Authoritarian Party Structures in Turkey: a Comparison of the Republican People's Party and the Justice and Development Party
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The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities: the Capital Tax and Work Battalions in Turkey During the Second World War
Çetinog˘lu: The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities 15 The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities: The Capital Tax and Work Battalions in Turkey during the Second World War Sait Çetinog˘lu Two policies against non- Muslim minorities implemented during the Second World War by the Turkish government are analyzed in this essay: (1) the Capital Tax (Varlik Vergisi) implemented as a means of economic destruction of these minorities from November 1942 to March 1944 and (2) the mobiliza- tion of minority young men aged 18 to 45 into the so- called work battalions (amele taburlari) from May 1941 to September 1942 as a reprise of the work battalions during World War I. The motivations, conditions, and implemen- tation of both antiminority measures are examined and their consequences discussed. The Capital Tax The Varlik Vergisi constitutes a dark chapter in the history of modern Tur- key. It was implemented during 1942 – 44 under the pretext of controlling the price of goods and preventing accumulation of capital in a few hands, even though the very same government had taken no measures to stop the expansion of a black market and consequent increase of illegal profits in the previous two years. Passed under the pretext of public complaints, this measure implemented a devastating economic destruction policy against non- Muslim minorities through heavy taxation, confiscation of properties, and exile of members of these groups to work camps. The aim was to destroy the economic and cultural base of these minorities, loot their properties and means of livelihood, and, at the same time, “turkify” the economy of Turkey. -
Turkey's Republican People's Party and the EU
DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION Toni Alaranta DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION After 17 years of the Islamic-conservative AKP’s electoral hegemony, the secular-nationalist Republican People’s Party (CHP) achieved significant success in the recent municipal elections, and is now increasingly challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The secular-nationalist political discourse has traditionally advanced the idea of making Turkey a modern nation-state closely attached to the West, yet the West is also seen as a potential threat. The CHP identifies itself as a social-democratic party, and is now trying to build a wide pro-democratic platform based on a social market economy and fundamental rights. The party’s strong secularist and Turkish nationalist core has made it difficult for the CHP to gain support among the Kurds and religious conservatives, and this remains challenging. Strong nationalism and suspicion about the West are deeply ingrained in Turkey’s political culture. On the other hand, in order to be inherently coherent, the secular-nationalist vision requires an ideological attachment to the Western world. Stemming from these premises, under the CHP’s government, Turkey’s foreign policy would likely prioritize good relations with the West, and re-invigorate the country’s EU prospect. TONI ALARANTA Senior Research Fellow European Union Research Programme Finnish Institute of International Affairs ISBN 978-951-769-627-2 ISSN 2242-0444 Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and internationally. -
Populist Democracy and Post-War Modernism
chapter four Populist Democracy and Post-war Modernism With the 14 May elections an important step [was] taken in a revolution that is far more important than anything that had been accomplished previously in our country . It used to be that only one person ruled and only a few hundred participated in politics. With our democratic revolution, with one leap, millions and millions of citizens acquired the vote and . became real citizens. Adnan Menderes, Cumhuriyet, 2 February 19601 With the landslide election victory of the Democratic Party (dp) on 14 May 1950, Turkey’s early republican period came to a decisive end. Abandoning the secular authoritarianism, statist economic policies and nationalist isolationism of the Republican Peoples’ Party during the previous two decades, the dp regime promoted populist democracy, private enterprise and a more ambitious regional role for Turkey in the post-war international order. The initial Western-orientated cul- tural politics of the nation (as established by Atatürk in the 1930s) did not change, but the meaning of ‘Western’ in the nation’s collective consciousness shifted considerably from ‘European’ to ‘American’. Owing to her strategic importance for the American policies of contain- ing communism and Soviet expansion during the Cold War, Turkey was included in the Marshall Plan of 1947 and admitted to nato in 1952. American governmental and private agencies poured generous packages of development aid and technical assistance into Turkey to modernize her agriculture, industries and transportation network. Images of John Deere tractors in rural Anatolia or Mack trucks on the newly built roads across the country still offer vivid symbols of the mechanization of agriculture and the switch from railways to highways in the 1950s. -
Guidelines on Political Party Regulation 2Nd Edition
Strasbourg, 14 December 2020 CDL-AD(2020)032 Study No. 881/2017 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) GUIDELINES ON POLITICAL PARTY REGULATION 2ND EDITION Approved by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 69th online meeting (7 October 2020) and Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 125th online Plenary Session (11-12 December 2020) on the basis of comments by OSCE/ODIHR Core Group of Experts on Political Parties Mr Josep Maria CASTELLA ANDREU (Member, Spain) Mr Pieter van DIJK (Expert, Former Member, the Netherlands) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute Member, Republic of Moldova) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2020)032 - 2 - Table of contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 II. POLITICAL PARTIES: THEIR IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND REGULATION ............ 7 1. The classification and importance of political parties and their functions ........................ 7 2. Three dimensions ........................................................................................................... 8 3. Two models ..................................................................................................................... 9 III. PRINCIPLES ................................................................................................................... -
A Theory of Redistribution in New Democracies: How Has
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts A THEORY OF REDISTRIBUTION IN NEW DEMOCRACIES: HOW HAS DEMOCRACY INCREASED INCOME DISPARITY IN SOUTHERN AND POSTCOMMUNIST EUROPE? A Dissertation in Political Science by Ekrem Karakoç © 2010 Ekrem Karakoç Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2010 The dissertation of Ekrem Karakoç was reviewed and approved* by the following: Michael H. Bernhard Raymond and Miriam Ehrlich Eminent Scholar Chair Department of Political Science University of Florida Co-Chair of Committee and special member Lee Ann Banaszak Associate Professor of Political Science Director of Graduate Studies Co-Chair of Committee Dissertation Advisor Christopher Zorn Liberal Arts Research Professor Department of Political Science Burt L. Monroe Associate Professor of Political Science Mark S. Anner Assistant professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations, and Political Science *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT In most new democracies, rising inequality poses a challenge to conventional theories in democratization literature because these theories predict that democracies decreases inequality through its positive effects on social welfare programs toward the poor. To the contrary, I present evidence that inequality does not decrease after democratization and ask why is that democracies cannot generate income equality. Then I explore the determinants of inequality and offer three interrelated arguments that -
Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey
A Freedom House Special Report Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey Susan Corke Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan Executive Summary 1 Cover: Mustafa Ozer AFP / GettyImages Introduction 3 The Media Sector in Turkey 5 Historical Development 5 The Media in Crisis 8 How a History Magazine Fell Victim 10 to Self-Censorship Media Ownership and Dependency 12 Imprisonment and Detention 14 Prognosis 15 Recommendations 16 Turkey 16 European Union 17 United States 17 About the Authors Susan Corke is Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan director for Eurasia is a journalist based is president of Freedom is clinical professor is a program officer programs at Freedom in Turkey since 1989, House. Prior to joining of national security at Freedom House, House. Ms. Corke contributing regularly Freedom House in studies at Baruch covering Central spent seven years at to The Daily Telegraph, 2010, he was a Senior College/CUNY’s School Asia and Turkey. the State Department, The Times, The Transatlantic Fellow at of Public Affairs and He previously worked including as Deputy Economist, TIME, the German Marshall an adjunct senior as a journalist Director for European and CNN. He has also Fund of the United States. fellow at the Council in Kazakhstan and Affairs in the Bureau written for Sabah, Mr. Kramer served as on Foreign Relations. Kyrgyzstan and of Democracy, Human Milliyet, and Taraf and Assistant Secretary of She was deputy editorial studied at Ankara Rights, and Labor. appears frequently on State for Democracy, page editor at University as a Critical Turkish television. -
The Party Abroad and Its Role for National Party Politics International IDEA Discussion Paper 1/2019 the Party Abroad and Its Role for National Party Politics
The Party Abroad and its Role for National Party Politics International IDEA Discussion Paper 1/2019 The Party Abroad and its Role for National Party Politics International IDEA Discussion Paper 1/2019 Ekaterina R. Rashkova and Sam van der Staak © 2019 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance This paper is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this paper do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. References to the names of countries and regions in this publication do not represent the official position of International IDEA with regard to the legal status or policy of the entities mentioned. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Design and layout: International IDEA Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... -
Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation. -
Chapter 07: Political Parties
Name: Class: Date: Chapter 07: Political Parties Multiple Choice 1. The Federalists supported a strong central government that would: a. oppose the ratification of the Constitution. b. encourage the development of commerce and manufacturing. c. encourage the development of cottage industries and the farming sector. d. support the two-party political system. e. encourage the development of the farming sector. 2. _____ is a process in which the popular support for and relative strength of the political parties shift and the parties are reestablished with different coalitions of supporters. a. Flipping b. Realignment c. Dealignment d. Tipping e. Segregation 3. The party in the electorate consists: a. of members who regard themselves as independents. b. of all the people who describe themselves as Democrats or Republicans. c. only of those members who are electoral candidates. d. exclusively of party identifiers. e. exclusively of party activists. 4. __________are party members who help to organize and oversee party functions and planning during and between campaigns, and may even become candidates for office. a. Party activists b. Party identifiers c. Party supporters d. Lobbyists e. Party-line voters 5. Identify a true statement about third parties in American politics. a. They enjoy more electoral success than major parties. b. Since they are less in number and variety, they are easy to classify. c. It is easier for them to campaign statewide than to appeal to voters in a smaller district. d. In all states, they need only a few signatures to place their candidates on the ballot. e. They have brought many political issues to the public's attention. -
Negativity Bias, Political Parallelism, Media Ownership: Findings from Turkish Parliamentary Elections
Negativity Bias, Political Parallelism, Media Ownership: Findings from Turkish parliamentary elections Burcu Ceren Hoff, Verena Pagels & Armin Rott Abstract This study analyses the potential link between negativity bias and political parallelism in the Turkish press and correlates this connection with media ownership patterns during the election news coverage in 2015 and 2018. We conduct a quantitative media content analysis based on the front pages of six newspapers. The results show a significant relationship between negativity and partisanship: Newspaper negativity is not distributed equally in all directions; instead, the papers are more negative towards their political opponent and more positive towards the party they endorse. The newspapers support their endorsed party mostly by “attacking others”, through criticism of the respective opposition. In sum, the number of negative references on front pages are predominantly negative (up to 80.8% in 2015 and up to 68.2 % in 2018). Directly generated messages by journalists exceed the positive references by a factor of six (2015) or almost five (2018), and neutral appeals by a factor of almost five (2015) or even nine (2018). Furthermore, we investigate the impact of media ownership structure on the relationship between negativity and partisanship. The results reveal a newspapers’ tendency to be either pro-incumbent or pro-challenger depending on their ownership structure: For newspapers that are part of conglomerate or cross-media ownership structures, negatitve messages towards the main opposoitional party (CHP) are 22 (2015) or 67.5 (2018) times higher than positive messages. Independent owned newspapers vice versa display 31.5 (2015) or 140 (2018) times more negative messages towards the ruling AKP than positive messages. -
Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey*
Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey* CEDRIC DE LEON Providence College MANALI DESAI London School of Economics CIHAN TUGAL˘ University of California-Berkeley Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community. Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic par- ties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how “political artic- ulation” has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline. -
Tilburg University the Gülen Movement Çelik, G
Tilburg University The Gülen movement Çelik, G. Publication date: 2008 Link to publication in Tilburg University Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Çelik, G. (2008). The Gülen movement: Building social cohesion through dialogue and education. Ridderprint Offsetdrukkerij bv. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 26. sep. 2021 The Gülen Movement Photograph by Mehmet Kaman, Ankara, 26 May 2008. The cover photograph illustrates the theme of this thesis. The photograph shows the celebration at the scene of the 6th International Turkish Language Olympics organised by the International Turkish Education Association (TÜRKÇEDER), one of the movement’s initiatives on dialogue and education. Copyright © Gürkan Çelik, Nieuwegein 2008 The Gülen Movement. Building Social Cohesion through Dialogue and Education Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Tilburg University, the Netherlands — with references and summary in Dutch.