). [42]

Illustration 4-8: Images recovered from the leaflet of Stelar project (Source: Edifica, 2016)

4.5 Conclusion To conclude, this chapter demonstrated that local authorities use false promises of development, modernization, and progress as a strategy to promote real estate business. Likewise, they disregard the negative impacts that the new constructions are causing on long- term residents especially on those residents who under specific circumstances have informal tenancy of their homes but who are as valid residents as any other resident of Barranco. Instead of helping them, local authorities promote their displacement, so they give way to the development of new residential buildings. Moreover, the intention of local authorities to displace informal tenants shows that the interests of those who do not assume the role of consumers or owners of the urban land (with urban land being a means of production) are not reflected in the plans of the municipality. So, despite being “legitimate” residents, for the municipal authorities, informal tenants should not exist. The authorities show more interest in meet the necessities of the real estate business, although the law says that local authorities should defend the interests of the residents of the district. This compromises their legitimacy. Furthermore, local authorities use their authority and their capacity to decide with a double standard. For example, for local authorities the monumental zoning has two different meanings. On one hand it represents an obstacle that must be removed to encourage the real estate business. On the other hand, it is used as a legal weapon against informal tenants who eventually would have to leave the urban land to make room for new real estate projects. The real estate business is developing a new type of housing (studio apartments in fortified mega-scale business with private leisure facilities) that reduces the need of public space for new residents and therefore their necessity to interact with long-term residents. This new spatial configuration of Barranco prevents a vision of the district that promotes interactions and integrates the residents. This leads to a destruction of the sense of home of long-term residents,

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especially when considering the speed and the aggressive nature of these densifying redevelopments. The modification of the physical fabric is creating a fragmented urban setting that the long-term residents perceive as dehumanizing. Moreover, these mega-scale buildings are not only changing the traditional architecture of the district, they are also affecting the living conditions of long-term residents by blocking sunlight, damaging the infrastructure of their homes, and producing emotional distress because of the legal battles with real estate companies about their demand for compensation for damage to their houses. Therefore, it can be concluded that the urban renewal process of Barranco is far from encouraging the encounter between different social groups and that it emphasizes social tensions amongst long-term residents and new residents.

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5. Barranco’s urban renewal process and the loss of cultural identity

The following chapter discusses the effects of the urban renewal process in both the social fabric and the cultural values of Barranco and the resulting loss of the district’s history and tradition. To explore on this argument, the first section describes the way in which real estate companies and local authorities capture the “genuine” cultural values and traditions of the district to use them as part of their marketing strategies to attract new social groups such as young professionals, young families, and foreigners. Several scholars argue that these groups are globally identified as gentrifying agents that usually end up replacing the tastes and preferences of original residents with those of western cities (Inzulza, 2016, p.1209; Lees et al., 2015, p.4). The second section argues that both: real estate companies and local authorities do not care about preserving the cultural heritage of the district and they only use Barranco’s label as a cultural district for commercial purposes. Paradoxically, due to speculation with housing prices, artists, and cultural promoters (real producers of Barranco’s cultural values) end up being displaced. The third section argues that Barranco’s urban renewal process is causing a new type of cultural displacement. The effects of construction works of new residential buildings are causing the physical destruction of the facilities of cultural centers. As a result, the owners of these centers are forced to close their places which generates a loss for the community, because those spaces served for the integration of long-term residents and reproduction of the community culture of the district.

5.1 The capture of Barranco’s genuine cultural values Barranco has a peaceful and quiet atmosphere with a village air that still preserves a cultural and bohemian essence separated from the tumultuous Lima (Torres, 2009) In the blog "Relatos y Caminos" (stories and paths), the travelers Manu (Spanish) and Peny (Greek) describe Barranco as a vigorous neighborhood that stands out for its history and bohemian character, a place where one could find an art gallery, a coffeeshop, a craft workshop and a biofair on the same block. In their opinion, it is the best place to meet with hipsters, artists, and intellectuals in Lima (Relatos y Caminos, 2017). For the same reason, the website Yahoo.es selects Barranco as one of the 25 most hipster districts in the world. The site also points out that Barranco has been always linked to arts, music and literature (Yahoo.es, 2017). The image of Barranco as a bohemian district is an element of its identity. Moreover, it is a place where great writers and artists used to live, such as the literature Nobel Prize Mario Vargas Llosa, the singer- songwriter Chabuca Granda and the poet Martín Adan, thus Barranco is a source of pride for Peruvians. For many people, walking through the streets of Barranco is an aesthetic pleasure because of its republican architecture, its colorful houses, its walls painted with artful graffiti, its design shops, and its markets. Barranco is also a place where one could find spaces of culture and arts, so it shouldn’t come as a surprise that from the news reports to the Municipal slogan the labels “history”, “legend” and "tradition” are always associated with the district (see illustration 5- 1).

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Illustration 5-1: Image of a leaflet showing Barranco’s municipal library with the municipality’s slogan14 (Source: Municipalidad de Barranco, n.d. b)

Barranco is recognized as a cultural hub in Lima. Moreover, its Bohemian history and atmosphere surround it with a mystique that is referred to as "Mística Barranquina" and which is even part of the national identity. The Mística Barranquina is also a product of the relation that its inhabitants have with the district. 40% of the interviewed residents have been involved in Barranco’s cultural scene or have a family member that has been directly involved with the reproduction of Barranco’s traditions. A typical case is that of Allison Bellido, a 28-year old photographer, who has been born and raised in the district. Allison's family moved to Barranco in 1935. She lives nowadays on Avenue Progreso (zone C) in her grandparents house. She has other family members that also in Barranco. For example, her aunts live on Avenue El Sol (zone A). Currently, she is part of "Barranco de Cartón" (Barranco made of cardboard), an art collective that focuses on preserving the history of Martín Adan (a renowned poet who lived in Barranco until 1985) (Barranco de Cartón, n.d.). Another case is that of Jackeline, her husband and her father in law are pianists and composers of Creole music 15. They used to have the habit of meeting at the bar "El Juanito"16 to share their musical creations with other composers. Jackeline feels proud that her family belongs to Barranco’s cultural environment. According to her, this environment does not exist in other districts, so Barranco is unique in that aspect. The statements of Allison and Jackeline revealed that for long-term residents, Barranco is not only a geographical location but it is also a place that enables the inheritance and

14 Author’s translation of the municipal slogan [Municipality of Barranco: Legend, culture, and tradition]. 15 Creole music is a mix of music styles of the Spanish colonizers, the native indigenous people of Peru and the African Slaves (Llorens, 1983, pp. 21-23). 16 “El Juanito” is a traditional tavern located in the main square of the district that operates since 1937 (El Comercio, 2011). [46]

reproduction of culture and tradition. Likewise, long-term residents take part in this inheritance and reproduction process. However, due to the price speculation of the urban land several residents that play a key role in keeping Barranco’s cultural values alive are being displaced to other districts. For instance, Allison revealed that she wants to move out of her family house and find a place for herself but high prices of apartments for rent in Barranco (amongst other factors) will force her to move out of the district. In a similar situation is Jose Luis Herrera, a plastic artist who has been living in the district for fifteen years. He rented a house with a patio for his atelier for S/. 1,500.00 (approximately 400 euros) on Avenue Pedro de Osma (zone A). He stayed there for eight years. Suddenly, he had to move out because the house was sold to a real estate company. Then, he rented a house on Avenue Dos de Mayo (zone B) and originally paid S/. 2,000.00 soles for rent. After two years the house was sold as well to another real estate company, which means that in less than two years he had to move out for a second time. Currently, he occupies a space on a second floor of a house in Avenue Grau (zone B), an avenue where three large real estate companies are developing four mega-scale buildings (see section 4.4). The last year, the rent for his new house was S/. 3,000.00 soles and the owner has already informed him that he intends to raise it with the renewal of the contract. The owner argued that he decided to increase the rent because rental prices have raised throughout Barranco. By the end of the contract Jose Luis will have to find another house to keep his rent affordable. He thinks that he will have to search for renting a house outside of the district. Moreover, he told me that he has family members and friends who are artists or cultural promoters (persons involved in Barranco’s cultural scene) that are being displaced from Barranco because the owners of their homes decided to raise the rents too. That is the case of Beatriz Herrera, resident of zone B and Jose Luis’ sister. She works with him in the organization of cultural activities. She used to pay S/ 1,400.00 soles for an apartment of 45 square meters. Now, she had to move to a smaller apartment (25 square meters) because after the rent increased in her previous home, she was not able to live there anymore. Nevertheless, the most stereotypical case of displacement is the one that Jose Luis has also experienced himself. It occurs when the owners decide to sell the houses to real estate companies, which they usually demolish for the construction of new apartment buildings. In that regard, he told me that one of his friends who is also a plastic artist, rented a house to live and to have his atelier. The house was located between Carlos Arrieta Street and Avenue Grau (zone B). Jose Luis friend felt safe there because he believed that a high-rise condominium could never be constructed in the terrain of his house since it was too small for such a project. He did not think that the real estate company Edifica would buy all houses of the whole block. As soon as he and the rest of the residents moved out of the houses, the real estate company started to construct a new mega-scale building. The fact that artists and cultural promoters jump from one place to another to stay in Barranco reveals that they do not want to move out of the district. Unfortunately, the trend of rental prices for apartments in Barranco shows that they will be displaced from their homes after all. According to a study developed by the real estate portal “Urbania.pe” in which the square meter prices in Lima were measured, rental prices in Barranco will continue to grow in the years to come. The study also exposes that Barranco is not only the most expensive district for buying but for renting an apartment as well: the average renting price for an apartment in Barranco is nearly 40% higher than in any other district of the city (Urbania.pe, 2017 b). Testimonies also revealed that most artists or cultural promoters do not own their house. This corresponds to an international trend whereby the socio-economic characteristics of these social groups make that they mostly rely on tenancy of housing spaces and not on full ownership (Checa-Artasu, 2011, p. 25). Thus, these social groups are particularly affected by price increases in the rental market because they are not able to deal with the financial pressure on rental prices. Consequently, many producers of cultural capital are forced to move out to other districts of Lima and their place is taken by the massive arrival of new social groups. With long-term residents moving out,

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the traditions that they reproduced disappear resulting in the loss of the cultural identity of Barranco. Jose Luis and Beatriz are promoters of Barranco Open Studios. The purpose of this initiative is to create a direct approach between the artists and the general public by opening Barranco’s artists’ work places for a weekend during the year, so artists can present their work to the visitors (Barranco open studios, n.d.). Financing their activities can be a problem, which partly arises because they do not receive financial support from the Municipality of Barranco. The only support that local authorities offer them is the permission to carry out the activity in exchange for placing the municipality’s logo in the promotional material. They tried to get financial aid from private institutions as well, including from certain real estate companies. Nevertheless, the real estate companies’ response is usually negative, with the argument that these activities are not linked to their commercial branch and that sponsorship is therefore not possible.

The only real estate company that has supported me with financing is Morada, a local firm that has apartments on Santa Rosa Street in its portfolio. (…) I do not think the others are really interested in them [cultural activities]. It's very ironic, isn’t it? The municipality always talks about Barranco as a cultural district ... but always tells us that it has no budget for culture (...) [Likewise,] the real estate agencies promote the apartments thanks to us and the cultural activities we do, but when we ask them for support, nothing (Jose Luis, zone B, July 12th). Other testimonies of cultural promoters in Barranco revealed that cooperation with the Municipality failed when they wanted to coordinate and promote joint projects or activities. For example, Ana Bustinduy, resident of zone A and former owner of the bookshop "La Libre" claimed that she wanted to design a project with the Municipality to improve the functioning of the municipal library of the district. The facade of the municipal library of Barranco is recognized for its beauty and is used in an endless amount of advertising material by both the Municipality of Barranco and the real estate business. Inside, the building shows a different reality. The reading space is uncomfortable and small, half of the shelves are empty and the books in many cases are damaged or outdated (see illustration 5-2). According to the novelist and screenwriter, Hernán Migoya, Barranco’s public library is in a much more precarious condition than other public spaces in Lima (Migoya, 2017). The project that Ana wanted to develop was within the framework of Goal 27. The latter is a cultural management initiative of the Ministry of Culture that offers institutional and financial support to municipalities all over the country for developing tools that focus on encouraging a reading culture (Ministerio de Cultura, 2017 a). According to Ana, the Municipality of Barranco has received funds from the Ministry of Culture to develop public policies related to Goal 27. Furthermore, the municipality has a Book Plan approved under the Municipal Ordinance N° 443 (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2015 b, n.p.). Therefore, she believed that it was going to be easy to design a working plan with the local authorities, since they have both financial and policy support from the national government. Ana stated that she met with municipal workers of the former Management of Culture. After two meetings they did not contact her anymore.

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Illustration 5-2: Images from the inside of Barranco’s municipal library (Source: fieldwork pictures)

This disregard of cultural values by Barranco’s local authorities is also reflected in two facts: the allocation of limited funds and reduced number of workers for the development of cultural activities and the absence of urban policies to preserve the architectural heritage of the district. Regarding the first fact, the total municipal’s budget is almost 29 million soles (approximately 8 million euros). From that budget, S/. 398,000.00 soles (less than 1.4%) are assigned to the promotion of artistic and cultural events (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 e, n.p.). Likewise, the local authorities decided to reduce both the importance17 and the number of employees of the former Management of Culture. While it was still in a management level in 2016, employing 15 people (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2016 d, n.p.), in 2017 it has been transformed into a Sub- administration which depends on the Management of Human and Social Development. The staff was reduced by two thirds (Municipalidad de Barranco 2017 e, n.p.). The second fact is related to the poor preservation of the republican houses, of which there are currently 256. These houses were built at the beginning of the 18th century and they are considered the most important architectural value of the district. However, more than half (154 houses) are so badly deteriorated that they are on the verge of collapse (Municipalidad de Barranco, n.d. a, n.p.). Apart from the municipality’s limited sponsorship for cultural activities, the municipality allocates roughly the same share of its budget (S/. 415,000.00 soles or 1.45%) to the restoration of these houses (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 e, n.p.). When José Reaño, the responsible for the Cultural Sub-administration of the Municipality of Barranco was asked to explain why the municipality does not allocate more funds and more employees to improve the management of the cultural area of the district. He claimed that the municipality had to take on other more important economic responsibilities at that time. Allison Bellido argues that the problem with the preservation of the architectural and cultural heritage in Barranco is not only related to limited economic resources. For example, she claimed that regardless the cultural value of Martin Adan’s house (the famous Peruvian poet), the municipality granted an operating permit to the owners of that house to open a canteen there. She stated that this type of business is not only inadequate, but it is also causing the deterioration of a house considered part of Barranco’s architectural heritage. She also said that to preserve the memory of Martin Adan, the initiative “Barranco de Cartón” had to convince both the municipality and the owner to place a frame about the poet’s life in his former house. During the opening hours of the canteen, the owners place balloons and boxes with beer often in front of the frame, not showing any interest in the message it tries to spread (see illustration 5-3).

17 The internal hierarchical structure of the municipalities in Peru is divided into managements levels (upper level) and sub-administrations (lower level). the sub-administrations depend on the management levels (Congreso de la República, 2003, pp. 137 - 140). [49]

Illustration 5-3: Images of Martin Adan’s house (Source: fieldwork pictures)

Nevertheless, both local authorities and real estate companies use Barranco’s cultural heritage for commercial purposes. Francisco Narrea, the general manager of the Municipality of Barranco revealed in an interview for Gestión that due to Barranco’s cultural scene, the largest real estate companies of the country such as Imagina and Edifica have developed several projects in the district (Gestión, 2016). In an interview for the Peruvian Association of Real Estate Developers, ADI Perú, Martín Bedoya, the executive director of the real estate company Edifica, stated that Barranco is considered the only district that has two intangible characteristics: its prolific cultural offer and its "hipster lifestyle". For him, this last characteristic causes the opening of independent design fairs, ecological markets, and new gastronomic projects, which makes the district very attractive for more sophisticated social groups with higher-income (ADI Perú, 2017). The cultural history of Barranco is thus used by the real estate companies to design marketing strategies for selling apartments in the district. This is shown in the common names that real estate companies give to their projects such as "Boem", "Art & U", and "Art & Barranco" (Edifica.pe, 2017 & Imagina.pe, 2017) and in the images, that they use in leaflets to promote their new buildings. One example is the leaflet of “Domeyer building”, a condominium of 24 studio apartments constructed in 2016 by Bau real estate company (see illustration 5-4). The leaflet combines both the picture and some phrases of a song of Chabuca Granda, a famous singer song writer and former resident of Barranco, with the labels of tradition and culture that Barranco represents. The messages of the leaflet imply that buying an apartment in Barranco will always be a good investment option because of those Barranco’s labels. In the leaflet, the real estate company (Bau) appropriates the image and the production of Chabuca Granda and associates it with the possibility to make a good profit from it. By doing so, Bau transforms the cultural heritage of the district into an economic asset that can be acquired when someone buys an apartment in its new building. In this way, the real estate companies capture the culture of Barranco to transform its original content into an empty symbol that only represents an economic value (Sequera and Rodríguez, 2017, p.31).

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Illustration 5-4: Image recovered from the leaflet of “Domeyer Building”18 (Source: Bau, n.d.)

The urban renewal process is also promoting the change of the social composition of the district. While real estate companies appropriate the traditional values that are usually produced by long-term residents, they also sell aesthetic preferences, tastes and an ethnic social composition that is radically different from the ones that long-term residents have. To explain this fact, I will compare the characteristics of the marketing material of two different real estate projects (see illustration 5-5). Both projects are in different zones of Barranco and have different target groups. The first project, “Stelar” aims at young single professionals with high income linked to creative industries. The second project “El Mirador de Barranco” targets middle-class families who want to live in a central area of the city. The average square meter price of apartments in each project differs by 30% (Stelar: S/. 7,500.00; El Mirador de Barranco: S/. 5,700.00). This is due to the fact that “El Mirador de Barranco” is located in zone C, the most derelict area where the urban renewal process is not as intense as the other two zones of Barranco, while Stelar is located between zone A and zone B. Despite the differences in target groups and prices, the advertisements have two elements in common. Firstly, the images show people of a whiter ethnic composition that clearly is not the ethnic composition of Barranco. And secondly, aesthetic preferences presented in the material can easily be associated with those in western cities. Likewise, both projects offer decorative finishes in a European style as a symbol of cosmopolitanism, better quality, and refined taste (Edifica, 2016; JRH, 2015).

18 Author’s translation of leaflet’s contents: First phrase [Let me tell you about Limeña], second phrase [Live in Barranco is tradition, culture, and a good investment], third phrase [Barranco source of inspiration of Chabuca].

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Illustration 5-5: First row of images recovered from the leaflet of “Stelar” project, second row of images recovered from the leaflet of “El Mirador de Barranco” project (Source: Edifica, 2016; JRH 2015)

The advertising material of the construction projects demonstrated that real estate companies have a double way to present the identity of Barranco. On the one hand Barranco is thought of as a place of national pride and tradition, on the other hand, it is considered a place with the potential to attract new social groups that are more in line with the inhabitants of western cities. These social groups which Insulza describes as “contemporary gentrifiers” usually have higher levels of education, and jobs related to the creative sectors. These contemporary gentrifiers are reproduced in the same way in other cities around the world (Inzulza, 2016, p. 1209) and have homogeneous aesthetic tastes and practices (Lees et al., 2015, p.4). Furthermore, this double way to conceive Barranco’s identity represents a contradiction by itself. On the one hand, real estate companies promote Barranco as an attractive spot for its small-town personality and peculiar traditions that are kept separated from the rest of the city. On the other hand, they encourage the replacement of the social fabric and the reproduction of standardized and homogeneous desires and lifestyles similar to those of western cities.

5.2 The mourning of culture: displacement of Barranco’s cultural centers This section argues that the construction of new residential and commercial buildings is forcing the closure of cultural centers by physically destroying the premises where they were located. This situation is causing a great loss of Barranco’s cultural value and the weakening of the integration bonds between its residents. In addition, I argue that even though most of the cases provoked big material losses and emotion distress to the owners of those places, local authorities did not assume their responsibility to protect them and remained mostly indifferent to these cases. The stories of “El Cinematógrafo”, “La Libre”, and “Casa Tupac” will be presented to illustrate these statements.

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The first case of displacement of a cultural center concerns to “El Cinematógrafo”. This center was sponsored by a non-profit cultural association founded in 1988 by Mario Rivas and Sonia Arispe. It was an independent movie theater that had a 50-person capacity. The place did not receive private sponsorship so with the earnings of the tickets, the owners had to cover the costs of the maintenance (each ticket costed S/. 6.00 soles). In 2012, the real estate company “Paz Centenario” began the construction of the condominium "Atelier", next to the premises of El Cinematógrado (see illustration 5-6). The building is a luxurious five story tower of 207 apartments and 9 commercial spaces with private leisure facilities for its residents (Paz Centenario, 2017). From the beginning of the construction works, Sonia and Mario had to endure dust, hammer blows, drill noises and a deep excavation next to the movie theatre. When cracks started to appear in the walls of the projection room, Mario and Sonia realized that the place was not safe for their clients anymore, thus they decided to cancel the movie projections. They sued the company “Paz Centenario” for property damages and economic loss (El Comercio c, 2017). After complaints to the municipality, subpoenas, precautionary measures, and other procedures, the real estate company agreed on a compensation of S/ 30,000.00 soles. However, they only received S/. 6,000.00 without counting a whole year of economic loss and the costs of the judicial battle. Due to the economic pressure that the owners were forced to overcome, they opted to close El Cinematógrafo and they never were able to restart the movie projections again. El Cinematógrafo was the only movie theater in Barranco. Furthermore, the space of El Cinematógrafo offered many residents the possibility to access to other cultural activities that took place there (e.g.: book presentations, concerts, theater plays, etc.) (El Cinematógrafo, n.d.). Several residents revealed that the closure of this space represented a great loss for them. Today Barranco does not have cinemas, so when its residents want to go to the movies, they must go to other districts. This represents a very difficult task for some residents who have complex daily routines and limited economies. That is the case of María Eugenia, a solar resident who could only finish elementary school and has always been working in informal activities in the district. For Maria Eugenia, the activities of El Cinematógrafo allowed her to access new ways of learning and distraction to which she did not have access before. She is currently a “car watcher”19 in the busiest areas of Barranco. In her words:

[El Cinematógrafo] was a very nice place. Sometimes I took my granddaughter there (…) I do not have a work schedule. Also, I used to sell sweets in the streets, sometimes, I had to be at a single spot the whole day. When El Cinematógrafo opened, I could escape to the cinema from time to time (María Eugenia, zone B, July 24th) The statements of Maria Eugenia show that these spaces of community culture often represent the only possibility of low-income residents to have access to culture at all. Therefore, the loss of El Cinematógrafo had a negative impact on their opportunity to learn new things and to interact with other residents of the district in a space that enables symmetrical relationships. Currently, El Cinematógrafo is closed. Nowadays, in the premises of “Atelier” (the building that caused the closure of “El Cinematógrafo”), there are 9 commercial stores that clearly aim to a population with more economic resources than María Eugenia. Within the premises there is an international chain selling electronic items, two beauty salons, two clothing boutiques and two coffee shops.

19 “Car watching” is an informal activity in most of Latin American countries, it entails the personal surveillance of a parked car while the owner is attending personal errands. [53]

Illustration 5-6: Image of the left shows a concert in “El Cinematógrafo”, image of the right shows the new residential building “Atelier” (Source: El Cinematógrafo n.d.; field work pictures)

The second case of displacement concerns the Spaniards Carlos Lorenzo and Ana Bustinduy. In 2014, the couple decided to move to Peru thanks to a job opportunity offered to Carlos. After six months, Carlos's contract ended but the couple decided to stay in Lima because of the economic crisis that was going on in Spain. In the absence of bookstores in Barranco, Ana Bustinduy, resident of zone A, decided to open “La Libre” a small neighborhood bookstore. After looking for a while, they finally find a place that fitted the couple’s budget in Avenue San Martín (zone A). For S/. 7 400.00 soles, they rented half of a former republican house that was divided in two by the property owners. The couple rented one half (240 square meters) that would serve them for both their bookstore and their place to live (see illustration 5-7). The intention of "La Libre" was to promote an independent editorial line of critical texts with an emphasis on LGTBI literature. Books were offered at reasonable prices (the books costed S/.50.00 soles in average). In addition, La Libre offered three different alternatives for those who did not want or could not buy the books. The alternatives consisted of reading spaces in the library, photocopies of free license books and a library mode with individual or family subscription options ranging from S/. 30.00 to S/. 50.00 soles. The library mode had 700 subscribers, of whom 100 were regular visitors. Likewise, twice a week, book presentations, literature workshops and feminist events were held.

Illustration 5-7: Image of the left shows “La Libre’s” owners, image of the right shows the inside of “La Libre” (Source: La Libre, 2017)

In October 2016, “San Martín 140”, a residential building of 44 housing units owned by the real estate company Edificando, started to be constructed in the terrain that used to be the other half of the house. When the construction began, debris from the roof started to fall. One afternoon, the couple was having coffee in their backyard, when suddenly an excavator tumbled the wall between “La Libre” and the new residential project (see illustration 5-8). Subsequently, incidents were occurring more often: power outages, floods, doors hanging off the hinges, and a vertiginous appearance of cracks became part of the daily life of the couple. Under those

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circumstances, the couple believed that staying there represented a risk to their lives or to the lives of La Libre’s visitors, so they decided to move out and close the bookstore. According to Ana, when they complained to the Municipality of Barranco, the response was that this case is a matter between private owners, therefore they could not intervene. This type of response from local authorities has become habitual for those affected by the construction of real estate companies (see section 4.4). From the beginning they were left alone in the negotiations with the owner of the premises and the real estate company. When they ask for a solution to the owner, he told them that he was not accountable of the damages that the construction company caused to the premises. The couple did not have better luck with "Edificando" (the real estate company). When they asked the company to assume the economic damages represented by the closing of "La Libre", the company only offered to rent a storage space for them in order to save the books and the sum of S/. 30,000.00 soles for economic compensation (Edificando, 2017). To Carlos and Ana, the offer seemed insufficient since the investment of "La Libre" was S/. 120,000 soles by itself, apart from the monthly rent that they still had to pay to the owner. Additionally, they were losing their monthly earnings of approximately S/. 14,000.00 soles which they stopped to receive since they were forced to close their business. The damage was not only financial though, "La Libre" represented for them, their livelihood, their personal project, and their connection with the district. In Ana’s words:

I do not want money, I want them to return what is mine. It also hurts me especially that these companies come and destroy the culture and tradition. Well, now in Barranco, culture is little and tradition too. I just want my life back, I had a job, a life. I have not done anything to look for this. I was happy and now I have lost everything (Ana Bustinduy, owner of La Libre, Zone A, May 29th) Due to the failure of the Municipality of Barranco to deal with their complaints, Ana and Carlos stated that they will initiate a lawsuit against the construction company although they have very little confidence in a positive outcome. At the beginning of June 2017, “Edificando” has restarted their construction activities.

Illustration 5-8: Image on the left shows the moment that the excavator tumbled the dividing wall between “La Libre” and the future residential building “San Martin 140”, image on the right shows the project itself (Source: Ana Bustinduy’s archive; fieldwork pictures)

The last case of displacement of a cultural center is the one of “Casa Tupac”. This case is slightly different from the other two. While in El Cinematógrafo and in La Libre the displacement was presented by the physical destruction of the facilities where these cultural centers were located, in this case, the owner agreed to sell the land of the cultural center to a real estate company. However, in one way or another, the effect of the displacement was the same: the closure of a cultural center due to the construction of a new residential building. Casa Tupac was placed on a terrain of 3,000 square meter that belonged to an Italian-Peruvian family "De Bernardi". In the year 2000, Giuseppe (third generation) returned from France and decided to undertake a socio-cultural project to pay for his student debts and to build an artistic center in Barranco. The cultural center had four programs (Casa Tupac, 2017): (1) Rent of working places, this program offered seventeen places in Casa Tupac for S/. 1800.00 soles on average where

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people connected to the artistic industry could use to work and live. In the common areas, the renters could organize their own presentations, workshops, and seminars. (2) Internships, the objective of this program was to receive artists from Lima and other Peruvian cities as well as from other countries. Moreover, they connected local artists with international organizations to offer them possibilities of having short-stays in studios abroad. (3) Community activities, this program entailed the organization of pro-fund festivals, thematic fairs, art auctions, open-air cinema, and concerts. (4) Artistic education: This program developed art courses aimed to amateurs and children. The terrain of Casa Tupac, was owned by Giuseppe, his mother and his three brothers. During the fifteen years of existence of Casa Tupac, Giuseppe paid rent for the parts that belong to his family. On several occasions, real estate companies approached the family to show their interest in the property. In 2015, the real-estate company Edifica placed a bid on half of the terrain (1,500 square meters). After a negotiation process, Giuseppe’s family members decided to sell their parts of the terrain. Giuseppe chose to keep his part and tried to acquire the rest of the land from his family with other Casa Tupac members before it was sold to Edifica. However, Casa Tupac was only profitable enough to be able to afford its own maintenance and it was impossible to think that they would be able to surpass the offer made by the real estate company (at that moment, the land was valued in around 11 million soles). Before the construction works started, Giuseppe contacted the buyers to rent the space for one more year. Little by little, he reduced Casa Tupac’s activities with the prospect of having to close the cultural center completely. In May 2016, the last activity was carried out. Then, the construction works of “OSMA 307”, a residential building of 125 apartments began (see illustration 5-9). By the time Casa Tupac closed, 30 artists were holding their activities there. Giuseppe estimates that Casa Tupac managed to benefit up to 15,000 people per year. According to Giuseppe, he tried to rent a place in the limits of Barranco and Chorrillos to reopen Casa Tupac. Unfortunately, negotiations with the owner of this new place failed and Casa Tupac has closed permanently.

Illustration 5-9: Image on the left shows a fair of independent designers carried out in “Casa Tupac”, image on the right shows the construction of project “Osma 307” (Source: Giuseppe De Bernardi’s archive, fieldwork pictures)

This section illustrated how Barranco’s urban renewal process is causing the closure of cultural centers of the district. This fact not only had a negative effect on the owners of those cultural centers, but also on the long-term residents of Barranco, specially on the low-income residents who generally have more limited access to sources of culture and knowledge than the rest of the residents. Likewise, with the disappearance of cultural centers in Barranco, places where residents can have symmetrical relations between them are reduced. As a result, spaces that previously had heterogeneous functions and strengthened community bonds have now been transformed into homogeneous spaces with a single commercial purpose. Thus, where before

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there was a movie theater, a bookstore, and a cultural center, now there are only residential and commercial buildings.

5.3 Conclusion This chapter discussed the effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process on the culture, identity, and social fabric of the district. In short, these effects could be summarized in three aspects. First, the appropriation of the cultural values of the district to ultimately displace those who create them and reproduce them. Second, the disregard of the gentrification promoters (local authorities and real estate companies) to preserve Barranco’s cultural values and the capture of those values for commercial purposes. Third, the change of the mixed social fabric of Barranco to a homogenized social fabric of contemporary gentrifiers with tastes and preferences of western cities. This ultimately causes the displacement of the original Barranco’s residents and their preferences. Furthermore, evidence in this chapter showed that the Municipality of Barranco and the real estate companies do not care about preserving the cultural heritage of the district, nor do they express any concern about the condition of the architectural patrimony, nor do they reveal any plans to improve it. Paradoxically though, they both use the cultural values of the district to promote the development of commercial activities and real estate projects. This is where the urban renewal process in Barranco differs from other gentrification processes occurring in Latin American cities. While in other cities the cultural dimension of a neighborhood is actively induced by local authorities and by private actors to encourage a gentrification process (Betancur, 2014, pp. 4 – 5), in Barranco these two actors are abandoning the cultural assets of the district and both actors use Barranco’s cultural fame as a superficial label. Lastly the urban renewal process in Barranco is provoking a new type of displacement that has not been registered before in the literature about gentrification. That is the displacement of cultural centers by the physical destruction of the buildings in which these centers were located. In that sense, I argue that this type of displacement has two mayor victims: the owners of the cultural centers and the long-term residents of Barranco. The owners of cultural centers face a series of traumatic events due to the forced closure of their working places. They go through a grieving process for the loss of their means of subsistence, their work, and their link with the district. In an unequal power relationship with real estate companies the owners are also forced to initiate legal procedures against these companies to try to recover the economic damage that they were caused. In the cases of "La Libre" and "El Cinematógrafo", these processes have been unsuccessful. Additionally, the municipality’s indifferent position reveals yet another example in which local authorities do not care when the long-term residents of the district are prejudiced.

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6. Barranco’s urban renewal process and the fight for public space

The following chapter discusses gentrification in Barranco, not from the perspective of residential expulsion but from the perspective of displacement from public space. This chapter is divided in two sections. The first section explores the effects of the real estate boom in the public space of the district. I argue that since the beginning of the real estate boom, the Municipality of Barranco has used the excuse of the lack of public budget to deliberately abandon public space and justify the necessity to privatize it. This strategy is displacing both the uses and the users of former public space to resignify it into a new controlled space of consumerism to be used by a higher-income population. In the end, these new uses of public space displace the original uses and disregard the spatial rights of the long-term residents of the district, specifically, the rights to participate in the decision-making process of the destination of urban space and the right to use and appropriate public space. Both rights are based on the reflections about “the right to the city” (Dikeç, 2011, pp. 74 – 75). The second part discusses the mechanisms of resistance developed by the residents to claim their spatial rights. I will use the case of “Ana Maria” project (the last attempt of the municipality to approve the construction of a touristic complex in a public beach) to explain the mechanisms developed by the local population to stop the municipal intentions. I argue that the Peruvian law provides grassroot organizations with the necessary legal arguments to claim their rights for public space. However, since the municipality, as the valid local authority, has the legitimacy to take the decisions about the destination of urban space in the district, grassroot organizations must appeal to their connections with authorities of mayor hierarchy to control the power of Barranco’s municipal authorities. Therefore, grassroot organizations work together for the main goal which is to regain their right to use public spaces. Nevertheless, the leaders have also their own personal interests, consequently after they win a common cause, they usually become fragmented. This specifically becomes a problem during elections because this fragmentation prevents them from being part of the Municipality of Barranco and to be involved in the formal decision-making process about urban space. I argue that this fragmentation causes a vicious circle that results in a bad selection of Barranco’s local authorities that use other means to win the elections and hence, the alternatives that come from grassroot organizations never win the municipal elections because of this fragmentation.

6.1 The resignification of public space Public spaces have not escaped the urban renewal process of the district. There has been a trend of local authorities to give public spaces under concession with the arguments of renovation, modernization, and development. This section focuses on two cases of privatization of public spaces in Barranco. These cases are the concession of the “Confraternity Park” and the concession of the public beaches of Barranco. Currently these spaces are used for leisure and consumption by the most privileged social groups of the city. I will explain how the urban renewal process is causing an unfair and unequal distribution of public space amongst the residents of the district, therefore producing spatial injustice. Initially, I will explain how local authorities and private actors have legitimized the appropriation of these spaces through the argument of devaluation of the space, due to their economic incapacity to maintain it. Likewise, local authorities justify the intervention and the appropriation of private actors in public space arguing that private investment offers the possibility to modernize it according to the trends of important cities around the world. As a result, the use of public spaces has been resignified and the access facilities for long-term residents have been restricted. At the end, this has caused both the displacement of users and uses of the space to replace them with new uses that are more in line with leisure and consumption activities of social groups with greater purchasing power. I thus argue that the resignification of public space by private capital has caused negative impacts on the long-term

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residents of Barranco. Additionally, there is evidence that the new administrators of Barranco's public space (private actors) not only have appropriated it for other uses, but they have not even complied with their legal obligations established in the contracts or their tax responsibilities. Therefore, I argue that this fact invalidates the justification of local authorities that state that the privatization of public space generates more economic resources for the municipality and improves the infrastructure of the district. The “Confraternity Park”, also known as "La Lagunita" (the little lagoon), was a public space of 14,651 square meters founded on December 17th in 1943, under the "Law No 9866”. This law, also known as "Barranco Law" created a tax that would be paid on the public lighting bill by all Barranco's residents. They would pay this tax to get the land from the State. Given the need for public spaces in Barranco, this land would be destined to the creation of an area for sports and leisure activities (Presidencia de la República, 1943). In that context, the “Confraternity Park” was created. Later, a pond was built where animals and boats were placed. Furthermore, the Municipality opened a zoo and the Civic Center Manuel Beltroy Vera (Salvemos Barranco n.d., p. 3). The building of the civic center was declared part of Barranco’s architectural heritage by the National Institute of Culture 20 (INC) (Salvemos Barranco n.d., p. 5). In an interview for the magazine “Caretas”, Juana Beltroy, daughter of Manuel Beltroy Vera 21 stated that the civic center named after her father, was a place where free cultural activities were undertaken as well as exhibitions of books and paintings by various Peruvian authors (Caretas, 1997, p.28). Likewise, according to Javier Alvarado, activist and resident of zone B, the civic center was a place where reunions of neighbors and political meetings were organized.

You know that Barranco is a small district (…) we all know each other. I remember that in the civic center we met very often. For example, when someone was confronted with illness and we wanted to collect funds, when we wanted to organize a party in the neighborhood, or when we wanted to talk to municipal authorities, we went to the civic center (Javier Alvarado, resident from zone B, June 24th) Both Javier Alvarado and Juana Beltroy highlighted the capacity of the civic center to serve as a multifunctional space. For them, the civic center represented an important place to follow cultural activities or to meet with other neighbors. In other words, it was a place of gathering for “Barranquinos”. The residents used the civic center as an integration element that strengthened their sense of solidarity and promoted their political participation. The Confraternity Park was also a multifunctional space. For example, residents of Barranco revealed that they used to sail in the boats, do picnics and barbecues, play sports and even ride bicycles. Therefore, the Confraternity Park was their favorite public space in Barranco. That is the case of David, a former solar resident of zone C. He remembers that the park was a place to meet with his friends to fish. Other low income residens revealed that when they were young they used to go to the park during Sundays to sell food products such as cotton candy, caramelized apples and hot chocolate or to work in other informal activities. For example, María Elena, a housewife, and solar resident of zone B, stated that when she was a teenager she went to the park to offer tours in the zoo and worked as a "jaladora"22 for the boat owners. Her job was to offer the boats to the public and convince them to buy a boat trip. Furthermore, she remembers that in the park area she celebrated birthdays with her family. The memories of David and María Elena revealed how the park offered the residents a possibility to have a recreational space and a livelihood, especially those residents with fewer economic resources. Therefore, the Confraternity Park was vital for their recreation, but also for

20 The INC was replaced by the Ministry of Culture in 2010 (Ministry of Culture, 2017 b) 21 Manuel Beltroy Vera, (Lima, April 25, 1893 - November 23, 1965) was a resident of Barranco and a recognized writer, poet, and literary critic (Beltroy, 2003) 22 A “jalador” or “jaladora” is an informal job activity that entails a person recruiting clients in areas nearby an establishment, upon completion of the sale, the “jalador” receives a commission [59]

their livelihood and their social bond with their family. Another feature of the park that was appreciated by long-term residents of Barranco was its central location. This fact allowed them to access to the park without facing mobility issues and at any time of the day. Patricia, a house maid, and a solar resident of zone B, revealed that she went to the park to walk her dog frequently and rest when she had free time between her jobs because it was close to her house and her workplaces. Moreover, her mother and she used to prepare desserts in their home to sell them in the park, especially every Sunday the desserts sold well to the visitors of the zoo. The different testimonies of the residents of Barranco demonstrate that the Confraternity Park was a multifunctional space for collective use where there was a multitude of activities in parallel. This multifunctionality of space is precisely what determines a way of personal and free appropriation. In other words, each person who uses the space, in this case the park, imprints a special identity to it and has the liberty to appropriate the space in a personal way (Vega, 2006, p.7). The exercise of spatial justice in public spaces is guaranteed by this multifunctionality. That is why the main characteristic of public space is its accessibility which does not discriminate activities or conditionate them. It is a place that offers the freedom of movement and interaction but also offers the possibility to remain inactive (Kostof, 1992, p. 123). Additionally, public space can be used for political struggle of heterogeneous social groups that can express their voice there (Mitchell, 2003, p. 128). Thus, the Confraternity Park was more a social structure of human interactions than a container of physical space (Dikeç, 2011, p. 73). Likewise, it was appropriated in its use and transformed according to the social needs of the residents of Barranco (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 291). According to José Ayulo, activist, municipal councilor, and resident of zone C, for 19 years the different municipal administrations did not take care of the park. Therefore, the public facilities and recreative areas were in a deteriorated condition. However, José Ayulo manifested that the park’s deterioration did not prevent its use. For example, sports activities of many neighboring public schools were still carried out there. Likewise, even though the civic center was abandoned, it was still a place where neighborhood meetings and educational workshops were held. The municipal agreement Nº 077-96-CMB forbids granting the parks, gardens, and public areas of the district for private uses (Municipalidad de Barranco, 1996, pp. 2-3). In 2002, Fina Capriata, a former mayor of Barranco violated the agreement and approved the initiative to give the land of the Confraternity Park under concession to the Institute of Contemporary Arts (IAC) (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2001, p.1). The IAC is a private organization of art collectors. The board members of the institution include famous entrepreneurs such as George Gruemberg, owner of hydroelectric companies and meat factories (Swissinfo, 2007); and the mining and banking entrepreneur Eduardo Hochschild, one of the richest men in Latin America according to Forbes magazine (Forbes, 2017). The purpose of the concession was to build the Museum of Contemporary Art (MAC) in the land of the Confraternity Park. This decision was taken without consulting the residents of the district. Therefore, according to Javier Alvarado, the neighbors felt that the local authorities betrayed them. The concession contract would last for 60 years and it was renewable for 60 more years, in exchange for the payment of S/.1000.00 soles (approximately 270 euros) per year (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2001, p.3). In addition, the IAC was required to complete the works in three years and give an annual fee to the Municipality during the construction period that represented the 3% of the costs of the work. The contract specified that if the deadline was not met, the land would be returned to the district. In addition, the contract stipulated that the IAC was only authorized to build the museum on the premises of the Civic Center Manuel Beltroy Vera. In order to demolish the civic center, the Municipality of Barranco requested the INC to remove its condition of Barranco’s architectural heritage. After the municipal petition, the INC decided to withdraw the condition of architectural heritage of the Civic Center Manuel Beltroy Vera (INC, 2001, pp. 1-3). In August 2002, the civic center was completely wrecked, the lagoon was drained, and the park was closed to the public. The IAC

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began the works that transformed the “Confraternity Park” into the MAC (Salvemos Barranco, n.d. a, p.12). According to Javier Alvarado, the destruction of the civic center represented the loss of the only closed and covered space in the district that could be used freely by Barranco’s residents. He mentioned that after the closure of the civic center, when they wanted to organize meetings or other activities they needed to appeal to the goodwill of any institution that can provide a place, or they had to carry out the reunions outdoors in the Municipal Park, facing the inclemency of the weather. Furthermore, he stated that the alleged abandonment of the civic center was only used as an excuse of municipal authorities to destroy it. Accordingly, he revealed that even though the building was run down, its structure was still in good condition before the works of the MAC started. He pointed out that the Municipality of Barranco used the civic center for municipal hearings shortly before its destruction. After the decision of the municipality to give the park under concession, the neighbors organized themselves in the “Barranco's Defense Identity Front”. The front was formed by neighborhood councils of different areas of the district23 (see illustration 6-1). According to the grassroot organization “Salvemos Barranco”, Barranco’s residents started pacific demonstrations, vigils, and hunger strikes to pressure the Municipality of Barranco to terminate the contract and return the park to the district (Salvemos Barranco, n.d. a, p. 5.)

Illustration 6-1: Social protests against the concession of the “Confraternity Park” (Source: Javier Alvarado’s archive)

After signing the concession agreement, the Municipality of Barranco distributed a leaflet devoted exclusively to describe the supposed advantages of the MAC for the district and announced its imminent construction. In the leaflet, the local authorities said that the park and the trees will not be compromised in the construction of the MAC; on the contrary, the green areas will be fully recovered and will become safer and more lighted. Moreover, they stated that the IAC will provide several valuable and unique sculptures to decorate the park. Likewise, they said that the park will be fenced to give a greater sensation of security to the users and that the fences will not prevent the free access of people. Lastly, they mentioned that the civic center “was an uninhabited building in ruins”, and that it was necessary to wreck it to recover the park and improve the infrastructure of the district (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2003). In an interview for “El Molino”, a local magazine of Barranco, George Gruenberg, president of the IAC, declared that his institution only wanted to modernize the park. He also mentioned that the intervention of the IAC was necessary because the park looked more like a “hog-wash” than a true public space (El Molino, 2007). Similarly, Alvaro Roca Rey, the Executive Director of the IAC said in an interview for the official newspaper "El Peruano", that the “Confraternity Park” lost all its original beauty and had become a dirty and dangerous place where there was an abandoned zoo with a dry

23 Neighborhood councils (juntas vecinales) in Peru refers to a group of residents that get together to intervene in local management through mechanisms of citizen participation. They are constituted in accordance with the Organic Law of Municipalities (Congreso de la República 2003, pp. 162 - 163).

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lagoon. Moreover, he stated that for Barranco, the MAC would mean the start of a modern era, and the design of the building would be worthy to compare with those designs of the main cities around the world (El Peruano, 2011). The leaflet of the municipality and the statements of the IAC members revealed that the narrative of recovery related to public space only points out the aesthetic aspects of it. In that sense, it does not consider the heritage value of the civic center, the social dynamics that preexisted in the park and the viewpoints of Barranco’s residents to improve a public space for them. According to Herbert Rodríguez, a painter, and a muralist of the district, building the MAC on top of the remains of the civic center was an arbitrary action that trampled the neighbors and the history of Barranco. Likewise, he argued that this fact proved that tradition and living culture of Barranco was not important for the local authorities nor for the owners of the MAC. Moreover, he said that modernity in Barranco is achieved at expense of predation, demolition and sale of the traditional buildings and parks. The result of this modernization is alleged master pieces of architecture of "depersonalized concrete" (see illustration 6-2). Thus, the renewal of the Confraternity Park corresponds to a process of dehumanization of the social dynamics of public space. Accordingly, the park is treated as an empty and useless land that only makes sense when it contains a building that promotes the upgrade of Barranco’s status from a premodern district to a modern one that can be comparable to other urban areas of western cities. Furthermore, the case of the Confraternity Park shows that the main argument used by the Municipality of Barranco to justify the appropriation of public space by private capital is devaluation and abandonment. This argument has also been used in other recovery processes of public spaces in Latin America. For example, in his study about the gentrification process and displacement that took place in “Alameda Central Park” located in Mexico’s historic center, Uriel Martínez described that the deterioration of the park due to the neglect of the government produced the economic conditions that make the revaluation of the space through capital the rational response to face the abandonment (Martínez, 2015, p. 8)

Illustration 6-2: Image on the left corresponds to the civic center "Manuel Beltroy Vera", image on the right corresponds to the MAC (Source: Javier Alvarado’s archive)

In 2005, the IAC did not complete the construction of the museum within the stipulated period. Additionally, they did not pay the guarantees nor the municipal taxes that were agreed in the contract. According to Javier Alvarado, the breach of the clauses of the contract represented an opportunity for the municipality to rescind it. He considered that the contract was illegitimate in the first place because it was signed against the will of the residents of Barranco. However, the three municipal administrations after that of the mayor Fina Capriata decided to continue with the contract and signed more than seven addendums to renegotiate the terms and the time of the construction of the MAC (Decisión Ciudadana, 2011). During the elaboration of the addendums to the original contract, new commitments were established that the IAC should comply with to continue with the concession of the park. These new commitments included the

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construction of an acoustic shell to carry out concerts organized by the municipality and the construction of a free cinema club for Barranco’s residents. Furthermore, it was established that the park should no longer be surrounded by fences but by a one-meter green fence that allows a wider view to the neighbors and passers-by. Also, the negotiations increased the economic benefit that the MAC should give to the Municipality to S/. 2,000.00 soles, and it was established that the IAC would give 10% of the gross income of the activities for the profit obtained from the land of the park. Nevertheless, José Ayulo said that even though the MAC has already been in operation for five years, the commitments of the addendums have not been met and the IAC still has not paid its financial obligations to the Municipality of Barranco. Likewise, Ayulo said that the bars that surround the park are still there (see illustration 6-3). Furthermore, the transformation of the "Confraternity Park" did not improve the green areas neither the illumination nor the security of the space. In that sense, Javier Alvarado revealed that to build the MAC, a large amount of the park's trees was chopped, which caused the destruction of the most important ecological lung of the district. Also, the IAC established a schedule to access the park from 9.00 a.m. to 7.00 p.m. Consequently, after 7.00 p.m., most of the lighting of the park is turned off. When that happens, the surroundings of the park are left in the dark generating a problem of insecurity for the nocturnal passers-by.

Illustration 6-3: Fences surrounding the park (source: fieldwork pictures)

After installing the MAC, Luis Carlos Rodrigo, vice president of the IAC, requested permission to the local authorities to move the existing playgrounds to another public space of Barranco. The IAC considered it was inappropriate for children to play in the park because they could damage the sculptures that the IAC put in the green areas. In addition, he suggested to the municipality to establish a regulation of rules and behaviors that visitors of the park should obey (Salvemos Barranco, n.d. a, p.14). In line with the above, the Municipality of Barranco established the “Guideline of uses of the gardens of the MAC”. The guideline began to call "the gardens of the museum" to the former areas of the "Confraternity Park". The rules established in the guideline forbid the use of public space for picnics and barbecues. Likewise, ballgames or any of its variants are prohibited, as well as the access of pets and street vendors. Furthermore, lying down to sleep in the park is forbidden as well. Finally, the guideline mentioned that the uses of the gardens should be limited for walking and resting in the new places assigned for those (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2011, n.p.). According to Martínez, other characteristic of the recovery interventions in public space is to renew the image of a place by a strategy of social cleansing. Therefore, it is very frequent that new uses and functions are imposed by rules that dictate the ways, uses, functions and social behavior considered correct (Martínez, 2015, p. 8). The transformation of the “Confraternity Park” into the MAC not only had an impact on the image of the area, but also imposed a series of norms

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contained in the “Guideline of uses of the gardens of the MAC”. These norms are a manifestation of ideological domination that dictates the ways of uses, functions and social behaviors that must be fulfilled in an area. In this way, a public space becomes a restricted space (Martínez, 2015, p.9). Most of these norms have a prohibitive character. This is the case for the urban recovery process of the Confraternity Park. This process had an intention that goes far beyond a physical remodeling, but redefined the uses that are considered to be allowed and eradicated the uses that are considered annoying and dangerous for the IAC (the private investor). Likewise, the guideline of uses of the gardens of the MAC caused a total resignification of the space that used to be a free park and is now considered a private garden. Consequently, order and control narratives are committed to safeguarding tranquility and security without considering the rights of participation and appropriation of local inhabitants. The parks and squares of the city become ornamental elements that instead of functioning as public spaces only serve to guarantee a beautiful view or to give economic value to a place. Additionally, the traditional activities that the public space used to allow such as picnics, ballgames, and political activities are no longer allowed in this new version of public space. This new version of spatial organization undermines the diversity and the capacity that public space has as a producer of multiple cultures and identities. Therefore, if parks cease to be places of encounter and interaction, their value as spaces of cultural exchange and communication are severely compromised (Mitchell, 2003, p.3; Vega, 2006, p. 58). In addition, by censoring popular activities and controlling any possibility of conflict, they reinforce exclusions and spatial injustice. According to the long-term residents of Barranco, the new version of the Confraternity Park no longer invites them to be inside it. Therefore, it has become a useless and sterile space for many of them. For instance, Patricia reveals that with all those prohibitions the park no longer makes sense to her, because as explained in the first part of this section she used the areas of the park to have a livelihood, walk her dog and lie down in her hours of rest. Now, all three activities are forbidden under the guideline. Similarly to Patricia, other residents of Barranco revealed that they have stopped using the park. They argue that the fences that surround the land and the permanent surveillance prevent them from feeling comfortable there. Likewise, for them to use the park in those conditions represents an “injustice" and "a humiliation". They argue that they bought the park land with their tax money to have a free area for their recreation. To that extent, they feel that the IAC has no right to tell them what to do or not to do in a place that still belongs to them and therefore has been invaded illegally by the IAC. The concession of the Confraternity Park to the IAC has had an additional objective that goes beyond the intent to recover the park for the construction of the MAC. Currently, the spaces of the former park have been transformed into a new private convention center managed by the IAC (see illustration 6-4). In that regard, according to the MAC’s website, the spaces are rented for corporate events, brand presentations, cocktails, and birthday parties for children (MAC Lima, 2017). Accordingly, Gustavo García, creative director of the advertising agency "La CREO", revealed that the prices for renting an area of the MAC gardens for private events varies between S/. 30,000.00 and S/. 90,000. 00. The way in which the IAC has turned the areas of the Confraternity Park into spaces for rent corresponds to a capitalist perspective to determine the value of urban space. In that sense, Setha Low states that under this premise, the recovery of urban space aims to prioritize the economic value of the space over any other function - for example the function of being a place where one can be free (Low, 2005, p.1). This perspective connects the recovery of public space with the process of gentrification. Accordingly, if the multifunctionality of public space generates forms of inadequate appropriation (for example: street vendors), then mechanisms of discipline and control are displayed (for example: the Guideline of uses of the gardens of the MAC) to displace those activities that are unsuitable for the new destination of the space. This new destination is to attract new consumers with greater purchase capacity than the previous users of the space. The

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incorporation of these new users breaks with the social fabric that was established by its previous occupants and displaces the original meaning of the space (Martínez, 2015, p.4).

Illustration 6-4: Image on the left shows a climbing tournament promoted by the clothing brand “The North Face”, image on the right shows a public relationship event of the car brand “Mitsubishi” (source: Gustavo García’s archive)

Another example of gentrification in public spaces is related to the concession of public beaches. In the last ten years, long-term residents of Barranco have lost their right to access and use their public beaches due to the decision of local authorities to give them for private purposes. Accordingly, private actors and state institutions have installed restaurants, complexes, and institutional buildings. The district has under its territory the administration of six beaches located in the west of the “Costa Verde” (Lima’s maritime area). These beaches are: "Las Cascadas", "Los Yuyos", "Barranco", "Barranquito", "Los Pavos" and "Las Sombrillas" (see illustration 6-5). Long-term residents of Barranco remember that Barranco’s beaches were open and free spaces with sand. Those spaces allowed them to perform various activities in both winter and summer season. Therefore, the beaches were used as spaces for practicing sports such as football, volleyball, and martial arts, doing physiotherapy, play ballgames, and many other activities. Most of the residents, in other words, remember that the beaches were unrestricted and free recreational areas that had a multifunctional and integrational purpose. That is reflected in Mariluz’s testimony.

I took my daughter to the beach to play volleyball with other girls in the district. Also, [in that time] there was [still] sand, which was better because I felt I could sunbathe while she played with her friends (Mariluz, zone B, May 16th) The beaches of Barranco are not only important for its residents. In the newspaper “Argos”, José García, specialized architect on heritage architecture, said that the disorganized and unplanned growth of Lima has not allowed the development of public spaces. Consequently, the beaches represent forms of unplanned public space that are already there and only need to be managed properly (Argos, 2010, p.4). Moreover, residents of Barranco have a special relationship with the beaches. According to the grassroot organization "Decision Ciudadana", Barranco’s residents have always used the beaches for recreation purposes but also for making their living. For example, some residents use the beaches for fishing, selling food and other products and renting umbrellas during the summer season. Barranco, as well as six other districts of Lima, is located 45 meters above sea level on top of coastal cliffs. Thus, to facilitate access to beach users, in 1896 a funicular was built. In 1971, the funicular was demolished in conjunction with other structures to build the roads of the highway “Costa Verde” (Decision Ciudadana, 2016). The funicular was not the only way to get to the beach. Until a few years ago, the district had 10 "Bajadas a la playa" (ways down to the beach). The “Bajadas a la Playa” are paths made of dirt or stairs that connect the residential areas with the beaches. Unfortunately, several of the “bajadas a la playa” have been closed or destroyed because of the construction of new buildings. Currently,

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the only “Bajada a la playa” that is preserved is the “Bajada de Baños”, which turns out to be the most touristic one (see illustration 6-6) (Solari, 2014, p. 27).

Illustration 6-5: Location of Barranco’s beaches (source: Google maps, 2017 c)

Illustration 6-6: Image on the left shows the only remaining “Bajada a la playa”, image on the right shows buildings blocking former “Bajadas” (source: fieldwork pictures)

Another way in which long-term residents of Barranco used to appropriate the beach was to to train the members of the teams of the “Barranco’s football league” (Liga de Barranco), the players trained on the beaches because they could do special routines there, like swimming in the sea after a training session. “Barranco’s football league” is an organization that brings together the district's soccer teams. Originally, “Barranco’s football league” was part of the disappeared "Lima's beaches football league". According to the sports newspaper “El Bocón”, “Lima’s beaches football league” grouped all soccer players who lived nearby the sea. When the city grew, and the districts were formed, the soccer clubs became independent to form their own league (El Bocón, 2011). The trainnings held on the beaches was a way of getting to know the most skillful football players of Barranco. The best players would be selected to form the first division football teams24. The beach "Las Cascadas", which was the largest in the district, had a large area of sand that

24 First division is the maximum professional level of football players in Perú. Those who are in first division are usually selected to be part of the national team.

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allowed the development of these activities. Nowadays, the concessions occupy all this area (see illustration 6-7). About this, José Ayulo says that the constructions have changed the morphology of the soil of the beaches. Moreover, “Decisión Ciudadana”, a local political party explains how the area that used to be covered with sand, little by little has become dangerous and unappealing because of the dismantling of construction material. They also revealed that “Las Cascadas” and other Barranco’s beaches have lost their sand because of the erosion and the impacts of the constructions (Decisión Ciudadana, 2017 b). Under these new conditions, public spaces in the beaches used for special trainings (that cannot be done in other areas) and for integrational activities (that promote a healthy competition spirit) could not be done anymore. In other words, the beach used to foster the integration and the collective identity of Barranco. These two elements had an intangible value for long-term residents and have been destroyed with the impossibility of access to the beaches because of the concessions.

Illustration 6-7: “Las Cascadas” beach before and after the concession (source: Decisión Ciudadana, 2017 b)

Peruvian laws protect the beaches because of their primary function as public and free spaces of leisure and socialization. According to the Law No 26858, the beach area from the water line until 50 meters farther, must be a good for public use, inalienable and imprescriptible (SBN, 2006, p. 2). Likewise, the beach must have 200 meters of unrestricted access. This space must prioritize the public function of the beach over other uses, except those established by law. Therefore, it is considered an illegal act to block or delimit access deliberately or through a construction (SBN 2006, p. 3). However, local authorities of Barranco decided to ignore the current legal framework that protects the intangibility of the beaches and started to sign concession contracts with different companies and other state institutions. According to “Decision Ciudadana”, six luxury restaurants have been built until now (with three of them being part of the touristic complex Boulevard "Bordemar"), the yacht club "Lima Marina Club" of the Navy of Peru, and the Salvage Unit of the Peruvian Police Department (Decision Ciudadana, n.d., n.p.). There are still pending projects to be built in spaces of the beach that have already been given in concession. All concessions will be destined to tourist complexes, shopping centers, private clubs, or restaurants. In an interview for the online news platform "Spaciolibre", César Moncloa,

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specialist in urban development and sustainability, declared that 40% of the space of the beaches is occupied by concessions. When all the projects are finished, the occupied space could duplicate (Spaciolibre, 2017). The same arguments that were used to justify the concession of the Confraternity Park were employed to justify the concession of Barranco’s beaches. In the documentary “Costa Verde for the world” released by the national network, “Panamericana televisión”, Martín del Pomar, the former mayor of Barranco, responsible for most of the concessions of the beaches, said that the beaches were in a state of neglect. In addition, he alleged that the beaches were dark, dirty, and unsafe, so they became the favorite place of thieves and prostitutes and their clients, the last ones using the beaches as motel rooms (Panamericana Television, 2006). The statements of Martin del Pomar aim to degrade the uses of public spaces and stigmatize their users. This strategy that degrades public spaces is frequently used in gentrification processes. Prior to intervening public spaces, local authorities and private actors associate them with litter and abandonment, and they also associate their users with activities of bad reputation such as drug trafficking, crime, and prostitution. Then, they have the necessary justification for implementing hygienist policies aiming to clean up the space and expelling all the "undesirable" users from it. Thus, the appropriation of public space by capital homogenizes and labels "inappropriate" to all users who will not consume in it and therefore must be removed (Monreal, 2016, pp. 106 – 107). The economic factor and the improvement of public infrastructure was another argument used by local authorities and by private investors to justify the concession of the beaches. For example, in the same documentary of Panamericana televisión, Martín del Pomar mentioned that the concession of the beaches was beneficial for Barranco since private investors were going to pay more taxes, and they were going to renew and improve the infrastructure of the public space. Moreover, he claimed that, thanks to private capital, the beaches of Barranco could resemble other internationally recognized beaches such as Cancun in Mexico and Copacabana in Rio de Janeiro. He also indicated that the beaches of Barranco would offer all kinds of services for users, whether they are consumers of restaurants or not. Likewise, Alfredo Aramburú, the owner of the restaurant “Cala” (installed on “Barranquito” beach since 2006), interviewed for the same documentary, offered to install large green areas and to improve the infrastructure in most of the spaces of the concession.

Only 25% of the land will be occupied by the restaurant. Our commitment with the authority is to convert this land [points to the public area of the beach] in a modern and attractive place. This is dirty and abandoned. We will transform it into a park, we will also make stairs so that residents can access it and we will put showers and toilets for everyone (Panamericana Televisión, 2006). In this way, public administration and private investors legitimize interventions in the public space to make them more commercial. Accordingly, they promise that they will construct new areas, provide quality services, or guarantee order and security. In the end, these promises end up being false statements and the main goal is to resignify the uses of former public space and eliminate any type of conflict that may arise from their previous users. By doing so, they can offer a clean, harmonious, and ordered space to their new users (Monreal, 2016, p. 106). The current reality of "Barranquito" beach (occupied by Cala) as well as the rest of the beaches of Barranco is far from being the idyllic setting offered by local authorities and private investors. According to José Ayulo, the access from the runway to the sea is very limited because in the middle, there are restaurants or other constructions. In addition, investors never implemented the parks and facilities that they offered to do, nor did they maintain the surroundings of the concessions. Moreover, the constructions are expanding and occupying much more of the space that was established in the concession contract (Decision Ciudadana, n.d., n.p.). For example, the restaurant “Rústica”, located in “Barranco” beach, was fined by the Municipality of Barranco in 2015 for invading part of the pedestrian space. The restaurant extended its

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parking space by placing blocks of cement and grass in part of the sidewalk and the bicycle lane. As a consequence, pedestrians and cyclists had to invade the road, exposing themselves to being run over by cars (see illustration 6-8) (El Comercio, 2015).

Illustration 6-8: Rústica's parking lots invading the sidewalk and the bicycle lane (source: El Comercio, 2015)

Accordingly, Vilma Gonzales, activist, and resident of zone B, said that the restaurants take over the areas of the beach. During the summer, they spread their tables all over the beach, which prevents other residents from sitting or laying on a towel. Likewise, she claims that the gardens built by the restaurants, are only there for decoration purposes and are not intended to be used by general public. Therefore, the access is restricted only to the users of the restaurants. In line with Vilma’s testimony, David, former resident of zone C, revealed that when he tried to hang out with his friends in the green areas placed by Cala’s restaurant, the private security agents of the restaurant kicked him out, arguing that he was on private property. Thus, the space that “Cala” implemented is just an area with an ornamental function, conceived as a residual space for the enjoyment of those who have the purchasing power to pay it (see illustration 6-9) (Monreal, 2016, p. 108). Meanwhile, users like David are deprived of their right of appropriation of public space through illegal occupations, false promises, and disciplinary actions.

Illustration 6-9: Garden of “Cala’s” restaurant (source: fieldwork pictures)

Since rental prices established in the contracts were very low, the concessions have not increased significantly the municipal budget either. Besides, the duration of all the concessions is very long and the owners of those concessions are not even paying their rents or their corresponding taxes. According to the Municipality of Barranco, by 2013 the debt of concessions that have active facilities was S/. 211,900.00 soles (see table 6-1). According to José Ayulo, there

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are other concessions that, despite not having premises in operation, also have debts with the municipality.

Table 6-1: Debt of the beach concessions with active facilities (Source: adapted by the author from Municipalidad de Barranco, 2013, p. 9)

Number Average Years of Monthly Municipal debt Beach Concession of m2 monthly concession rent until 2012 granted income per m2 Boulevard "Las Bordemar 20 14,785 S/. 40, 000.00 S/. 2.72 S/. 73, 516.80 Cascadas" (tourist complex) "Las National 30 9,075 Public institution Cascadas" Rescue Police Cala "Barranquito" 30 3,500 S/. 8, 910.00 S/. 2.67 S/. 4, 305.50 (restaurant) Rústica "Barranco" 30 23,151 S/. 4, 319.00 S/. 1.88 S/. 7, 728.76 (restaurant) Lima Marina "Los Yuyos" Club (yatch 30 30,389 S/. 34, 020.00 S/. 6.80 S/. 126, 349.00 club) Total square meters occupied 80 900 Total municipal debt until 2013 S/. 211 900,06 For several residents, the concessions of the beaches of Barranco were made in a context of corruption and in a deceptive way. They also believe that the low rents and taxes do not justify the mayor social impact that these concessions caused them. In other words, the long-term residents of Barranco consider that the concessions of the beaches only benefit the private investors because of the large profits that the restaurants represent for them. In the meantime, the space is occupied in detriment of the rest of the residents of the district. Before the Confraternity Park and the public beaches in Barranco were privatized, their spaces promoted symmetrical and fair social relations where everyone had access in an equal way. Also, those spaces offered a multifunctional capacity to the residents. In other words, residents could appropriate the spaces according to their own characteristics and singular identity. Now, after the privatization of the spaces, users are homogenized. New uses promote asymmetric and differentiated relationships that are hierarchized based on consumption capacities, thus producing a spatial injustice.

6.2 “Los Yuyos” case: struggling for Barranco’s public space This section explains the strategies developed by grass root organizations to prevent the construction of “Ana María” tourist complex in the beaches of Barranco. In 2004, the Peruvian Navy granted a concession of 4,928 square meters of the aquatic area25 of “Los Yuyos” beach to the company Alta Mar Club S.A.C. to develop a tourist complex which included the construction of a shopping center and a restaurant (Marina de Guerra del Perú, 2004, p. 3). This concession was renewed in 2013 (Marina de Guerra del Perú 2013, p.1). Originally, the first version of the project only considered a dock that would be used for pedestrians to access to the facilities. In 2016, when Alta Mar Club S.A.C. decided to start the construction of the tourist complex, it requested again the permits to the relevant authorities. Nevertheless, the company presented a different version from the original project. This second version required the occupation of 400 square meters of land in “Barranco” beach to build parking lots for the visitors of the tourist complex. It also included the construction of a seawall, a square and a floating beach (see illustration 6-10) (Alta Mar Club S.A.C., 2016, n.p.).

25 A concession of an aquatic area is the administrative act by which the user is granted the right to occupy a maritime, fluvial, or lacustrine area in Peru. It can only be granted by the Peruvian Navy (Ministerio del Ambiente, 2017)

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Illustration 6-10: Image on the left shows the mock-up of the first version of Ana María project, image on the right shows the mock-up of the second version (Source: Playas de Barranco, 2013; fieldwork pictures)

In an interview for the business news website “Peru retail”, the director of the company Alta Mar Club S.A.C. was questioned about the changes of Ana María project. He replied that “Barranco beach” was not suitable for public use because the land was abandoned and covered with stones and construction waste, thus, the parking lots will not cause problems for the residents. Furthermore, the company representative offered that Alta Mar Club S.A.C. will maintain and improve the facilities of “Los Yuyos" beach. He also said that the parking lots were going to be free and open to everyone. Finally, he promised to build a floating beach and a seawall that could be used by all residents of Barranco (Peru retail, 2017). The mayor of Barranco, Antonio Mezarina took the side of the company and expressed the decision to approve the project with these new modifications. In his statement to the media, the mayor assured that the project had all the legitimacy required since the Peruvian Navy approved it (Radio Exitosa, 2014). Moreover, in his Facebook page, he mentioned that the construction of the shopping mall and the restaurant would not affect the beaches since the main buildings were in the aquatic area. He also indicated that the injection of capital on the beaches of Barranco would allow the improvement of those public spaces. Finally, he stated that Ana María project would not affect the users of Los Yuyos beach (see illustration 6-11). The arguments expressed by the director of Alta Mar Club S.A.C. revealed that for the company the beaches of Barranco were only physical spaces that could be moved and replaced artificially (the floating beach), because they need the real spaces to provide comfort to the potential consumers of the tourist complex through the construction of parking lots. Therefore, they were prioritizing the necessities of new users over other traditional uses of long-term residents. Likewise, local authorities become the promoters of the private investors and sided with “Alta Mar Club S.A.C.”. With that action, one more time they demonstrated that they do not consider the opinions of long-term residents who are the traditional users of the beaches. Furthermore, local authorities employed the same excuse to validate the necessity of private investment’s intervention in public space which is always the suppose improvement of the infrastructure in public areas. However, for the people of Barranco, the construction of the touristic complex would jeopardize the social dynamics of both “Barranco” and “Los Yuyos” beach, since for them, the beaches were more than a physical container, there were a place for social interactions.

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Illustration 6-11: Screenshot of the Facebook page of Barranco’s mayor explaining details of “Ana María” project (Source: Mezarina, 2017)26

Given the background of private companies’ in Barranco’s beaches, the residents suspected that the construction of the tourist complex would illegally invade little by little all the public areas there, so at the end long-term residents would be totally displaced of both beaches of Barranco. Likewise, residents no longer believed in the promises made by private investors related to improving the infrastructure and maintaining the areas. Therefore, when they found out the intentions of the municipality to approve the construction of the tourist complex Ana María, multiple grassroot organizations of the district began to mobilize against it and succeeded to paralyze the project. To explain the role of the multiple grassroots organizations that intervened in stopping Ana María project, I will briefly describe Barranco’s political context. Barranco has a well-known history of active neighborhood participation committed to the promotion and defense of public spaces. In section 6.1, I mentioned how through the “Barranco Law”, the residents organized to buy land and to create public spaces in the district. I also described the conformation of a defense front to oppose to the concession of the Confraternity Park. One important moment for the neighborhood struggles in the district was the construction of the public transport bus system “El Metropolitano”. As it was mentioned in section 3.1, this project not only further marked the social differences among the residents of the three zones of the district; it also reconfigured the whole sense of vehicular traffic (Fabbri et al., 2014, pp. 35- 40). Therefore, the residents of Barranco decided to form the grassroot organization “Salvemos Barranco”. This organization was created in 2008 to express its discomfort for the decision of the municipality to approve the works of El Metropolitano without asking the opinion of the residents. At that time, Antonio Mezarina was the mayor of Barranco. He won the last elections and currently occupies the municipal chair again. The grassroot organization Salvemos Barranco

26 Author’s translation of the mayor’s post: Today, I declared to the media and the public opinion that Barranco’s beaches are not for sale, that all the residents will continue to use the beaches. "Ana María" project, which was approved by the former President Alejandro Toledo in 2004 and ratified by the Peruvian Navy, will be carried out on the sea, that is to say on the Aquatic Area, without harming the residents and the sportsmen who use it. On the contrary, with “Ana María” project, the beaches will improve with time and there would be more space for the users. If residents of Barranco have any communication or doubt, I am ready to give it to them. I want to say that as the mayor of Barranco, I will always be the first to defend our district and its heritage. So, let's continue improving Barranco!

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developed a series of actions with the residents of the district to make their discomfort visible. The members of this organization play a key role in paralyzing the works of Ana María project. The grassroot organization “Salvemos Barranco” was formed in 2008 by activists from the district who already have participated in other social movements. Among the members were Jorge Lecca, a recognized activist who stood up for the protection of the beaches of Barranco, Rusella Zapata, a sociologist and gender specialist who has held important public positions in the State, Germán Jiménez, ex president of Barranco’s Commerce Chamber, José Ayulo, former candidate to the Municipality of Barranco through the movement "Siempre para Barranco", Javier Alvarado, and Vilma Gonzales 27, members of the “Association of Neighborhood Councils Manuel Montero Bernales” and José Rodríguez, and architect who began earning recognition thanks to his connections with the media and political parties in Lima. The group grew until they were about 20 people. (Carrasco, 2011, pp. 53-56). In the struggles against the construction of El Metropolitano, the activists focused on capturing the interest of the World Bank and the Inter- American Development Bank, the entities that financed the construction of the works. In the end, although these entities recognized that El Metropolitano caused the traffic of Barranco to increase significantly and that this construction changed the character of the district (Banco Mundial, 2011), local authorities decided to continue with the work. However, the activists of Salvemos Barranco felt proud of their great convening power developed during the struggles of El Metropolitano and their capacity of organization and cohesion. Salvemos Barranco was able to summon more than 3000 residents in the protests, almost 200 residents in assemblies and collect 4000 signatures to draw the public's attention about the impacts of El Metropolitano in Barranco. The social pressures became so high that the international banks agreed to attend two workshops to evaluate how El Metropolitano would impact Barranco. With the two workshops, it was possible to recognize the viewpoints of the residents about the impacts of El Metropolitano in Barranco’s urban space (Carrasco, 2011, p. 53). In an interview with "Canal N", Jorge Lecca, president of Salvemos Barranco, revealed that after the protests of El Metropolitano, local authorities pressed charges against six members of Salvemos Barranco for injuries against citizens and damages to public property. He also stated that local authorities exaggerated the charges and labeled them as “urban terrorists”. Furthermore, he claimed that the accusations were an evident form of political retaliation since the demonstrations against El Metropolitano were held peacefully (Canal N, 2010). Similarly, in the case of Ana María project, the local authorities had the same aggressive response to repress local activists. According to Borja, these exaggerated sanctions against urban social movements appeared symptomatically in conflicts around urban space. Consequently, Borja mentions that in most of the cases, local authorities claim that they defend “normal citizens” against un-civic behaviors, because those "normal citizens” have the right to not being disturbed. Borja argues that more than a truly intention to defend the rights of a group of citizens, it is about imposing and preserving a hegemonic notion of “civility” and order of urban space. Therefore, local authorities not only criminalize urban social movements, they also criminalize other social groups that promote those un-civic behaviors such as street vendors, prostitutes, beggars, window- cleaners and homeless (Borja, 2010, p.37). Continuing with the history of Salvemos Barranco, when the members founded the grassroot organization, they clearly stated in the statutes that they only got together because they pursue the defense of the interests of Barranco’s residents; therefore, the organization did not have political purposes (Salvemos Barranco, n.p., n.d.). However, with the successful experience of El Metropolitano many of the members begin to gain prominence and after a short period, they started to accuse each other that they were using the organization to win political credits.

27 Although Vilma was not considered an official member of "Salvemos Barranco", she played an important role in her constitution process and participated in several meetings.

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Additionally, after the struggles for El Metropolitano, the organization did not have a clear idea of what to do next. The “politicization” of the movement and the lack of common objectives to sustain participation weakened the organization that eventually ended up divided in two factions. One group of six members stayed in Salvemos Barranco while other group created the movement "Barranco cómo vamos" (Carrasco, 2011, p.58). The latter movement was led by José Rodríguez and would be transformed into "Decisión Ciudadana", a local political party that run for municipal elections on 2010 and 2014. According to José Rodriguez, at the beginning, “Barranco cómo vamos” did not have clear if they wanted to become involved directly in Barranco’s politics or to be connected through a local political party. He stated that the decision of becoming part of Barranco’s politics took months because political parties in the district had a bad reputation. This division created a great confusion among the residents of the district because one of the attributes that recognized Salvemos Barranco was its capacity to promote cohesion. In that regard, when the movement was fragmented into two different factions, it lost its convening power and its credibility. Therefore, attendance to the assemblies of either one faction or the other decreased considerably. Pedro Macuri, ex member of Salvemos Barranco and current member of Decisión Ciudadana stated that the division was a mistake. He also realized that with the division, they lost the credibility of Barranco’s residents, so they tried to get together again. Consequently, “Salvemos Barranco’’ and “Barranco cómo vamos” created the “Frente de vecinos para Barranco” (front for the residents for Barranco), which would function as a higher instance between the two organizations. However, the distrust between members and confusion were so big that the very facts to justify the defense of the members of one faction were used to blame the members of the other faction (Carrasco, 2011, p.59). Paradoxically, several members of Salvemos Barranco who accused each other of politicizing the movement, presented independent options during the local elections, or ended up working for the Municipality of Barranco. For example, Javier Alvarado ran as a candidate of “Fuerza Social” in 2010 and of “Acción Popular” in 2014 (both “Fuerza Social” and “Acción popular” are national political parties). José Rodríguez ran as candidate of “Decision Ciudadana” and José Ayulo ran as municipal councilor of the same political party. Currently, José Ayulo is working as a municipal councilor in the Municipality of Barranco. Finally, Vilma Gonzales worked from 2011 to 2013 as a consultant and as deputy manager in the Management for International and Technical Cooperation. One of the things that divided Salvemos Barranco was precisely the personal political aspirations of the candidates. According to the testimonies of the ex-members of the organization, the “political label” generated a high level of distrust and had a negative connotation that invalidated the whole sense of the movement. The level of distrust and fragmentation among the politicians of Barranco is so high that even though Barranco is the smallest district in Lima, 10 candidates ran in the last municipal elections (Elecciones en Perú, 2014). The characteristics of Barranco’s political life correspond to the ones found on the national level. The negative connotation of "the political field” on the local level follows from the fact that politics on the national level are distrusted as well. In fact, the latest survey prepared by the journal “El Comercio” about the reputation of political institutions in Peru, shows that 84% of Peruvians do not trust the national and subnational authorities (El Comercio, 2017 d). According to Ocampo & Sparrow, since 1991 the political parties in Peru are in crisis and are incapable to present long- term projects, therefore leaders of those political parties respond to non-programmatic and circumstantial interests (Ocampo & Sparrow, 2013, p.6). Therefore, when neighborhood leaders are associated with politics, it is always inferred that they are going to take care of their personal interests and not the ones of the community. Paradoxically, after a while most of the leaders of Salvemos Barranco pursued to become part of a formal political project. This is because only through formal political channels, a grassroot organization would be able to have the power, the legitimacy, and the necessary budget control to design long-term urban policies.

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Another issue related to Barranco’s political environment is the bad reputation of the institutionalized citizen participation mechanisms. In the subnational level, the law dictates the following participatory mechanisms: The District Local Coordination Council (DLCC) and the District Neighborhood Councils (DNC) (Congreso de la República, 2003, pp. 129). The DLCC must have a mixed conformation of 60% being representatives of local authorities and 40% being representatives of the DNC. The DLCC is responsible for coordinating participatory processes in the district such as the Concerted Development Plan (PDC) (Congreso de la República, 2003, pp. 160-163). The DNC are conformed by residents that are elected for a one-year period by other residents of each districts’ neighborhood. These two devices were designed to ensure the intervention of all residents who wish to participate in the district's political decisions. Moreover, they serve as an instrument of political control that residents can exercise over local authorities (Camacho, 2007, p.37). Even though these mechanisms exist, the activists of Barranco’s grassroot organizations are reluctant to use them. They believe that those mechanisms are not legitimate anymore since the mayor has used strategies to control them for protecting his own political interests. According to Clara Vento, resident of zone A and member of Decisión Ciudadana, one frequent problem is that the elections of DNC members are not made transparently. She explained that the municipality organizes the elections process of the neighborhood councils’ representatives. Thus, close members of his political circle are always elected, so he ends up controlling both mechanisms (DLCC and DNC). She believes that is the reason why so far, no representative of the neighborhood councils complains about the execution of the PDC. Consequently, Barranco’s activists prefer to take parallel actions that are not necessarily linked to a political project or to formal political mechanisms. When the local authorities gave the permit to “Alta Mar Club S.A.C.” to start the construction works in the beaches of Barranco (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 f, pp. 2-3), the former members of Salvemos Barranco were still divided and part of them were inactive at that moment. With the risk of losing another public space, they felt that they needed to put their differences aside and join again for a common cause. On this occasion, other grassroot organizations also intervened in stopping the project. Within these organizations, the collective "Costa Verde de Todos" had a central role in this case. The collective is formed by oceanographers and surfers whose main objective is to preserve and defend the beaches of Lima. In April 2017, the WhatsApp group, and the Facebook page "Yuyos se defiende" (Yuyos is defended) were initiated. The WhatsApp group brought together the ex-members of Salvemos Barranco28, the collective Costa Verde de Todos and other residents and movements who wanted to fight against the construction of Ana María project. In the chat group, neighborhood meetings were convened to design strategies to prevent the start of the construction works. The strategies could be summarized in three: presence of the case in the national press, use of Facebook pages to convene social protests on the main public places of the district, and summoning other government institutions, which are above the authority of the Municipality of Barranco to control the political power of the latter. This last strategy aimed to show the arbitrary behavior of the local authorities of the district in approving the new version of the project without the necessary approval of other public institutions. The discrepancies between the two factions of “Salvemos Barranco” started to appear within the development of the first strategy. While, on the one hand, the six members of the faction that remained in "Salvemos Barranco" convened the national media, on the other hand, the members of "Decisión Ciudadana" did the same. Consequently, it was unclear who was the formal spokesperson of the demonstrations. On one side, Vilma Gonzales and Carlos Gonzalez (a lawyer close to Vilma who began to gain prominence during the protests) made statements to the

28 The six members of the faction that stayed in the movement and the 14 members of the new faction Decision Ciudadana [75]

national media. On the other side, José Rodríguez, the leader of Decisión Ciudadana gave press interviews. After this confusion, the faction of Decisión Ciudadana accused Carlos Gonzalez of having his own political aspirations, they also requested him to withdraw the Yuyos se defiende chatgroup because according to them, he was tarnishing the real objective of the protests with his protagonism. Meanwhile, the other faction accused José Rodríguez of taking advantage of the press coverage to promote his own political party.

Illustration 6-12: Image of the left shows Vilma Gonzales making statements for Canal N, image of the right shows José Rodríguez making statements for Panamericana television (Source: Canal N 2017; Panamericana Televisión, 2017)

Regarding the second strategy, a characteristic form that the public demonstrations acquired was the organization of the “plantones playeros”29 (see illustration 6-13). In these events, the population was invited to demonstrate against Ana María project by going to the main square of Barranco with their beach items, such as surfboards, balls, towels, and tools to build sand castles. During the protests, they placed all those items in the square. After taking over the main square, they continued the protests into the beach where they organized football matches, surfing contests, kite flights, and other variety of activities. For the protesters this form of occupation showed the local authorities that the public beach was a multifunctional and integrative space since it allowed the coexistence of several groups doing different activities in parallel. Likewise, appropriating the main public spaces turned to a political act because both the authorities, the other users of the spaces and the media could see the impact and the symbolic dimension of the beaches in the protestors lives. Furthermore, to legitimate the public demonstrations, the protestors recurrently appealed to the article N°2 of the Peruvian Constitution. This article gives the right to national citizens to take public spaces for pacific demonstrations (Tribunal Constitucional, 1993, p. 15). Thus, for the protestors against Ana María project, being in the main public spaces of Barranco not only became a strategy to call the attention of other political actors but also became a right. This is how the public space is transformed into a communication vehicle between activists and local authorities. In a general sense, this reflects that in modern societies the idea of taking public spaces have a high symbolic meaning intrinsically linked to the idea of protesting. Also, taking such places does not necessarily mean a threat to public order, but aims to make the conflict visible because protestors break the daily routine of the space. Then the “public disorder” becomes a “public demand” and this disorder is understood as a message that can only be given in a public space (Fernández, 2013, p. 31).

29 Special type of public protests that grassroot organizations organized to defend “Los Yuyos” and “Barranco” beaches. [76]

Illustration 6-13: Invitations to the “plantones playeros” and images of public demonstrations (Source: Yuyos se defiende, n.d.; fieldwork pictures)

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The calling for social demonstrations became another element that reflected the discrepancies of Salvemos Barranco former members. On the one hand, members of Decisión Ciudadana used their Facebook page El Observador Barranquino (this page was created in 2013 to encourage residents to make visible their complaints against local authorities) to invite the residents to participate in public demonstrations against Ana María project. On the other hand, the other faction created Barranco para los vecinos, a different Facebook page that had the same purpose (see illustration 6-14). The calling for protests through two different Facebook pages caused a confusion between residents, because if they attended the protests called by one page, it was unlikely that they attended the protests of the other page. Paradoxically, in the end, the members of the two factions of Salvemos Barranco always ended up going to protests called by both.

Illustration 6-14: Callings for protests on different Facebook pages (Source: El Observador Barranquino, n.d.; Barranco para los Vecinos,n.d.)

With regard to the third strategy, the activists appealed to their political connections to call the attention of the Peruvian Navy, the Congress, the SBN (National Superintendence of Peruvian Goods) and the Municipality of Lima. These four institutions have inherences in the management of public space of beaches. Due to the pressure from the activists and the social demonstrations, these authorities expressed their disapproval of Ana María project’s second version. Moreover, the Housing and Culture commissions of the Congress summoned the mayor of Barranco to ask him questions about the permissions that he granted to Alta Mar Club S.A.C. to start the execution of the works in “Barranco beach” (Decisión Ciudadana, 2017 c). The commissions concluded that the Costa Verde Project Authority (APCV)30 should revise the second version of the project and take a decision about its feasibility. Likewise, the SBN warned the Municipality of Barranco that the area where “Ana María” project aimed to build the parking lots was considered intangible since it was located inside the 50 meters of the waterline, therefore, the second version of the project was violating the law (SBN, 2017, p. 3). It is worth noting that given the corrupted backgrounds of the concessions of the beaches in Barranco, the activists were not willing to negotiate between the first and second version of Ana María project (se illustration 6-10) and opposed any form of appropriation of a private company on a public beach in Barranco. Therefore, the activists used the second version of the project (which included building parking lots) just to question its legitimacy but they aimed to cancel the concession of Alta Mar Club S.A.C in Los Yuyos beach. The activists feared that Ana María tourist complex would end up invading the area of Los Yuyos beach just as it happened with other

30 The APCV is an institution dependent on the Municipality of Lima created to verify that the works in the beaches are in accordance with the Costa Verde Development Master Plan (the plan establishes guidelines aimed to integrate the Costa Verde and its beaches as a public space of the city) (APCV, 1995). [78]

beaches of Barranco (see section 6-1). That is why neither in the meetings, nor in the demonstrations, the activists referred to the appropriation of Barranco beach, which is the area were the parking lots would be constructed, instead they constantly referred to the defense of Los Yuyos beach, the last sand beach of Barranco that had a big public space. In that regard, the activists argued that the constructions of Ana María project would alter the development of the activities that are usually carried out in Los Yuyos beach. One of those activities was the practice of surf (Costa Verde para todos, n.d). The final objective of the activists was to paralyze any construction in Barranco’s beaches. Hence, after the construction works of Ana María project were stopped, the collective Costa Verde para todos presented a request to the Peruvian Navy to cancel the concession of the aquatic area to Alta Mar Club S.A.C.31. After one month of the collective’s request, the Navy annulled the concession of the company (Marina de Guerra del Perú, 2017, pp.1-3). Weeks after the construction works were paralyzed, the Municipality of Barranco tried to issue a municipal ordinance to regulate the practice of surfing on the beaches of the district. The draft of the ordinance indicated that all surfers should be registered and have a permit to practice the sport. In the ordinance, surfers were also warned that if they did not obtain a special permit of the municipality, they could be fined, and their equipment could be confiscated (Municipalidad de Barranco, 2017 f, n.p.). According to the activists, this project did not have a solid legal base and was a political reprisal by local authorities against surfers because several of them had a key role in stopping the privatization of another public beach. As in the case of El Metropolitano, the residents of Barranco always end up appealing to state institutions that have a greater hierarchy so that they neutralize the power of the local authorities of Barranco. Likewise, in this case, they also appealed to arguments that are found in the current legal framework of the Peruvian Law to reinsert their rights as users of public space. This strategy of social movements to rebalance the power structures in their favor is what Earle calls "transgressive citizenship." This concept refers to social movements’ strategy of interpreting the state laws in a creative way to lobby for their rights at all governmental levels: municipal, sub-national and national (Earle, 2012, p.6). An important characteristic of the social movements against the Ana María project was the social origin of the protesters. It was evident that most of protesters came from the upper and middle social class of the district, which were the ones that used the beaches most frequently. The testimonies from low-income residents revealed that they do not frequent the beaches. This situation mainly occurs for two reasons. Firstly, they said that they used to go to the beaches when the “Bajadas a la Playa” (ways down to the beach) were still opened because their main mean of transportation is by foot. Hence, when most Bajadas a la playa were closed, the beaches became inaccessible to them. Secondly, they stated that they frequently worked from Monday to Sunday and therefore have less time to spend on recreational activities. Paradoxically, the low- income population of the district forms the largest group of voters that support the current mayor Antonio Mezarina. According to Vilma Gonzales, the mayor provides those residents with donations and other gifts to buy their votes. In that regard, for this group of voters, it is much more functional to receive this type of social support (clientelism) that meet their daily needs, than having public spaces which they cannot use frequently anyway. Illustrative for this matter is that in 2011, the mayor and his wife founded the “Asociación Manos Unidas por Barranco”. This association organized and financed social support activities such as medical campaigns, donation of school supplies, raffles for household appliances, aerobics workshops, etc. (see illustration 6-15)). Many activists believe that the current mayor is using money from corrupt practices with real estate and other private companies for this clientelist purposes. This triggers a

31 The Supreme Decree No. 008 of 2001 established that the Peruvian Navy has the right to cancel the concession of an aquatic area if its owners do not allocate the area for the purposes established in the concession contract. (Marina de Guerra del Perú, 2001, p. 2). [79]

vicious circle in which authorities of poor quality are always chosen by the poorest areas of the district.

Illustration 6-15: Screenshot of an invitation to a campaign for free dental service (Source: Asociación Manos Unidas por Barranco, 2017)

The cases of "El Metropolitano" and "Los Yuyos beach" demonstrate that Barranco activists only come together for very specific purposes and when it is necessary to act in an emergency. Only then they can put aside their discrepancies. But because they do not have a clear vision of what they want, they do not hold together beyond such instances. Furthermore, they cannot articulate a political proposal with a long-term projection that places them in the municipal chair. However, urban social movements in Barranco have been successful in temporarily controlling the power of local authorities. In this sense, despite not having an academic background of what spatial justice implies, these movements already claim rights that have a clear spatial connotation. Moreover, most of these rights could be found in one way or another in the current Peruvian Constitution. That exhibits that both urban social movements of Barranco and the meaning they give to urban space are key to balance power relations and seek greater social justice in the district.

6.3 Conclusion The urban renewal process in Barranco had an impact on the uses of public spaces. The private investors capture the public space due to unilateral decisions of local authorities. The arguments that are used to justify those decisions are that public spaces need to be recovered, and that the infrastructure will be improved for the benefit of all residents. However, eventually this ends up being a false promise of both private investors and local authorities. The only effect of the concessions of public spaces is that the original uses and users have been displaced to allow the entry of social groups with more economic resources. This initiated a process of gentrification. The discomfort of this situation (privatization of public spaces) has caused the rising of social

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movements to claim their spatial rights. Despite not having the theoretical background of spatial justice, the urban social movements appeal to claim spatial rights that are incorporated in the Peruvian Constitution. Although the urban social movements of Barranco have internal disagreements, they had successful outcomes to stop the privatization of public spaces. Accordingly, they have been effective in showing three things. First, they addressed the negative consequences of decisions made by local authorities related to the privatization of public space. Second, they reflected on the injustices and inequalities that these decisions cause. Third, they unmasked a form of government that imposes models of citizenship where individualism and the precariousness of institutions prevails. However, their fragmentation prevents them to elaborate a long-term political project. Additionally, Peruvian politic has such a bad reputation that any activist who is associated with it ends up being frowned upon by his or her colleagues. To conclude, the cases of resistance explained in this chapter showed that while the local authorities tried to depoliticize the urban space arguing that market rules were the best way to improve it, urban social movements managed to re-politicize the debate about urban space and reinsert themselves into the decision-making process related to its uses and its distribution.

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7. Conclusive chapter: the trajectories of Barranco’s urban renewal process

When I came across the case of Barranco, I immediately found elements that could be associated with gentrification. For instance, Barranco has seen an extreme increase of square meter prices for housing units since 2007, which turned it into the most expensive district for renting and buying an apartment in Lima. The district has been modernizing since that year and attracted sophisticated commercial projects and real estate businesses. To achieve this the Municipality of Barranco implemented the most flexible construction policies amongst Lima’s central area: the minimum legally required surface of apartments is much lower than elsewhere in the central areas of the city and the allowed number of stories per building is much higher. These conditions opened the way for the real estate business to develop highly profitable projects since. These projects attract a specific type of client: young professionals and young families of the middle classes, who can afford an apartment in Barranco since the apartments are smaller and thus cheaper in absolute terms, even though the square meter prices are the highest in the city. In the meantime, the real estate boom negatively affects long-term residents. They are being displaced in several ways and when local authorities started to assign rights to private investors to reshape the most important public spaces of the district, the local communities also lost access to and rights within these spaces. The displacement of traditional activities and uses of public spaces is mentioned by several authors in literature about gentrification. Gentrification is thus not only a form of residential displacement, but it also refers to this so called “class imposition” in urban spaces. When I got involved in the topic I came across certain social movements that stood up to fight against the effects of this phenomenon. With all these elements in mind it seemed logical to me that there is a gentrification process going on in Barranco which was mainly triggered by the real estate boom. This process clearly has winners and losers because while realtors are making large profits in Barranco due to the district’s characteristics, it also negatively affects the long-term residents in various ways. This made me ask the following main research question: How are the strategies and effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process linked to the spatial rights of the district’s long-term residents? By answering this question, I found patterns that could be identified as typical phenomena of gentrification. However, I also found certain particularities that only seem to apply to Barranco and that will contribute to the debate about gentrification in the Global South, especially in Latin America. These particularities will be explained in the answers to the research sub-questions. Sub-question 1: What are the strategies of Barranco’s urban renewal process? To begin with, the local authorities are relaxing urban policies to intensify the real estate business in the entire district. They say that this will bring development and progress to Barranco because there will be more tax payers, and because real estate companies help to develop the district so Barranco becomes more like the main western cities elsewhere the world. Additionally, to justify this decision, local authorities argue that they cannot develop areas because they don’t have enough budget, and that they have a big municipal debt because of the many residents – usually referring to the informal residents – that do not pay their taxes. These informal residents therefore need to leave the district, so they can make room for new, tax paying residents. This would increase the budget of the municipality which would improve the services as well. However, these decisions of relaxing urban policies are taken in a unilateral way without consulting local people. This relaxing of the urban policies has two main effects. The first effect is related to the changes of the residential morphology of the district: typically, adobe houses are being displaced to give way to new large and medium scale residential buildings. The literature review shows that this phenomenon is mainly associated with cities in the Global South where

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flexible laws, unfavorable urban policies and low budgets do not allow to maintain and respect the architectural heritage. This is no different for Barranco. For example, the data shows that the municipality wants to develop a specific policy that would reduce the size and number of monumental areas. The reason is that these areas have become an obstacle for the development of the entire area of the district with medium and large-scale buildings. But such development eventually causes the loss of the architectural identity of the district, and the aforementioned strategy has caused the displacement of "precarious possessors”, which are the informal tenants of quintas and solares, and which form the most vulnerable social group in Barranco. They are not taken into account in the urban plans of the municipality and their houses are being sacrificed to give way to new buildings and new residents. Local authorities argue that it is not their responsibility to take care of them and that there is no budget available for improving their living conditions. What’s more, when these tenants try to repair their homes – which are usually considered to be architectural patrimony – the municipality uses legal resources to stop them in the hope that the living conditions of these tenants will decrease further and that they will move out eventually, making place for the development of new real estate projects. So, local authorities have a double standard in dealing with legal requirements. On one hand represent an obstacle that must be removed to encourage real estate businesses to develop Barranco’s entire urban space in the same way. On the other hand, they are used as a resource in the form of a legal weapon against precarious possessors, who eventually would have to leave the urban land to make room for new real estate projects. It can be concluded that the local authorities design urban policies not to protect the residents or the patrimony of the district, but to displace them and to give way to new residents and new modern homogeneous types of constructions. This puts local authorities in an illegitimate situation because according to the legal documents, the municipalities are obliged to design urban policies that satisfy the necessities and improve life standards of the district’s residents. In the end the narrative of development and progress is only used as a false premise: data demonstrates that this way of urban renewal only benefits private investments and attracts new residents regardless of the suffering and opinions of long-term residents. Additionally, during this research it was observed that the urban renewal process is expanding all over central areas in Lima. This shows two things. First, the idea of “centrality” as a strategic resource that is being appropriated by those social groups who can afford it, while lower income groups are being displaced to more and more peripheral areas with all the negative consequences. Since central areas are always a concept in expansion this means that gentrification is always capturing more and more urban areas. Second, even though the process is occurring more intensively in Barranco, all central districts are going through an urban renewal process. It would thus be an interesting opportunity to compare the differences and study new forms of gentrification amongst the districts of Lima. Sub-question 2: What are the social effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process? Barranco is a historical neighborhood of Lima that has been intrinsically associated with the labels of culture and tradition. Barranco is recognized as the main cultural district of the city and it has always been associated with a sort of mystique, the so called “Mystica Barranquina”. Local authorities and private investors have appropriated those values to encourage the real estate boom and commercial developments. The advertising material of both the municipality and real estate projects attracts new buyers by using Barranco’s labels of culture and arts. However, while the images aim to highlight Barranco’s uniqueness, they also present social compositions and lifestyles that do not correspond with those of Barranco but are more associated with those of western cities. The literature shows that these strategies to sell apartments are used in urban renewal processes around the world. They target the young middle classes since their tastes have been homogenized and globally reproduced. This double way to present Barranco’s identity is paradoxical: while Barranco is considered an attractive place because of its authenticity that has

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remained untouched overtime, it is also a place where those unique traditions are being displaced with standardized and homogeneous desires and lifestyles of the young middle class. The district’s cultural values and traditions are produced and reproduced by long-term residents of the cultural and artistic community and play an important role in Barranco’s cultural scene. While the real estate business and local authorities capture Barranco’s values for commercial purposes, the economic pressure of the high square meter prices for buying or renting a house is displacing the long-term residents who are the producers of those values. This case shows a particularity: while in other cities of Latin America the cultural dimension of a neighborhood is actively induced by local authorities and by private actors, both actors neglect the cultural assets of Barranco. The cultural infrastructure of Barranco is totally abandoned and artists and other cultural promoters cannot and do not count on the municipality or the real estate companies when they organize their activities. Finally, Barranco produces another type of displacement that has not been documented in the literature about gentrification: the construction of new residential and commercial buildings has displaced cultural centers by destroying the premises where they were located. This situation has caused not only economic harm to the owners of such cultural spaces but also an emotional distress for both the owners and the communities that have lost spots of integration where they can have symmetrical relationships with other residents. In conclusion, it can be said that the effects of the process of urban renewal in Barranco are far from facilitating the cultural encounter. Instead they produce situations of social exclusion and they also produce perceptions that evidence the disagreements between local authorities, long-term residents, and real estate companies. Long-term residents feel affected by the different treatment that local authorities give them, compared to the treatment that real estate companies receive. Sub-question 3: How does Barranco’s urban renewal process affect public space and what does the population do to claim their spatial rights? The urban renewal process also had an impact on Barranco’s urban space. During the years of the real estate boom, Barranco’s public spaces have been given under concession to private investors. The local authorities used the same arguments that they used to promote real estate developments to justify the privatization of public spaces: improvement of tax collection, improvement of infrastructure and improvement of public services. Another fact is that local authorities and private investors stigmatize both users and the forms of use of public space, and thus create the perfect excuse to intervene. The result is that long-term residents and traditional uses are being displaced from certain public areas, so they can be transformed into privately controlled areas that only provide access to people with great purchasing power. Therefore, gentrification theory is not only applicable to explain residential expulsion, but it could be used to explain displacement from public space. The Peruvian law describes legal mechanisms to develop channels that give residents a voice in public debates and that aim to consider and acknowledge their opinion. Despite such laws, local authorities usually take unilateral decisions not only regarding real estate development but also to the privatization of public space. These decisions are taken in a legally shady environment because the contracts of concessions end up being harmful for both the municipality and the local population and are only favorable for real estate investors. Furthermore, the municipal authorities violate the Peruvian laws that protect the intangibility of public spaces such as parks and beaches. It can be concluded that the municipal authorities and private investors act against the spatial rights of the residents, and specifically against those rights that are associated with the appropriation and participation of civilians in the decision-making process about the destination of urban space. As a result, urban social movements in Barranco have arisen to claim their spatial rights. Even though they are not familiar with the theories that have been formulated to claim those spatial rights, they know that they have the right of public space and

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they fight for it. In order to get the law respected, they call upon hierarchically higher organizations (e.g. the Metropolitan Municipality of Lima, the National Congress, etc.) which control the power of the municipality. However, as the private interests of the leaders of these movements often clash they don’t speak with one voice. This prevents them from becoming part of the Municipality of Barranco and from not being involved in the formal decision-making process about urban space. This results in a bad selection of Barranco’s local authorities that use other means to win the elections, and the alternatives that come from grassroot organizations never win the elections because of this fragmentation. A vicious circle is created. To conclude: Barranco’s urban renewal process is producing transformations causing the district to become more socially divided and more unequal with regard to how the rights to the use of public space are distributed. Furthermore, the district has become a place in which the desires of the local population are not acknowledged and are informally overruled by those of real estate companies. The urban renewal process also did not live up to its promises of improving the district’s public services and infrastructure. The idea that such renewal process is bringing development to the district is a false promise. Data also shows that private investors grow a debt with the municipality as they don’t pay the agreed taxes, which basically puts them in the same position as precarious possessors. The final idea is that despite the presence of Peruvian laws protecting the spatial rights of the local population, and despite the municipal plans that encourages the participation of civilians in the decision-making process about public space, both legal frameworks are not adhered to by local authorities. Unfortunately, grassroot organizations that claim and defend these spatial rights are still fragmented so they don’t form a viable political option or alternative. I believe that this situation is mainly caused because these grassroot organizations don’t have the theoretical knowledge about how to defend those rights which should form the connecting tissue between them, although the different political positions and interests of the leaders of these organizations. Finally, the aim of this research project is not to provide policy recommendations because data shows that the legal framework already exists. Instead, it is meant to empower the social movements to stand up against the untrue use or rejection of that framework by official institutions.

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Appendix A: Operationalization of theoretical elements

Main research question How are the strategies and effects of Barranco’s urban renewal process linked to the spatial rights of the district’s long-term residents? Research Sub- Elements What to look for? questions

Strategies that - Strategies to displace low-income population to free subordinate public the urban land for new residential projects actors to private actors’ - Arguments used by local authorities to justify necessities entrepreneurialism as a core element in urban Sub-question 1: policy design What are the - Private public agreements strategies of Unilateral decision- - Zoning plans Barranco’s urban making process renewal process? Evaluate: How the decisions are made? Who are the actors that participate in the process?

Disciplinary - Municipal ordinances, surveillance strategies, new mechanism and policies zoning plans in derelict areas to control behavior in - Disciplinary mechanisms to control and restrict public spaces “unwanted” behaviors Social polarization - Contrasting perceptions of Barranco’s residents between the three (zones A, B & C) about the use of urban space zones of Barranco before and after the real estate boom - Strategies aiming to transform apartments into Imposition of market investment alternatives rules and dominant - Municipal ordinances to lower the construction stratus for capital parameters and other ways to increase the accumulation purposes profitability of urban space Sub-question 2: - Market models and sales strategies aiming specific

What are the “target groups” such as high qualified social effects of professionals, young families, artists, foreigners. Barranco’s urban - Uses of urban space before and after the real estate renewal process? Displacement of other boom

uses of urban space Evaluate: Who used the space before? Who gets to use the same urban space now? - Cases where spatial rights are jeopardized or Loss of spatial rights infringed. - Uses of urban spaces before and after the real estate boom Capture of key spaces - Privatization and access restrictions to public and resources spaces such as parks and beaches Sub-question 3: How does Barranco’s urban - Presence in national media: Interviews and press renewal process conferences Strategies of grassroot affect public space - Social media presence: Blogs, websites, and organizations and what does the Facebook pages population do to - Calls to participate in protests and manifestations claim their spatial - Political connection with national authorities rights?

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Appendix B: List of conducted interviews

Place of Date of Interviewee residence interviews May 3rd 1. José Rodriguez (architect and leader of “Decisión Zone B June 23rd Ciudadana”, former member of “Salvemos Barranco”) July 15th

2. David Ricardo de la Cruz (Master’s degree of Sustainable Zone C (former May 4th Urban Planning and Design - KTH Royal Institute of resident) Technology’s, Sweden) 3. Karel Van Ordt (architect, member of the working team Zone B (former May 5th for the design of Lima's urban plan 2012 - 2025) resident) May 6th 4. Sebastián Solari (plastic artist cultural promoter) Zone B July 23rd

May 14th 5. Jackeline Ruiz (hairdresser, owner of a hair salon) Zone A

6. Mariluz Díaz (street vendor) Zone B May 16th

7. Trevor Lock (foreigner and artist) Zone B May 21st

8. Allison Bellido (photographer and cultural promoter) Zone C May 25th May 26th 9. María Haydee Romero (flower and plant vendor) Zone C June 2nd 10. Ana Bustinduy (cultural promoter and owner of “La May 29th Zone A Libre”) June 8th 11. Angelica y Luciano Palomino (owners of a snack bar) Zone B June 3rd

12. María Pedraza (housemaid – quinta resident) Zone B June 4th 13. José Ayulo - (municipal councilor, activist of “Decisión June 10th Zone C Ciudadana”, former member of “Salvemos Barranco”) July 4th 14. Pedro Macuri (activist of “Decisión Ciudadana”, former Zone A June 10th member of “Salvemos Barranco”) 15. Giuseppe de Bernardi (plastic artist and cultural Zone A June 11th promoter) June 11th 16. Vilma Gonzales de Huajardo (activist, participant of Zone B June 29th “Salvemos Barranco”) July 15th 17. María Elena Pérez (house wife – solar resident) Zone B June 12th June 13th 18. Abel Villacorta (real estate agent of Edifica construction Doesn’t live in June 26th company) Barranco July 17th 19. Javier Alvarado (activist, former member of “Salvemos Zone B June 24th Barranco”) 20. Carlos Gonzalez (activist) Zone B June 27th 21. Dennis Bell (activist) Zone B June 27th 22. Giovanni Bastante (handyman – quinta resident, Zone B July 3rd

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Place of Date of Interviewee residence interviews president of the Resident’s Association of “Quinta San José”) 23. Jose Luis Herrera (artist and cultural promoter of July 12th Zone B “Barranco Open Studios”) July 25th 24. Cesar Maldonado (activist that leads actions against the Zone C July 15th concession of sports facilities in Barranco) 25. Jessica Vargas (former mayor of Barranco from 2011 to Zone A July 17th 2014) 26. Karelia Quimper (penthouse owner in “Los Malecones”) Zone A July 20th 27. Patricia Ríos (house maid – solar resident) Zone B July 24th 28. María Eugenia Lopez (car watcher – solar resident) Zone B July 24th 29. Ana Victoria Diaz (urban development manager of the Doesn’t live in July 25th Municipality of Barranco) Barranco

30. Nancy Chueca (activist of “Decisión Ciudadana”) Zone A July 26th 31. Clara Vento (Activist of “Decisión Ciudadana”, former Zone A July 26th member of “Salvemos Barranco”) 32. Medalit Cruz (seamstress and owns a stand in San Zone B August 1st Martín Market) 33. José Reaño (deputy manager of Tourism, Education, and Doesn’t live in Culture Sub-administration of the Municipality of August 1st Barranco Barranco) 34. Gonzalo Arbulú (Investments analyst of Edifica’s Doesn’t live in August 25th construction company) Barranco

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Summary

The urban renewal processes undergoing in many Latin American cities are altering both the characteristics of the neighborhood (social composition, architectural configuration, and modes of interaction between residents) and the characteristics of public spaces (users, uses, and modes of appropriation). This work aims to contribute to the academic debate by analyzing the trajectories of urban renewal process in Barranco, a central district of Lima. After reviewing academic literature of urban studies about the city, I noticed that although Lima’s urban spaces have been undergoing major changes during the past ten years (due to an intense real estate boom), there are little academic references on the social effects that those changes are provoking. The choice of Barranco as a location to develop this study was not circumstantial. Although my approach to the district was the consequence of a personal event, I have chosen this district because I found one of the most surprising and prolific scenarios to understand the social effects and the polarization that the real estate boom was producing between different social groups. In that regard, Barranco is considered the smallest district of the city, but at the same time it is the most socio- economically mixed. Furthermore, it’s a district with a high architectural value since 70% of its buildings are considered historical patrimony. This makes it an ideal district to study a phenomenon produced by gentrification which is the replacement of the traditional architecture by medium and high-rise buildings. Likewise, Barranco is characterized as an artistic and cultural hub of the city. Throughout Latin American cities, private companies and local authorities usually employ this characteristic to promote urban renewal processes, and Barranco is no exception. Finally, Barranco’s local authorities do not follow the officially approved urban development plan, thus, local authorities make arbitrary decisions about the destination of urban space. This study uses two theoretical approaches: the first one is gentrification theory, which I will use to describe how the urban renewal process provokes the displacement of the original social fabric of the district and the replacement of other social-economic groups with higher purchasing power. The second theory is that of spatial justice, which focusses on the importance of space for the district’s residents to achieve social justice. This theory establishes a set of rights that relate to space. With this theory I aim to analyze the effects that the urban renewal process had on the achievement of these rights. I argue that this process creates spatial injustice by prioritizing the use of urban space by social groups with high purchase power in detriment of the spatial rights of those with less purchase power. The first two chapters of this research correspond to the description of the theoretical and methodological aspects and the presentation of the results is divided into four chapters. Chapter three analyses the context of the characteristics of the real estate boom in Lima (2007 – 2017) and specifically in Barranco. It is concluded that the real estate boom has increased the square meter prices of housing units in central districts. Additionally, it is demonstrated that Barranco has become the most expensive district of the city for two reasons. Its reputation of being the traditional and cultural neighborhood that has transformed Barranco’s urban space into an object of desire for social groups usually associated with gentrification; and the tendency of Barranco’s local authorities to relax construction regulations in favor of real estate companies, which has caused that the urban land in the district has become a strategic asset for construction companies that can develop highly profitable construction projects. Chapter four concludes that informal housing tenure is used as an instrument to displace the low-income population of the district from their dwellings to make place for new residential buildings. The presence of these new residential buildings has affected the district in three ways: (1) the transformation of the residential morphology of the district by replacing the traditional houses with new large-scale buildings; (2) the weakening of the old houses’ structure which

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cannot withstand the devastating effects of the construction works of these large-scale buildings, resulting in an increased chance of collapse; and (3) the construction of studio apartments of very limited sizes that are usually purchased by investors to rent them out to temporary residents instead of fulfilling the demand for housing necessity. The proliferation of this type of dwelling has an impact on the dynamics of interaction and on the integration between old and new residents. Even if they were purchased as a home, because of the small sizes of studio apartments, they can only serve as temporary residences to singles or young couples with no kids, which means that this type of housing only promotes provisional residents instead of long-term residents. Moreover, most buildings have private leisure facilities so new residents have no real need to use public spaces. Consequently, while in the past, most residents identified each other and found themselves in the public spaces of the district. The new residents are always unknown subjects who are no longer interested in knowing each other and can only be seen entering and leaving the security doors of their buildings. Chapter five shows that overall the districts of Lima, Barranco is recognized because of its bohemian and artistic “essence”. This essence formed by the culture and tradition of Barranco is captured by the real estate companies that use it in their marketing strategies to attract new apartment buyers. However, neither local authorities nor real estate companies have an interest in preserving these characteristics. Paradoxically, the producers of the essence of Barranco (cultural promoters, artists, and long-term residents overall) are being displaced because they cannot cope with the financial pressure of constantly rising housing prices. Furthermore, chapter five also describes the cases of three cultural centers (“La Libre”, “El Cinematógrafo” and “Casa Túpac”) that under different circumstances (damage to the infrastructure of their property and pressure to sale the terrain to a real estate company) have been permanently closed to make way for new residential buildings. Chapter six focuses on the effects of gentrification not from a residential perspective but from the perspective of public space. In recent years, Barranco's local authorities have tended to give the district's public space (such as beaches and parks) under concession to private companies. These companies have appropriated this space to transform it into an area for consumption. Because of this process, the multiple original uses and users of the former public space are displaced for its subsequent transformation into a sterile and semi-private space. Both local authorities and private companies use two strategies to justify such concessions. First, they associate the uses of public space with antisocial activities to stigmatize and remove their original users. Second, they assure that the state institutions do not have the budget to improve the infrastructure and the security conditions of public space and argue that, with the intervention of private capital, those conditions will improve. However, after the occupation of private companies, it has been demonstrated that concessions have not only had a negative social impact, but those private companies do not comply with their tax obligations or with their promises of improvement. Likewise, the transformation of the public space into a consumer space has caused it to lose the capacity to allow its different uses, which promoted democratic and symmetrical relations between the different social groups of the district. To face this situation, social movements are being organized in Barranco. A case that marked a milestone in the social struggles of the district was the defense of the beach "Los Yuyos" against its privatization. To defend the beach, urban social movements used three strategies: (1) appeal to political connections of institutions with a superior hierarchy to the municipality in order to control the actions and modify the unilateral decisions of the local authorities of Barranco, (2) demonstrate to the population, in general, the multifunctionality of the public space on the beach by organizing different activities (volleyball tournaments, kite flights, construction of sand castles, etc.); use the media to capture the interest of other citizens (outside Barranco) and show them that the privatization of "Los Yuyos" was not only a loss for the residents of Barranco but for all the

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inhabitants of Lima. One aspect to consider was that the majority of the members of urban social movements in defense of "Los Yuyos" belong to middle and upper middle sectors. On this point, the testimonies of low-income informants revealed that they rarely use the public spaces of Barranco because they work in informal economies from Monday to Sunday and they live in the areas located furthest away from public spaces. Moreover, the testimonies revealed that the great voting pocket of the mayor of Barranco, comes precisely from this sector, among other things. To that extent, in order to obtain political popularity, the mayor of Barranco organizes proselytizing activities that promote the development of philanthropic campaigns and hands out gifts to this sector that sees these activities much more useful than the need for public space. Furthermore, the results of this research also demonstrated that the fragmentation and polarization among the members of urban social movements are causing them not to succeed in presenting a long-term political project that has another look on how to develop the district. As a general conclusion, it can be said that long-term residents of the district are not oppose to the urban renewal process, but they claim that the process respects their identity, their values, their traditions, and their need for public space.

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Resumen

Los procesos de renovación urbana están alterando tanto las características de los barrios (composición social, configuración arquitectónica, modos de interacción entre residentes) como las características de los espacios públicos (usuarios, usos y modos de apropiación). Durante los últimos diez años, Lima ha sido escenario de un boom inmobiliario que ha ocasionado nuevas espacialidades y formas de vivir en la ciudad. Sin embargo, la limitada producción bibliográfica lleva a concluir que existe un vacío académico sobre estas transformaciones. A raíz de este hallazgo, nace mi interés por desarrollar esta investigación. Este trabajo pretende contribuir al campo de los estudios urbanos con el análisis de las trayectorias que está recorriendo el proceso de renovación urbana de Barranco, uno de los barrios centrales de Lima. Asimismo, la elección de Barranco como locación para desarrollar este trabajo no fue circunstancial. Si bien es cierto, mi aproximación a Barranco fue como consecuencia de un suceso personal, la elección de este distrito se realizó debido a que en Barranco encontré uno de los escenarios más sorprendentes y prolíficos para entender la polarización entre diferentes grupos sociales y los efectos que estaba produciendo el boom inmobiliario. En ese sentido, Barranco es el distrito más pequeño de la ciudad, pero a su vez es el socialmente más mixto y desigual, así pues, cuenta con un pequeño espacio territorial que alberga sectores sociales con grandes diferencias socioeconómicas. En segundo lugar, Barranco tiene un alto valor arquitectónico (el 70% de las edificaciones del distrito son consideradas patrimonio histórico) por lo que el distrito presenta un escenario ideal para estudiar la pérdida de la identidad patrimonial como consecuencia de la llegada de nuevas construcciones. En tercer lugar, Barranco se caracteriza por ser el barrio cultural y artístico de la ciudad. A través de la revisión bibliográfica sobre procesos de renovación urbana en América Latina, se pudo constatar que esta característica es frecuentemente utilizada tanto por autoridades locales como por empresas constructoras para estimular el mercado inmobiliario y otras alternativas comerciales en el espacio urbano. Asimismo, las autoridades locales del distrito no respetan los lineamientos del plan de desarrollo concertado en consecuencia las autoridades locales tomen decisiones arbitrarias e unilaterales sobre el destino y los usos de dicho espacio. Para estudiar el proceso de renovación urbana de Barranco se utilizaron dos aproximaciones teóricas. En primer lugar, se usó la teoría de la gentrificación para describir como este proceso tiende a reemplazar el tejido social original del distrito con nuevos grupos sociales de mayor poder adquisitivo. En segundo lugar, se usó la teoría de justicia espacial. Esta teoría se centra en la importancia del espacio para alcanzar la justicia social y establece para ello una serie de derechos enmarcados en dicha espacialidad. Estos derechos nacen de las reflexiones realizadas por Henri Lefebvre en el marco del “derecho a la ciudad” y promueven la capacidad de participar, apropiarse y utilizar los recursos estratégicos del suelo urbano que ofrece la ciudad de manera equitativa entre todas las personas. A través del uso de esta teoría, se corroboró que el proceso de renovación urbana de Barranco tiende a priorizar el uso del espacio urbano por grupos sociales con mayor poder adquisitivo en detrimento de los derechos espaciales de los grupos sociales con menor poder adquisitivo, lo que en consecuencia produce injusticia espacial. Los dos primeros capítulos de esta investigación corresponden a la descripción de los aspectos teóricos y metodológicos y la presentación de resultados se divide a lo largo de cuatro capítulos. El capítulo tres analiza las características del boom inmobiliario en Lima (2007 – 2017) y específicamente en Barranco. Como resultado, este capítulo concluye que el boom inmobiliario ha encarecido los costos de metro cuadrado de los barrios centrales. En ese marco, Barranco es hoy en día el distrito más caro de la ciudad para comprar o rentar un inmueble. Dos motivos han generado este hecho. El primero está asociado con la capacidad de la “mística barranquina” (combinación de la esencia cultural y de las tradiciones del distrito) en atraer grupos sociales usualmente asociados a procesos de gentrificación (profesionales jóvenes de la clase creativa, nuevas familias y extranjeros. El segundo está asociado con la tendencia de la Municipalidad de Barranco a fomentar parámetros de construcción cada vez más flexibles, mientras que, en otros distritos centrales de Lima, sus autoridades locales han hecho exactamente lo contrario y han establecido parámetros urbanísticos más estrictos. Esta tendencia de las autoridades de Barranco favorece el desarrollo del negocio inmobiliario ya que permite construir departamentos más pequeños y menos estacionamientos por edificio que en otros distritos centrales de Lima lo que genera que el suelo de Barranco sea más rentable para las inmobiliarias. El capítulo cuatro

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concluye que la informalidad de la tenencia de la propiedad (sobre todo en quintas y solares) es utilizada tanto por las empresas inmobiliarias como por las autoridades para promover desalojos en áreas estratégicas y rentables donde se quiere desarrollar el espacio urbano con nuevos edificios residenciales. Ese es el caso de la Quinta San José, donde alrededor de 400 personas viven con el constante temor a ser desplazados de sus casas. Asimismo, la presencia de estos nuevos edificios residenciales ha desencadenado al menos tres efectos en el distrito: (1) la transformación de la morfología residencial de Barranco debido al desplazamiento de las casas tradicionales de adobe para su posterior reemplazo por edificaciones de mediana y grande escala; (2) el debilitamiento de la estructura de las casas antiguas de Barranco que no aguantan el proceso de construcción de los nuevos edificios, de este modo, estas casas quedan expuestas a daños estructurales y a una mayor posibilidad de colapso; (3) la proliferación de apartamentos estudio de un dormitorio con espacios reducidos que son adquiridos usualmente por inversionistas privados para arrendarlos a residentes temporales y no necesariamente son adquiridos por la población que necesita suplir una necesidad real de vivienda. Sobre este último punto, incluso si se compraran como vivienda, debido a los pequeños tamaños de dichos apartamentos, estos solo pueden servir como residencias temporales (de jóvenes solteros o familias sin hijos), en ese sentido este tipo de vivienda solamente promueve residentes temporales en lugar de residentes de largo plazo. Adicionalmente, dado que la mayoría de los edificios tienen instalaciones de ocio privadas (piscina, gimnasio, áreas de barbacoa, centros de reunión), los nuevos residentes no tienen una verdadera necesidad de utilizar los espacios públicos (como parques y playas) fuera de sus edificios. En consecuencia, este tipo de vivienda tiene un impacto en las dinámicas de interacción e integración entre los antiguos y los nuevos residentes de Barranco. Mientras que en el pasado la mayoría de los residentes antiguos podían más o menos identificarse entre ellos y encontrarse en los espacios públicos del distrito. Los nuevos residentes siempre son sujetos desconocidos que ya no están interesados en conocerse y solamente se les puede ver entrar y salir de las puertas de seguridad de sus edificios. El quinto capítulo argumenta que la mística Barranquina, expresada en la producción cultural y las tradiciones del distrito, es capturada por las empresas inmobiliarias para ser utilizada como parte de las estrategias de marketing para atraer nuevos compradores y consumidores al distrito. Sin embargo, ni las autoridades locales ni las compañías inmobiliarias tienen un interés especial en preservar dicha identidad. Paradójicamente, este capítulo muestra como los creadores de dicha identidad (círculos de artistas, promotores culturales y residentes de largo plazo en general) terminan siendo desplazados de Barranco porque no pueden lidiar con la presión económica por el constante aumento de los precios de compra y alquiler de vivienda. Además, en el capítulo también se describen como tres espacios de producción cultural (La Libre, El Cinematógrafo y Casa Túpac) bajo diferentes circunstancias (venta del terreno donde se ubicaba o daños al local por la construcción de un proyecto inmobiliario) han sido cerrados permanentemente para darle paso a nuevos edificios residenciales. El sexton capítulo se centra en los efectos de la gentrificación no desde una perspectiva residencial, sino desde la perspectiva del espacio público. En los últimos años, las autoridades locales de Barranco han tendido a otorgar en concesión el espacio público del distrito (como playas y parques) a empresas privadas. Estas empresas se han apropiado de este espacio para transformarlo en un área de consumo. Como consecuencia de este proceso, los múltiples usos y usuarios originales del espacio público anterior han sido desplazados para transformar el espacio público en un espacio estéril y semi-privado. Tanto las autoridades locales como las empresas privadas utilizan dos estrategias para justificar tales concesiones. Primero, asocian los usos del espacio público con actividades antisociales para estigmatizar y eliminar a sus usuarios originales. En segundo lugar, aseguran que las instituciones estatales no tienen el presupuesto para mejorar la infraestructura y las condiciones de seguridad del espacio público y argumentan que, con la intervención del capital privado, esas condiciones mejorarán. Sin embargo, después de la ocupación de empresas privadas, se ha demostrado que las concesiones no solo han tenido un impacto social negativo, sino que esas empresas privadas no cumplen con sus obligaciones tributarias o con sus promesas de mejoramiento. Asimismo, la transformación del espacio público en un espacio de consumo ha hecho que pierda la capacidad de permitir sus diferentes usos, lo que promovía a su vez establecer relaciones democráticas y simétricas entre los diferentes grupos sociales del distrito. Por el contrario, actualmente los nuevos usos de los espacios promueven relaciones asimétricas que se establecen en base a la capacidad de consumo. Para enfrentar esta

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situación, se están organizando movimientos sociales en Barranco. Un caso que marcó un hito en las luchas sociales del distrito fue la oposición a la privatización de la playa "Los Yuyos". Para defender la playa los movimientos sociales urbanos utilizaron tres estrategias: (1) apelar a las conexiones políticas de las instituciones con una jerarquía superior al municipio para controlar las acciones y modificar las decisiones unilaterales de las autoridades locales de Barranco, (2) demostrar la multifuncionalidad del espacio público en la playa mediante la organización de diferentes actividades (torneos de voleibol, vuelos de cometas, construcción de castillos de arena, etc.); usar los medios para captar el interés de otros ciudadanos (fuera de Barranco) y luego usar esos espacios para indicar que la privatización de "Los Yuyos" no solo sería una pérdida para los barranquinos sino también para todos los habitantes de Lima. Un aspecto para tener en cuenta es que la mayoría de los miembros de los movimientos sociales urbanos en defensa de "Los Yuyos" pertenecen a los sectores medios y medios altos. En este punto, los testimonios de informantes de bajos ingresos revelaron que raramente utilizan los espacios públicos de Barranco debido a que trabajan en economías informales de lunes a domingo y viven en las áreas más alejadas de los espacios públicos. Además, los testimonios revelaron que el gran bolsón de votación del actual alcalde de Barranco proviene precisamente de este sector, entre otras cosas. En esa medida, para obtener popularidad política, el alcalde de Barranco organiza actividades de proselitismo que promueven el desarrollo de campañas filantrópicas y la entrega de obsequios a este sector. A su vez, este sector considera que estas actividades son mucho más útiles que la necesidad de espacio público per sé, produciéndose de este modo una selección de autoridades inadecuadas producto de prácticas clientelares. Finalmente, los resultados de esta investigación también demostraron que la fragmentación y la polarización entre los miembros de los movimientos sociales urbanos están causando que no tengan éxito al presentar un proyecto político a largo plazo que tenga otra mirada sobre cómo desarrollar el distrito. Como conclusión general, se puede decir que lo único que quieren los barranquinos es que el proceso de renovación urbana se lleve a cabo, respetando su identidad, sus valores, sus tradiciones y su necesidad de espacio público.

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