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Awanui Te Perspectives towards Māori identity by Māori heritage language learners

Awanui Te Huia Victoria University,

Māori identities continue to evolve and adapt as a result of social and Māori identity has been studied in detail. environmental changes Māori experience. Well-known markers of Māori McIntosh explains that Māori choose identity including Māori and te reo Māori are explored within to identify as Māori, the individual is this study. A qualitative study of 19 Māori heritage language learners ranging engaging in the act of “claims making” from beginner through to advanced levels of proficiency participated in (2005). this research. Results indicated that many Māori experience racism and Following the concepts of social discrimination, and as such provides evidence for why some Māori may not identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), choose to enhance aspects of their Māori identity, including learning te reo. rather than making self-proclamations Participants in the study demonstrated that Māori cultural identity development of one’s preferred identity, others must was a process requiring support from significant others. Relationships with agree with the identity claim that is whakapapa whānau, and others from the language community provided laid. Through processes of colonisation, relief from discrimination, and enhanced a desire to be viewed as Māori. including the labeling and categorisation Furthermore, te reo Māori was viewed as a resource for engaging in Māori of Māori, the personal act of claiming cultural environments where the language was spoken. a Māori identity can be difficult for those who believe in a set of criteria and perceive themselves to have failed to meet aspects of a set of criteria for Keywords: Māori identity, whakapapa whānau, te reo Māori ingroup membership. Māori have undergone a series of contact, Māori were identifiable as Māori Of Māori who claim to be ethnically dynamic changes in the reclaiming of based ‘lifestyle’. Subsequently, Māori Māori, 46.5% identified Māori as their space and identity (Smith, 1989). Who identity was measured through blood sole ethnic group, this percentage fell we are and who we want to become are quantum (using a fraction based system) from 52.8% in 2006 (Statistics New both equally important questions for (Pool, 1991). The current government Zealand, 2013). With 45.6% of Māori negotiating our identity (Hall, 1990; trend of ethnic identification offers two indicating that they had one other ethnic Robson & Reid, 2001). Māori identities options for measuring Māori ethnic group other than Māori, these statistics continue to evolve with the change that identity. First, Māori are Māori if they highlight the increasing diversity of Māori have experienced, and continue to have Māori ancestry, and second, if they Māori identity profiles. Those who are experience. Since the 1960s, Māori have choose to identify as Māori (Kukutai & interested in claiming a Māori identity begun the process of “renegotiating and Callister, 2009). One of these identity may feel more or less comfortable reclaiming the past” and te reo Māori types can be thought of as ascribed to make a claim depending on their has been central to this process (Smith, (i.e. whakapapa based/having Māori acquisition of a range of identity markers. 1989, p. 6). Although research has been heritage) and the other achieved (i.e Some familiar markers of Māori identity conducted on te reo Māori, and identity, reaching a state where one chooses to be include knowledge of whakapapa, very few studies have explored, in detail, Māori) (Marcia, 1966; Phinney, 1989). mātauranga Māori, te reo Māori, and visible features (including physical how these two processes influence one Given the historical context of another in a (post) colonial context. This racially defining characteristics and in colonisation in (as 1 study will explore how Māori heritage some cases tā moko or the display docmented in numerous Waitangi of taonga2 ) (Durie, 2001; Higgins, language (HL2) learners perceive Māori Tribunal reports) exploring Māori identity and how these perceptions may 2004; McIntosh, 2005; Penetito, 2011). identities requires an understanding In addition to the features mentioned impact on Māori language learning of the history in which contemporary behaviours. above, contribution to the wider group Māori identities evolve. In the context of by being ‘seen’ in Māori contexts, such With one in seven people in New reclaiming Māori identity, Pitman (2012, as (kanohi kitea) or maintaining Zealand identifying as Māori in 2013 p. 46) indicated: relationships with one’s ahi kā (keeping (Statistics NZ, 2013), the way in which “Defining who you are [as Māori] the home fires burning). Māori who Māori view identity is of particular is important. We must reclaim the right are investing in learning their heritage relevance to understanding as to define ourselves because it’s that language are likely to incorporate aspects a nation. Māori identity has been labeled constant redefining of us by the coloniser of these identity markers into their in numerous ways that were consistent that causes schizophrenia, confusion and descriptions of central components of with Western constructs of ethnic identity separation from each other.” categorisation across various times. Post- 1 Māori designed tattoos. Reclaiming a ‘right’ to claim a 2 Māori adornments

• 18 • New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015 Exploring Māori Identities

Māori identity. Furthermore, Māori HL2 relationships provide. Traditionally, the with a sense of collective Māori identity. learners’ views of identity may contribute place of whakapapa in Māori society was to their personal motivation for language highly valued as it provided individuals Te reo Māori and Māori identity learning. Alternatively, language learning with direct guidance about their role Te reo Māori is commonly could be a catalyst for broadening aspects and status within a group (Mead, 2003). considered a central aspect to Māori of Māori identity, including relationships. Brewer and Yuki (2007, p. 314) describe identity and has been closely linked with that: the concept of personal mana8. Revered Whakapapa as a central marker “In cultures where ingroups Māori language expert and advocate, of Māori identity. are defined primarily as relational Kāretu (1993, p. 226) explains: A common culturally mandated form networks, well-being and self- “…for me language is essential to of Māori identity is through the role of esteem may be more closely associated my . Without it, could I still claim whakapapa3 (Durie, 2001; Lawson-Te with enhancement of the quality to be Māori? I do not think so, for it is Aho, 2010; Mead, 2003). Whakapapa, by of relationships.” the language which has given me what definition, insinuates a set of relationships Similar to the principles of relational mana I have and it is the only thing which with the living and the departed, and the selves (Brewer & Yuki, 2007), for Māori, differentiates me from anyone else.” individual and their environment in a the self was made meaningful through These sentiments have been shared wider sense of the meaning. Mikaere the web of interpersonal connections with other well-known Māori leaders, (2010, p. 225) indicates that whakapapa: between whakapapa ties. exemplifying the intrinsic connection “establishes that everything in Findings from Te Kupenga, a study between the language and Māori identity. the natural world shares a common of Māori wellbeing, also indicated that Dewes (1977, p. 55) notes “Ko te ancestry. With this knowledge 89% of Māori were able to identify their pūtake o te Māoritanga ko te reo Māori, of interconnection comes an acute , and 62% had been to the marae that he taonga tuku iho nā ngā tupuna9” . awareness of interdependence which, they had whakapapa connections to and Underlying these positions is the idea in turn, fosters the realisation that our of those 62%, there were 34% who had that Māori are custodians of the culture, survival is contingent upon the nurturing visited in the past year (Statistics New and te reo Māori is an inheritance from of relationships, both with one another Zealand, 2014). These results could be ancestors, and the gods (Mead, 2003). and with the world around us.” interpreted to demonstrate that a number Although some Māori speakers view Whakapapa spans over time of Māori may know how to identify te reo Māori as closely tied to Māori and space giving those with shared their iwi, however, the centrality of cultural ingroup membership, through whakapapa a shared history and narrative those relationships to their identity may processes of colonisation, many Māori (Walker, 1989). Whakapapa claims to not be salient, particularly in instances do not possess the skills to engage with identity are founded on relationships that where they are operating in mainstream their culture through Māori language. a person has with their whānau4 or wider settings. Reid and Robson (2001) take Pihama (2001, p.71) indicated that groupings (including hapū 5 and iwi6) the position that: ensuring the assimilation of Māori was who equally share a common whakapapa. “central to identity enacted through When discussing the importance placed is whakapapa. Whakapapa is used to “the replacement of te reo Māori me on representations of Māori ancestors, connect with or differentiate oneself from ōna tikanga, or what is described as the Mead (1993) explains: others. Many view hapū and iwi identity ‘habits and usages of the Natives’ with “…as individuals we have no identity as a prerequisite to Māori identity…. the customs and language of the Pākehā except by reference to them7. We are However, while being identified by hapū colonists.” or iwi is fundamental for some, it may be beings only because they prepared the There is an acknowledgement inaccessible for others” (p. 3). way for us, gave us a slot in a system that by removing te reo Māori from of human relations, a place in the research has the mouths of its native speakers, the whakapapa lines, and membership in a explored the notion of whānau and the colonial agenda was achieved more whānau and in an iwi.” (p. 206) centrality of both whakapapa whānau readily. The oppression of indigenous From this view, whakapapa (a collective with shared ancestry) and native languages has been used in connections provide a place of belonging kaupapa whānau (those with a common numerous occasions by imperial/colonial for those who share mutual whakapapa purpose or goal) inclusively (Statistics forces (Wa Thiong’o, 1986) for cultural connections. New Zealand, 2012). Findings indicated assimilation or inhalation (Memmi, For individuals who hold secure that four-fifths of respondents indicated 1965). that they viewed their whānau through bonds within their whakapapa With merely 21.3% of Māori whakapapa only, where as the remaining relationships, these individuals are likely self-reporting that they are capable of participants viewed their kaupapa-based to enjoy a sense of belonging that such conversing about “a lot of everyday relationships (friends and others) as things in te reo Māori”, this means 3 ancestry. inclusive of their whānau. It is possible 4 family,including extended family that there are a number of Māori who 8 Mana has a variety of definitions (author- 5subtribe ity, control, influence, prestige, and power) 6tribe may rely on kaupapa whānau (of which to name a few definitions (Williams, 2010) 7‘Them’ in this context is refering to the include a Māori language speaking 9The root of the Māori culture is in the ancestors community) to provide the individual language, a gift from our ancestors

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015 • 19 • Awanui Te Huia that essentially, four out of five Māori identities include those who intertwine Māori is central to Māori culture. Given are unable to use the language on an mainstream Europeanised identities with the high rates of discrimination found in everyday level (Statistics New Zealand, traditional identities, whereby new fused other studies, Māori in this study are also 2013). Furthermore, 21.3% appears to be identities are possible. The final category likely to have experienced racism and slightly optimistic given that Te Kupenga includes those who occupy a forced prejudice. Māori HL2 learners who have 2013 (Statistics New Zealand, 2014), identity profile, which is characterised begun investing in relationships that are indicated that merely 11% (50,000) by deprivation and marginality. Those founded on a common understanding of Māori adults indicated that they could operating from a marginal profile are the value of Māori culture and language “speak te reo Māori very well, or well”. unlikely to see value in their Māori are likely to find shelter within their The low rate of Māori language speakers identity or in te reo Māori, as their view whānau whānau of Māori HL2 learners. raises issues for both the health of the of being Māori is largely clouded by As whakapapa is one of the most language, but it also raises questions discrimination and poverty. commonly viewed culturally mandated about criteria for claiming Māori cultural There continues to be a great forms of Māori identity pre-requisites ingroup membership based on language proportion of individuals with Māori (Lawson-Te Aho, 2010; Mead, 2003), it abilities. ancestry who prefer not to identify as is likely that whakapapa will play a role If te reo Māori is a central marker of Māori (Durie, 2005; Kukutai & Callister, in the process of Māori cultural identity identity, yet four-fifths of the population 2009). Reasons for Māori choosing not formation and negotiation. do not posses such skills to meet the to identify as Māori are likely to come criteria, this leaves a number of Māori from the high rates of discrimination Method in a vicarious position. Those who are enacted toward Māori by the dominant capable of speaking te reo Māori, have culture, Pākehā. Health research findings Participants knowledge of mātauranga Māori and have indicated that Māori experience The participants involved in this their whakapapa connections are defined discrimination at rates higher than any study were those from both the advanced as a small elite minority holding social other ethnic group in New Zealand and undergraduate groups. Participants and political power in some Māori (Harris et al., 2006). included 11 undergraduate students from settings (Penetito, 2011). Social identity theory (Tajfel & Victoria University of Wellington, with On the other hand, the small Turner, 1986) may help to understand introductory to conversational levels of proportion of Māori language speakers why it might be advantageous for language proficiency with a mean age means that the survival of the language Māori to reduce the number of Māori of 22 years. Advanced level learners falls on the shoulders of the few, which identity markers when they are included eight participants, who were is a heavy responsibility to uphold for constantly operating in discriminatory graduates of Te Panekiretanga o te reo future generations. It is likely that some environments. Social identity theory Māori, a programme for Māori language Māori language speakers would be recognises that individuals are motivated excellence, established to train already supportive of Māori identity definitions by a need to see themselves favourably proficient Māori language speakers that are inclusive of being a language in comparison with other groups. For in the art of whaikōrero and karanga. speaker, as this may be believed to groups of lower status (which usually Gloyne (2014, p. 306) indicates that Te prompt other Māori, who are non-Māori includes migrant and indigenous Panekiretanga o te reo is a whare “hei speakers, to learn the language. groups), positive social comparison is kāinga mō te matatau kia matatau kē not necessarily achievable if they are ake ai10”. This group had a mean age Impact of discrimination on being compared to high-status groups. of 37.1 years. Māori cultural identities Groups holding low status positions McIntosh (2005) suggested in society may attempt to “pass” as Recruitment that Māori identities in contemporary members of higher status groups in settings vary in the centrality of cultural order to achieve a positive view of the Materials and procedure connectedness. Her identity model is self (Tajfel, 1978). However, those who attempt to ‘pass’ can experience negative The structured interview located within a contemporary Māori- schedule was developed based on specific context and incorporates three psychological consequences (Phinney, 1990). Individuals who are operating findings from the literature review and categories: fixed, forced and fluid the personal observations of other Māori identities. Fixed identities include from within this profile are unlikely to invest in learning te reo Māori. HL2 learners who indicated a range those that are described as ‘traditional’ of possible Māori identity definitions. identities, involving a set of beliefs that The interviews were designed to enable Summary some Māori view as necessary in order participants to freely discuss how they to claim authentic group membership. This study will explore how some viewed the combination of language Within this fixed ‘traditional’ identity, Māori HL2 learners view their identities and identity. Interviews were recorded knowledge of whakapapa, te reo Māori as Māori. As this is an exploratory study, using an Olympus Voice-Trek V-51 and mātauranga Māori are prioritised. set hypothesis will not be tested. However, The fixed identity profile is perhaps drawing from previous research, it is 10 a house “that is a home for those who highlighted in the sections above. Moving possible that Māori HL2 learners may are already proficient to become even share in a common view that te reo moreso”. This translation is not that of the to the second identity profile, fluid original author

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Digital Voice Recorder. These were then Analysis (2010), many participants described transcribed, initially including stammers Each of the recordings was whakapapa as a means of understanding and stutters (in accordance with Braun listened to at least three times before the self through a wide set of connections. and Clarke, 2006) and sent to participants being imported into the NVivo software. Such a holistic worldview is consistent for review consistent with a Kaupapa The interviewer was fairly familiar with other relationally oriented cultures Māori guiding principle of ‘Manaaki ki te with the transcripts prior to coding. As (Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 11 tangata ’ and ‘Kaua e takahia te mana transcripts were analysed, sematic nodes 2001). The ability to understand how 12 o te tangata ’ (Smith, 1999, p. 120). were created. These nodes were reviewed an individual is connected through an Of the 19 participants, only one chose and refined using visual maps of how expansive web of relationships was to make an addition to their transcript, these individual nodes contributed viewed by some participants as central however, the remaining participants to conceptual level themes. Nodes to understanding one’s identity. chose not make changes. were then grouped together into larger Hori: [ Whakapapa is] Once interviews were approved, clusters, which became the themes of the fundamental to where we come from and transcripts were coded using a study consistent with thematic analysis everything in and around us, everything combination of processes including (see Braun & Clarke, 2006). has whakapapa. (Undergraduate) thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2014). Responses from advanced- and Some participants viewed An interpretative phenomenological undergraduate-level learners were whakapapa as a means of providing approach (IPA) (Smith, 2004) was initially analysed separately but, after guidance for future generations. Notably, also applied which is a qualitative cross-references were made, it was only one participant discussed having research method commonly used in clear that the discussions from both the a specific whānau strategy, however, psychology. The IPA acknowledges that undergraduate and advanced participants a number of participants discussed the the researchers lived experiences interact overlapped. Once initial stages of coding importance of retaining knowledge with the data. Rather than assuming had been completed, each of the codes of whakapapa for supporting future that the researcher is capable of being was scrutinised for consistency. This was generations. objective, the subjective nature of largely a difficult process, as individual Riria: [In developing our qualitative research is acknowledged and nodes appeared to overlap in a number whānau strategy] we looked at the appreciated within this approach. NVivo of places. In order to ensure that themes language health, our physical health, software was used to manage the large were indeed discrete from one another, and where we’re going to. So it’s almost quantity of interview data. The School and internally consistent, a group of like the 3 W’s: whakapapa, whenua, of Psychology Human Ethics Committee three Māori researchers were asked to and waiata as the devices to guide you. at Victoria University of Wellington provide comment on the extent to which Faces, places, and traces, that’s kind provided ethical approval for this study. the themes appeared internally consistent of how I would describe the journey. Interviewees were provided and discrete from other themes. The (Advanced) with the opportunity to select a researchers comments were taken into Consistent with other Māori authors, pseudonym of their choice. Names consideration, and included in the health and wellbeing were viewed as were applied in order to make the following results. intertwined with culturally significant reader connect more with the text. Two concepts of whakapapa, whenua and participants, preferred to keep their own waiata (Durie, 2001; Ngata, 2014). name rather than use a pseudonym. Results Furthermore, Riria’s perspective Individuals were interviewed in Theme 1: The centrality of indicated that not having access to Māori centered spaces (such as Māori whakapapa in the journey of identity whakapapa relationships had detrimental language tutorial rooms, or indigenous exploration; the self in connection to effects for individuals who may have psychology rooms) or in the participants whakapapa been left without a sense of belonging workplace due to the convenience for the For many participants, whakapapa to a wider group. interviewee. Interview locations were relationships were central to their Māori chosen specifically to allow the process identity development. Individuals who Riria: [Nō te whakapapa] he of power-sharing between the researcher were raised outside of their tribal region mōhio nō te tangata nō hea ia, nō wai 13 and participants to take place consistent were able to find a connection with ia, e haere ana ia ki hea . [...] knowing with Kaupapa Māori principles (Bishop their Māori identity through learning where you are, knowing where you fit, & Glynn, 1999). more about their whakapapa whānau belonging, and having a place. Koinā connections. te tino raruraru o ngā mea taka ki te hē. Kore mōhio nō hea, nō wai, ay. Ērā Herewini: I would have only āhuatanga14. (Advanced) been about 12 at the time... that I used to write back to my kaumātua and used 13 [Whakapapa provides] a person with un- 11 Translated directly as “share and host to learn te reo, well not so much te reo, derstanding about where they’re from, who people, be generous”. In this context, the they came from, and where they’re going but more whakapapa, that was the real... process of manaaki ensures that the mana 14 That’s a serious issue for those who of the participant was upheld through trans- my whakapapa. “Who am I where am I have fallen by the wayside. No knowl- parency in the research process from?” those sorts of things. (Advanced) 12 Translated as “do not trample over of where they’re from, or who mana of people” Similar to the assertions of Mikaere they come from. Those types of things

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015 • 21 • Awanui Te Huia

Theme 2: The impact of ‘others’ identity for authenticity based reasons one of those names”. What?! But I really on Māori identity development. led to the inclusion of an ‘authenticity don’t react to it, until afterwards, it’s like Theme two explores how Māori beliefs’ subscale in Houkamau and Sibley oh fuck’n hell. I guess my Māori identity identities interact with their social (Houkamau & Sibley, 2010) Multi- comes from tōku ingoa, nō taku kuia taku environments. The choice of being Dimensional Model of Māori Identity ingoa, he ingoa hoki nō te kāinga. He 15 categorised as Māori comes from both an and Cultural Engagement (MMM- ingoa whakapapa nei a Mahinaarangi . 16 individual choice, but also from others’ ICE). Many Māori may desire to be Um, and āe, ko taku reo me ngā tikanga . recognition. The following subthemes considered authentic ingroup members (Advanced) describe why individuals may adopt a and achieving a level of te reo Māori, As mentioned in the above quote, variety of identity positions as Māori. or strengthening whakapapa ties may the characteristics of the town often contribute to providing justification for Subtheme 1: Developing a Māori had an impact on the extent to which Māori identity claims. identity in the face of racism Māori experienced racism. Wellington, With this said, there are likely to be a in particular, is a region where Māori Māori identity is likely to number of individuals who may not view hold a higher level of income than other be developed in a range of social being ‘inauthentic’ Māori as detrimental regions (Statistics New Zealand, 2006), environments, some of which are to their identity, particularly when the which could be attributed to some degree discriminatory. As explored in the ingroup is not viewed as holding high in lower rates of discrimination by the previous theme, whakapapa whānau social value (Pratto, Sidanius, & Levin, participant above. provided some Māori with a positive 2006). When Māori are surrounded by group level identity. Reaching a place Subtheme 2: Factors that support discrimination, distancing oneself from where Māori want to identify as Māori claims to a Māori identity the people who were being discriminated may be difficult for some who are coping Results indicated that for Māori against acted to protect the self, which with discrimination based on their Māori who choose to be classed as Māori by is consistent with self-categorisation ethnic identity. Māori who are choosing others, there were a number of ways theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, to engage with their culture may do so in which this could be achieved. As & Wetherell, 1987). despite the experiences of racism. described by a number of authors (T. Ana: You come from Kura: There are a lot of Kāretu, 1993; Mead, 2003; Walker, intermediate, and high school and times when I’m in a Pākehā situation, 1989), Māori identity markers commonly and you’ve been labeled plastic Māori like sporting for instance, me and my included knowledge of te reo Māori, and and you don’t really care about it, sister [name], we’re sort of the only whakapapa. because Māori’s not a cool thing to be Māori in our crew. Especially I find Puawai: A Māori identity is anyway. (Undergraduate) in older generations, not so much in what you make of it, it’s a way of life. If our generation but there’s still sort of Although some Māori have the you want to be a Māori and call yourself this racist undertone. Like they don’t choice of ‘passing’, this is not always an a Māori then you can, however, you need mean to be outwardly racist, but just option for Māori with physically Māori to be prepared for people to call you on sort of comments like “those Maorees”. characteristics. it, and be able to back yourself. (Undergraduate) Puawai: I can remember when I Int: What would you need to back Aotea: I felt a lot of positive was a child growing up in [predominantly yourself? Pākehā region] I was a Māori firstly and negative vibes being a Māori in the Puawai: Te reo. [state organisation that I worked for]. because of my skin, because of my lips, Int: Whakapapa? […] I was [working] here in Wellington my nose. (Advanced) through the 80s and 90s through some Māori who were physically/racially Puawai: Absolutely. […] pretty harsh times for Māori who were distinguishable as Māori reported Whakapapa is important, dare I say, one um, I mean the culture wasn’t represented long-term exposure to racism and of the most important things you need to in any way, other than [negative social] discrimination. For those who were have in order to have a Māori identity. statistics. (Undergraduate) forced into such identity positions, (Advanced) The impact of developing a Māori being a member of a wider whakapapa Consistent with self-categorisation identity in a discriminatory environment group, as well as having cultural and theory (Turner et al., 1987), Puawai may be that some individuals choose linguistic knowledge provided strength explained that although one may make a to assimilate, reduce the number of to assert a Māori identity in the face of claim to an identity, the wider community visible or behavioural markers of Māori discrimination. must support the preferred identity. identity in order to protect the self from Mahinaarangi: [I experience racism] Two ways in which such a claim could discrimination. Some may choose not to all the time, no, actually I was only a be upheld is through te reo Māori, participate or contribute to the collective. kid then, I came up with more racism and through whakapapa. Notably, the interviewer prompted whakapapa as Issues of authenticity are than that, yeah a bit different. I still a concept for identity claims making. commonly barriers experienced by get it sometimes. Not here so much, Māori who may have chosen to identify Wellington’s pretty good [laugh]. 15 my name, my name comes from/belongs as Māori. The prolific extent to which But I always get “[name pronounced to my grandmother, it’s also a name from Māori tend to need to justify their incorrectly]”, “oh I thought it would be home. Mahinaarangi is an ancestral name 16 Yes, my language and customs

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Therefore, it is not clear whether that a if that works in other areas. But um, (Undergraduate) whakapapa-based identity was assumed so, I have kind of found that people are Many participants were uncomfortable with knowledge, or whether whakapapa accepting of if you say you’re Māori, nonnegotiable definitions of Māori identity may have been an after thought. Given they respect that you have that Māori and preferred inclusivity over exclusivity. that Māori language learners were the identity. (Undergraduate) Where participants acknowledged that there are instances where Māori were target participant group, this may have It is possible that regions vary in the extent promoted te reo as a central aspect of to which they adhere to fixed definitions unable to speak te reo Māori, whakapapa identity. about who can claim ingroup membership. was emphasised. In some regions, Māori who may not Pānia: Māori identity, hmmm . Similarly, the participants below appear visibly Māori may assert their whakapapa. Whakapapa is for me demonstrate the point that claiming identity based on their whakapapa. one word answer. Kei roto i te toto o a Māori identity is based on others’ te tangata20. (Advanced) agreement consistent with findings from For some Māori participants who had knowledge of and access to their research in other relational cultures Te Rina: I’d just go whakapapa every whakapapa connections, being able to (Heine & Lehman, 1999). Te reo Māori time. (Undergraduate) rely on these relationships as a foundation and knowledge of the culture provided for their claim to a Māori identity meant The position of whakapapa allows individuals to claim a Māori identity some beginner level HL2 participants that te reo Māori was not a necessary pre- irrespective of their language skills. with greater capacity to gain recognition requisite prior to learning te reo. for their ingroup membership. Identity based on whakapapa also Hēni: I could rely on having , up until gives Māori a position of belonging Ana: If I speak te reo then it that point I was definitely Māori and within a wider whānau without other will be much more easy for me to blend my mother was Māori, I could recite pre-requisites. Te Rina’s view of identity straight away [...] rather than just be my genealogy back to Ranginui19. I was one of inclusivity. She explains why this one that shows up, I might have the could give you the paper, here we she chose whakapapa as being central blood but don’t know any of the culture. go. I didn’t need to speak Māori, I to Māori identity over other descriptions: (Undergraduate) didn’t need to be able to do anything. Te Rina: I don’t think you have to kōrero Those who have experienced being outsiders I could validate being Māori solely Māori and understand it to identify within their culture noted that there was a on the basis of .[those apects previously as Māori, but if I come back to your difference between having whakapapa mentioned] (Advanced) feeling confident and comfortable in Māori and being recognised as Māori, Although there was a shared acknowledgement particularly when they were not regularly [Māori] spaces, then I think te reo by all participants that te reo Māori was in contact with their haukāinga17. Te does help, because I don’t have that of significant cultural value, there was reo Māori provided a bridge for creating fear that somebody’s going to come also an awareness that te reo Māori greater feelings of ingroup membership. and speak to me and I’m going to look was not always strictly necessary in like a dickhead sitting there “playing Sam: I guess, it’s just the whole order to identify as Māori. Individuals Māori”. (Undergraduate) combination of factors, the cultural who were not racially distinguishable as knowledge, te reo, that contributes Māori, or did not have a strong grasp of The level of comfort that newly proficient Māori language speakers experienced in to a Māori identity, but also being te reo Māori were able to rely on other Māori language governed domain was a aspects of the self, such as behaviour and recognised by others, particularly shared experience among participants. being recognised by the haukāinga18. understanding of Māori cultural values, to (Undergraduate) provide themselves with a secure ingroup Te Aowhītiki: I think your avenues Māori identity. [open] up and you just feel a lot more Being recognised as being a valued member of a cultural group by other ingroup Sam: I think behaving Māori is comfortable doing Māori events and members is possibly more testing for actually a lot more important in terms Māori hui rather per se, if you came individuals who have experienced some of perception instead of being able to in just being Māori. I’m not saying form of misunderstanding about their speak Māori. Because […] I’m not you can’t just be Māori (and not a position as Māori by others. very good at speaking Māori, [but] Māori speaker) and go to hui, but for Sam: I think my experiences have because I believe in those values of me, I feel a lot more at ease and more always been quite positive in [terms manaakitanga, and whanaungatanga, comfortable in a Māori context where of recognition], so if you say you’re and then when I go into a Māori able to, if ever needed to, speak te reo Māori and you can demonstrate some context, such as a marae, then you and I can. (Undergraduate) of the values or connections through, get in there and you do the work, and Due to the impacts of colonisation on Māori Māori are generally accepting of that sort of thing. People accept you (, 1986, 2011), some people, perhaps that’s because we’re as Māori. I think even if you don’t participants indicated that it was not in an urban environment, I’m not sure have te reo, but you still behave appropriate to suggest a Māori person was not Māori based on cultural knowledge. 17 The sense of the word here refers to the Māori, a lot of people will respect that. people who they share ancestral connec- However, on the one hand, Māori can be tions with who continue to participate 19 Moorefield describes Ranginui as atua“ categorically or ethnically Māori because regularly in marae affairs of the and husband of Papa-tū-ā- of their whakapapa , but on the other 18 Literally translates to ‘home’ (Williams, nuku, from which union originate all hand, they can become more culturally 2010). However, the participant’s use of the living things.” (Moorefield, Te Aka online Māori by learning more about their culture term appears to mean the people who are Māori-English, English-Māori dictionary, and language. involved with the daily affairs of the marae retrieved, 8 June, 2015) 20 in a person’s blood

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015 • 23 • Awanui Te Huia

When comparing differing perspectives, above, Māori participants generally back for hui23 or tangi24 or that sort some individuals saw the place of te reo preferred to view Māori identities as of thing. So we did grow up a little Māori as more central to being able to inclusive over exclusive. Those who bit disconnected from our iwi identity, claiming a Māori identity than others. In had less access to relationships with so I think I’m focusing on my Māori particular, te reo Māori was viewed by their whakapapa whānau found ways identity, but I do think eventually I of achieving a Māori identity through some as being a central mediator between do want to go back and live in [home the depth of cultural understanding that exploring te reo Māori and expanding town] and I think that will be the point was achieveable. their cultural knowledge and relationships where I strengthen that iwi identity. with kaupapa whānau, which were Hoani: He whakautu i tua atu i [te reo], (Undergraduate) ko tō toto. Mehemea he toto Māori, founded within Māori culturally affirming environments. Relationships with Māori Hēni: [My associate] he Māori koe. Engari, mēnā e kōrero HL2 learners support Māori to develop struggled with his whakapapa, having tātou e pā ana ki te tuakiritanga he positive Māori identities. been raised outside of his traditional aha ngā āhuatanga e whakaatu ana Despite that some Māori participants boundaries, so he really sought the ki tō tuakiritanga, māku tonu e kī atu, experienced high levels of interconnection language, and that’s facilitated his re- ki ōku ake nei wheako āe, ko tō reo. with their whakapapa whānau, it was routing back to various hapū and that Ko tō reo, me ngā āhuatanga Māori, also acknowledged that some Māori for him. (Advanced) pērā rawa i ngā tikanga me te kawa, were unable to access such relationships 21 The barriers that Māori experience me te tapu … (Advanced) as readily. may be a result of physical access Others viewed the link between whakapapa Hēni: [Whakapapa is] tied with to their marae, but also for Māori and te reo Māori as intrinsically history. Because [...] I think raised geographically close to their intertwined. The participant below whakapapa is critical, but it’s also tūrangawaewae25, there may be issues described that he viewed whakapapa marginalising to people who haven’t related to internal whānau histories as a concept as uniquely Māori. had access to understanding um, Some participants considered Māori that prevent younger generations from you know where they come from, or, gaining access. knowledge and use of te reo Māori as yeah where they come from and what being an obligation arising from having sort of whakapapa they might have. Being engaged with a Māori whakapapa Māori. I think a route via the language and HL2 community that values whakapapa Timothy: Whakapapa is Māori identity, cultural practice will more likely relationships may prompt Māori HL2 but in my view, to strengthen your assist somebody on a whakapapa learners to invest more in re-engaging whakapapa and that, you need te journey than the other way around. with their whakapapa relationships at a reo Māori. [...] You sort of honour I don’t think having a whakapapa later date than if they were surrounded by your whakapapa, where as you see journey is necessarily going to have a a social ingroup that did not value such 22 some other iwi , you see some non- language and a cultural practice yeah, concepts. Māori, they don’t have the honour in I think people can have whakapapa Bubbles: Kāore e kore ka mea their genealogy, that’s how I see it. and that’s where it starts and stops. atu au, he Māori ahau26. I love the (Undergraduate) Whereas I think people without it language, I love the culture, yeah I pretty Although some of the concepts discussed embarking on a journey of language much love everything about it. [...] a big above were unique to this participant, and cultural practice is definitely a part [of Māori identity] is having your the participant acknowledges the cultural step to whakapapa. So I think it’s tied whānau, your iwi, ērā momo mea27, you importance that Māori traditionally placed in with histories, where we come from know… my parents aren’t really for that. on whakapapa and views te reo Māori The only time we ever go to a marae, [is as an interconnected feature in need of I guess yeah. So I think I prefer history when] someone dies, and that’s it. They maintaining cultural distinctiveness. [...], which is inclusive of whakapapa but not exclusive which whakapapa don’t really push us to get to know our Theme 3: Differing levels of access to might be. whānau. So koinei te take kāore au i te extended whakapapa relationships 28 For some Māori, access to family connections tino ... (Undergraduate) Similar to the forced identity position was not as readily available. Durie’s Further on in the discussion with described by McIntosh (2005), some (2006) Māori wellbeing model indicates participants were unable to access their Bubbles she noted that “[having access to that whānau are a crucial contributor to connections, which was a extended whānau/whakapapa relations whakapapa Māori wellbeing. Māori who felt isolated barrier to feeling justified to claim their has] never been a problem for me until from their whakapapa whānau indicated Māori identity. As connected to the views 23 gatherings that this lack of access left them with fewer 24 grief ceremonies 21 An answer other than the language is claims to their Māori identity. This point is 25 A place where individuals can claim your blood. If you have Māori blood, you reified in the following excerpts. belonging through whakapapa ties are Māori. However, if we are talking about Sam: I’ve always found it difficult to 26 There’s no doubt I would say to others I identity, the types of things that identify am Māori your identity, then I would still have to say, have an iwi identity because we were 27 those types of things from my own experiences, it is the lan- always a bit disconnected from the 28 that’s the reason I don’t really... (The guage. The language, and the aspects of the iwi. I mean, we live 10 minutes away participant fades off here, however, it can Māori culture, for instance, the protocols, from our marae, but we only went be assumed perhaps she meant the she and customs, those things sacred didn’t feel as strongly comfortable saying 22 The use of the term ‘iwi’ here could be that she had a strong Māori identity without referring to groups of people or cultures having secure whakapapa relationships)

• 24 • New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015 Exploring Māori Identities like now.” Similar to Yashima’s (2009) network, and sense of belonging provides has less to do with “an individual’s research, individuals who become fully some Māori with resources that are personal feelings and self-evaluations” immersed in the learning of a second needed in order to cope with being Māori and “more to do with the feelings language tend to adopt cultural values in discriminatory societies. Furthermore, and evaluations of others” (p. 916). of the target language group. Being feeling good about being Māori within For Māori who are seeking ingroup surrounded by Māori language speakers Māori contexts may enhance individuals belongingness, feeling positive about who may view cultural concepts, such as feelings of belonging which in turn their Māori identity largely relies on the whakapapa, in high regard, may make have a positive impact on health and agreement and support of significant Māori HL2 learners own whakapapa wellbeing. others instead of self-proclamations of relationships more salient than before Building on findings from other ingroup membership. they had become immersed in a Māori Māori researchers (Borell, 2005; HL2 community. Rata, 2012), Māori who have become Challenges: Discrimination as a Ana: Now that I’m learning disaffiliated from their iwi relationships barrier to accentuating a Māori te reo and I can see, along with the through processes of colonisation, identity language I’m learning the culture and are likely to seek other avenues to For some Māori who have how my whānau and my whakapapa achieve a positive collective Māori experienced repeated exposure to racism and all that sort of stuff you feel much identity. While Māori in Borell’s study and discrimination, it may be a long more alright. [...] Now I feel like, not (which included Māori youth in South process before they even want to consider only do I have this blood in me but I’m ) preferred to make salient being identified as Māori. Living in learning about what it means and I also their geographical location of residence an oppressive society has an influence want to help, it develops, learning te reo (South-sider identity), and more-so their on how indigenous people feel about Māori here at university has developed ethnic identity, Māori HL2 learners in claiming their identity and, for some, my confidence in that area, [...] it shows this study chose to invest in relationships it is simpler just to dis-identify and me what’s out there and it sort of reveals, with other learners of te reo Māori to assimilate into the mainstream (Phinney, you know, it brings out of the shadows enhance their collective identity as Horenczyk, Liebkind & Vedder, 2001). the Māori identity, that I didn’t really Māori. Given the fact that many Māori identify know. And the more I learn about it, the Findings indicated that te reo Māori as being both Māori and Pākehā (Kukutai more I discuss it with people and you acted as a tool for building relationships & Callister, 2009), those who can ‘pass’ know, what karakias mean, and why we within their HL2 kaupapa whānau. The as Pākehā may choose to do so to avoid do certain things, and why there’s tapu ability to create relationships is central discrimination (Tajfel, 1987). this, and like you know, I felt much more for cultures that value interdependence Māori who participated in this confident learning te reo. (Markus & Kitayama, 1990). study had all made the first step to learn The quote above perhaps illustrates Furthermore, being surrounded by other te reo Māori, and some had achieved that there are a number of overlapping Māori who were culturally affirming very high/near native levels of Māori elements between identity markers that of Māori cultural values, including language fluency. Therefore the identity are relevant for Māori HL2 learners. the value of whakapapa relationships, positions of this group perhaps do Whakapapa, te reo Māori and the support promoted the culture and language as not reflect Māori who have not begun systems that are developed within each something that was worth investing in. engaging with their heritage language of these culturally affirming groups may Relationships with both the kaupapa or do not have high levels of access to act to promote the desire to accentuate whānau and whakapapa whānau may aspects of Māori culture. Despite these aspects of the self that promote a Māori be especially important for Māori who limitations, the collective experiences identity. are seeking affirmation of their Māori of this group provide perspectives that cultural identity. are not currently widely articulated in Discussion This research suggests that while psychology literature. there are multiple identity positions that This study aimed to explore how Māori occupy prior to engaging in te reo Māori identities are negotiated in Challenges: Essentialist/ Māori acquisition, there is a tendency contemporary times, particularly, through Authenticity beliefs towards relational values as they progress the experiences of Māori HL2 learners. Authenticity beliefs tended to be in their language studies. Māori cultural Results indicated that many Māori may both implicitly and explicitly referred values traditionally favour personalised be exploring their identity through a to within the results of this study. relational collectivism (Durie, 2001) over variety of avenues, of which relationships Authenticity beliefs tend to act to individualism or depersonalised group play a central role. The act of claiming restrict the number of Māori who feel collectivism (Brewer & Chen, 2007). a Māori identity appears to interact with comfortable claiming a Māori identity, as the wider social group and community. Related to Brewer and Chen’s claiming an ‘authentic’ identity requires Consistent with other research, findings (2007) relational self-construal, Heine the individual to meet a set of pre-defined from this study demonstrated that Māori and Lehman (Heine & Lehman, 1999) criteria. These results were consistent are constantly negotiating their identity indicated that in collectivist cultures (i.e. with observations from Vedder and Virta position, often in situations clouded those cultures that prioritise personalised (2005) whose research indicated that by discrimination. Having a support relationships) feeling good about oneself when a culture views the language as

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015 • 25 • Awanui Te Huia central to its identity, the language gains speaking communities have is that it is important that we understand importance as a qualifying factor for authenticity beliefs that linked knowledge how current language learners are ingroup membership. of te reo Māori with being Māori were encouraged to sustain their language Durie (2001, p.83) acknowledges entrenched since the 1920s after Māori behaviours. Positive affirmation for their that “mana tangata refers to the authority began speaking English in homes (Kāretu, identity as Māori is likely to come from which comes from communities and their 1991). Authenticity beliefs appear to act environments that are supportive of a people… Collective responsibility, rather as a threat to future generations who range of Māori identity profiles inclusive than individual brilliance is the norm.” may not see the language or culture as of those with perhaps little knowledge of As a cultural group, it is necessary to take worth investing in (King, 2007). From the culture and or language. collective responsibility to ensure that a behavioural perspective, authenticity beliefs use negative reinforcement as a all members feel that they have the right References to being Māori. Māori within this study warning to Māori who are non-Māori Bishop, R, & Glynn, T. (1999). were largely supportive of definitions speakers of the danger of linguistic or Researching in Māori contexts: that are inclusive of varying realities as cultural assimilation. An interpretation of participatory opposed to viewing Māori identities as There are a number of challenges consciousness. Journal of Intercultural strict. that lie ahead. From the perspective of Studies, 20(2), 167-182. A marae is able to gain mana as a linguistic survival, Māori language needs Borell, B. (2005). Living in the city result of extending hospitality, and also more language speakers and also, Māori ain’t so bad: cultural diversity of South by “maintaining a noticeably high level need to feel comfortable identifying Auckland rangatahi. , of activity at the marae” (Department, as Māori without cultural or linguistic Auckland. n.d) as expressed in multiple whakataukī, pre-requisites given New Zealand’s including, for instance, “he tangata takahi colonial history. There appears to be a Braun, V, & Clarke, V. (2006). manuhiri, he marae puehu, he whare two-pronged approach that is necessary. Using thematic analysis in psychology. pungawerewere29” . A marae puehu Māori language speakers appear to hold Qualitative Research in Psychology, can be interpreted as a marae at which the power position in Māori dominant 3(2), 77-101. only dust remains (ie without people or environments, therefore, due to the Brewer, M. B., & Chen, Y. interactions), which is a disadvantage position of power, it is necessary that they (2007). Where (who) are collectives to the haukāinga on a number of levels. are welcoming of non-Māori speakers in in collectivism? Toward conceptual In contemporary contexts, if Māori do such environments. On the other hand, clarification of individualism and not feel that they are able to confidently non-Māori speakers must accept that collectivism. Psychological Review, engage with a space that they have Māori language speaking domains need 114(1), 133-151. ancestral connections to, due to perceived to be protected in order for the goal of Brewer, M. B., & Yuki, M. 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Corresponding Author: Awanui Te Huia Victoria University of Wellington 50 Kelburn Parade, Kelburn, Wellington 6012 [email protected]

• 28 • New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 44, No. 3, November 2015