BAŞBUG ALPARSLAN TURKES and the NATIONALIST MOVEMENT PARTY Assoc
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Turkish Language As a Politicized Element: the Case of Turkish Nation-Building
GeT MA Working Paper Series No. 15 2018 Turkish Language as a Politicized Element: The Case of Turkish Nation-Building TOLGA SEVIN GeT MA Working Paper Series Department of Social Sciences Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin www.sowi.hu-berlin.de/getma [email protected] TOLGA SEVIN GET MA WP 15/2018 GeT MA Working Paper Series Published by the German Turkish Masters Program of Social Sciences (GeT MA), Department of Social Sciences at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Papers in this series are the final theses of GeT MA graduates. Publication in this series does not preclude a later publication elsewhere. The views expressed in the GeT MA Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the GeT MA Program or of Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. The copyright stays with the author(s). Copyright for this paper: Tolga Sevin Please cite in the following format: Sevin, Tolga (2018): Turkish Language as a Politicized Element: The Case of Turkish Nation-Building. GeT MA Working Paper No. 15, Department of Social Sciences, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. [online] Homepage: Edoc Server Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. URL: http://edoc.hu-berlin.de/series/getmaseries Corresponding authors: Tolga Sevin, Master of Social Science, German Turkish Masters Program, Institut für Sozialwissenschaften, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin. Tolga Sevin, born in Ankara, studied at Bilkent University, Middle East Technical University, and Humboldt- Universität zu Berlin. He lives in Berlin. This thesis is dedicated to Müfit Kulen. -
Social Engineering’
European Journal of Turkish Studies Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey 7 | 2008 Demographic Engineering - Part I Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 DOI: 10.4000/ejts.2583 ISSN: 1773-0546 Publisher EJTS Electronic reference Uğur Ümit Üngör, « Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ », European Journal of Turkish Studies [Online], 7 | 2008, Online since 05 March 2015, connection on 16 February 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejts. 2583 © Some rights reserved / Creative Commons license Üngör, Uğur Ümit (2008) 'Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’', European Journal of Turkish Studies, Thematic Issue N° 7 , No. 7 | Demographic Engineering - part I, URL : http://www.ejts.org/document2583.html To quote a passage, use paragraph (§). Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Abstract. This article addresses population politics in the broader Young Turk era (1913-1950), which included genocide, deportation, and forced assimilation of various minority populations. The article opens with an account of the genesis of the concept ‘social engineering’ and provides a synopsis of the literature in the field of Young Turk population politics. It then focuses on the implementation of these nationalist population politics in the eastern provinces to exemplify these policies in detail. The article aims to clarify that the Armenian genocide cannot be understood in isolation from broader Young Turk population politics and argues that a generation of traumatized Young Turk politicians launched and perpetuated this violent project of societal transformation in order to secure the existence of a Turkish nation-state. -
Kurdish Language Rights and Mother Tounge in Education
KURDISH LANGUAGE RIGHTS AND MOTHER TONGUE IN EDUCATION Esra Çevik Language In his 1985 work '' Anathemas and Admirations'', Emil Cioran, a Romanian philosopher and essayist, wrote that ''one does inhabit a country; one inhabits a language. That is our country, our fatherland and no other.'' For Kurds - as many other nations – language is one of the most important points for both individuals and society. Language plays a major role in the shaping of an individual’s identity and its social integration. Throughout history, languages have been used for political purposes, most often as a tool used to build identities and bring together a group of people. As language has both a symbolic and instrumental value, nation-states intervene [in its development] in order to ensure that [social integration] takes place along the desired path. Languages are managed, guided and even re-created. And a number of mechanisms are employed to ensure that the national language is spread. With this aim, tate activities are often held in a single language and the chosen language is imposed to the people of that country who speak different languages. When looking at languages, language policies and rights should be addressed together, because they interact with each other both on a national and international level and they also influence individuals’ language behaviour.1 1 Virtanen, Dil Politikalarının Milliyetçilik Hareketlerindeki Tarihsel Kökenleri, 18. Language policies can be defined as a totality of principles, decisions and practices concerning the languages used within a particular political unit, their areas and regions, their development and the rights to their use.2 Turkey was never an ethnically homogenous country, but leaderships developed definition for the nation that excluded multi-ethnicity. -
Turkish Parliamentary Experience Review of the Parliamentary
ISSN: 2667-4432 Journal of Universal History Studies (JUHIS)• 2(2 ) • December • 2019 • pp. 239 – 250 Turkish Parliamentary Experience Review of the Parliamentary Experience of Turkey from Ottoman to Republic Periods1 Saltanat Kydyralieva2 Istanbul University, Institute of Social Sciences PhD Alumna Received- Accepted: 23.09.2019- 02.12.2019 Research Article Abstract Turkish parliamentary tradition with a history of 140 years, no doubt is a result of challenging periods which roots extending to the history of the Ottoman Empire. Tanzimat reforms as well as Constitutional Monarchy periods (known as I. and II. Meşrutiyet) crowned with the National Liberation Movement initiated the new political regime in Turkey and formed a parliamentary institution that call now the Turkish parliament or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The analysis of the historical evolution of the Turkish parliamentary experience along with its parliamentary functions and activities will provide us valuable information on politics and socio-historical development of the Turkish state. Certainly, the unique characteristics of Turkish society and Turkish history, as well as parliamentary transformations at the global level along with political developments affecting the parliamentary tradition makes a Turkish parliamentary experience noteworthy to be analyzed. Social structure, bureaucracy and traditions of every society or political entity define the role of a parliament in the certain political system. The social and political structure gives important information on the organization and behaviour of the parliament as well as parliamentary functions provide first-hand data on features and characteristics of the society reciprocally. This study is a brief historical account of the Turkish parliament as a representative institution. -
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PARTIES ESTABLISHED IN TURKEY AFTER 1960 AND THEIR ACTORS Assist. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Biçici Gaziantep University Introduction Organized structures formed in order to gain the authority to govern in a country by elections or to become partners in the administration of the country through coalition governments are called political parties (Gökçe, 2013). According to the political scientist Duverger’s evaluation of political parties, there are two main periods in the formation of political parties. In these two main periods, the background of the emergence and development of parties is taken into consideration. The first main period considers how the parties formed and under what conditions, while in the second main period, how the parties came to the present day after the World War II are examined (Göktürk, 2016). We can gather Party Political Systems under two headings. These are the two-party political system and the multi-party political system. In the two-party political system there are two major parties that are trusted to be elected by the people voting. Those who vote choose between these two parties, and the party that holds the majority wins power. 3. Parties are far from powerful in this election. The best known examples of the two-party political systems are seen in the United States and England. The candidates for power in these countries have two large majorities. Other smaller parties are unable to be in power because they cannot get close to the big two parties. Examples include the Republican Party and the Democratic Party in the US, and the Labor Party and the Conservative Party in the UK. -
1 Creating Turkishness: an Examination of Turkish Nationalism Through Gök-Börü Güldeniz Kibris Sabanci University Spring 20
CREATING TURKISHNESS: AN EXAMINATION OF TURKISH NATIONALISM THROUGH GÖK-BÖRÜ GÜLDEN İZ KIBRIS SABANCI UNIVERSITY SPRING 2005 1 CREATING TURKISHNESS: AN EXAMINATION OF TURKISH NATIONALISM THROUGH GÖK-BÖRÜ By GÜLDEN İZ KIBRIS Submitted to the Graduate School of Arts and Social Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabanci University Spring 2005 2 CREATING TURKISHNESS: AN EXAMINATION OF TURKISH NATIONALISM THROUGH GÖK-BÖRÜ APPROVED BY: Assoc. Prof. Halil Berktay (Thesis Supervisor) ........................................................ Asst. Prof. Y. Hakan Erdem ....................................................... Asst. Prof. E. Burak Arıkan ......................................................... DATE OF APPROVAL: 12 August 2005 3 © GÜLDEN İZ KIBRIS 2005 All Rights Reserved 4 Abstract CREATING TURKISHNESS: AN EXAMINATION OF TURKISH NATIONALISM THROUGH GÖK-BÖRÜ Güldeniz Kıbrıs History, M.A. Thesis Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Halil Berktay 2005, ix + 113 pages This M.A. thesis attempts to exhibit the cross-fertilization between the Pan- Turkist and Kemalist varieties of Turkish nationalism through their definitions of ‘Turkishness.’ In the same vein with contemporary nationalisms, the late Ottoman/Republican nationalist elite created ‘Turkishness’ by referring to a mythical past. In that creation process, the Pan-Turkist and Kemalist nationalist discourses historically developed in the same pool and used similar intellectual sources. Though their ultimate goals were different, the two varieties scrutinized very similar racist and nationalist references in their imaginations of Turkish identity as racially superior. In the name of revealing the similarities and differences, a Pan-Turkist journal, Gök-Börü [Grey Wolf] has been examined. Published and edited by Reha Oğuz Türkkan, the journal appeared between 1942 and 1943 as a byproduct of the special aggressive international environment. -
“KEMALİZM İDEOLOGU” MAHMUT ESAT BOZKURT Me
ANAYASACILIK EKSENİNDE NEVİ ŞAHSINA MÜNHASIR BİR DÜŞÜN VE DEVLET ADAMI: “KEMALİZM İDEOLOGU” MAHMUT ESAT BOZKURT Mehmet Gödekli* A Man of Thought and a Statesman with Unique Characteristics within the Frame of Constitutionalism: “Kemalism Ideologist” Mahmut Esat Bozkurt “İnkılapçıyız. Evet inkılapçıyız. Zira hayat sürekli bir değişikliktir. Durmak ölümdür. Yaşamak ve yaşatmak istediğimiz için inkılapçıyız.” (Bozkurt, Atatürk İhtilali’nden). ÖZ Mahmut Esat Bozkurt’un, Türk hukuk devrimini başlatan devlet adamı sıfatıyla hem hukuk sistemimiz hem de inkılap tarihimiz açısından en önemli şahsiyetlerden biri olduğu kabul edilmektedir. Cumhuriyet’in ilk yıllarında modern devletlerin temel kanunlarının iktisap edilmesine ve Yeni Türkiye’de uygulanmasına ön ayak olan bir hukuk adamı olarak Bozkurt, aynı zamanda Ankara Hukuk Fakültesi’nin kurucusu ve uluslararası Bozkurt-Lotus davasında Türk tarafının savunucusu özellikleriyle de tanınmaktadır. Gerek özel hayatında gerek devlet hayatında çok yönlü bir karaktere sahip olan Mahmut Esat, Devletin anayasal sisteminin oluşturulması devresinde, bir kısmı anayasal ve yasal sisteme de yerleştirilen oldukça önemli fikirler ileri sürmüştür. Bu makalede Bozkurt’un kısaca siyasal kariyerinden bahsedildikten sonra, esas olarak onun anayasacılık anlayışına ve bu bağlamda kendine özgü düşüncelerine ve teorilerine değinilmektedir. Bu çerçevede Mahmut Esat’ın Kemalizm öğretisi ve bu öğretiyi açıklamak üzere başvurduğu politik gerekçeler incelenmektedir. Bozkurt’un Kemalizm öğretisinin dayanağı olan milliyetçilik, -
A Theory of Redistribution in New Democracies: How Has
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts A THEORY OF REDISTRIBUTION IN NEW DEMOCRACIES: HOW HAS DEMOCRACY INCREASED INCOME DISPARITY IN SOUTHERN AND POSTCOMMUNIST EUROPE? A Dissertation in Political Science by Ekrem Karakoç © 2010 Ekrem Karakoç Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2010 The dissertation of Ekrem Karakoç was reviewed and approved* by the following: Michael H. Bernhard Raymond and Miriam Ehrlich Eminent Scholar Chair Department of Political Science University of Florida Co-Chair of Committee and special member Lee Ann Banaszak Associate Professor of Political Science Director of Graduate Studies Co-Chair of Committee Dissertation Advisor Christopher Zorn Liberal Arts Research Professor Department of Political Science Burt L. Monroe Associate Professor of Political Science Mark S. Anner Assistant professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations, and Political Science *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT In most new democracies, rising inequality poses a challenge to conventional theories in democratization literature because these theories predict that democracies decreases inequality through its positive effects on social welfare programs toward the poor. To the contrary, I present evidence that inequality does not decrease after democratization and ask why is that democracies cannot generate income equality. Then I explore the determinants of inequality and offer three interrelated arguments that -
The Party Abroad and Its Role for National Party Politics International IDEA Discussion Paper 1/2019 the Party Abroad and Its Role for National Party Politics
The Party Abroad and its Role for National Party Politics International IDEA Discussion Paper 1/2019 The Party Abroad and its Role for National Party Politics International IDEA Discussion Paper 1/2019 Ekaterina R. Rashkova and Sam van der Staak © 2019 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance This paper is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this paper do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. References to the names of countries and regions in this publication do not represent the official position of International IDEA with regard to the legal status or policy of the entities mentioned. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Design and layout: International IDEA Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... -
The Politics of Gender and the Making of Kemalist Feminist Activism in Contemporary Turkey (1946–2011)
THE POLITICS OF GENDER AND THE MAKING OF KEMALIST FEMINIST ACTIVISM IN CONTEMPORARY TURKEY (1946–2011) By Selin Çağatay Submitted to Central European University Department of Gender Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Susan Zimmermann CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 Copyright Notice This dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The dissertation contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. CEU eTD Collection i Abstract The aim of this dissertation is to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between women's activism and the politics of gender by investigating Kemalist feminism in Turkey as a case study. The dissertation offers a political history of Kemalist feminism that enables an insight into the intertwined relationship between women's activism and the politics of gender. It focuses on the class, national/ethnic, and cultural/religious dynamics of and their implications for Kemalist feminist politics. In so doing, it situates Kemalist feminist activism within the politics of gender in Turkey; that is, it analyzes the relationship between Kemalist feminist activism and other actors in gender politics, such as the state, transnational governance, political parties, civil society organizations, and feminist, Islamist, and Kurdish women's activisms. The analysis of Kemalist feminist activism provided in this dissertation draws on a methodological-conceptual framework that can be summarized as follows. Activism provides the ground for women to become actors of the politics of gender. -
Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation. -
Chapter 07: Political Parties
Name: Class: Date: Chapter 07: Political Parties Multiple Choice 1. The Federalists supported a strong central government that would: a. oppose the ratification of the Constitution. b. encourage the development of commerce and manufacturing. c. encourage the development of cottage industries and the farming sector. d. support the two-party political system. e. encourage the development of the farming sector. 2. _____ is a process in which the popular support for and relative strength of the political parties shift and the parties are reestablished with different coalitions of supporters. a. Flipping b. Realignment c. Dealignment d. Tipping e. Segregation 3. The party in the electorate consists: a. of members who regard themselves as independents. b. of all the people who describe themselves as Democrats or Republicans. c. only of those members who are electoral candidates. d. exclusively of party identifiers. e. exclusively of party activists. 4. __________are party members who help to organize and oversee party functions and planning during and between campaigns, and may even become candidates for office. a. Party activists b. Party identifiers c. Party supporters d. Lobbyists e. Party-line voters 5. Identify a true statement about third parties in American politics. a. They enjoy more electoral success than major parties. b. Since they are less in number and variety, they are easy to classify. c. It is easier for them to campaign statewide than to appeal to voters in a smaller district. d. In all states, they need only a few signatures to place their candidates on the ballot. e. They have brought many political issues to the public's attention.