South Afr.ica

South Afr.ica India Edited by T G Ramamurthi I INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS i~~~~~~ < @ I ..

South Africa has occupied a special place in the national ethos of India, because of the link between its own independence and the struggle for equality and justice begun by the Father of the Nation in South Africa. As President Nelson Mandela put it, the victory of the people of South Africa 'is also India's victory'. The inauguration of the Government of National Unity, under the Presidency of Dr. Nelson Mandela, ushered in a new phase in the relations between the two countries at the state level-from one of conflict of interests and confrontation to one of mutuality of interests and co-operation. Also, as President Shanker Dayal Sharma observed, 'as nations linked by the Indian Ocean, we look forward to close regional cooperation... It is in this context that the present collection of documents, spread over half a century, is presented. In theii endeavour for future partnership in development, the old ties of friendship and solidarity during the liberation struggle would undoubtedly serve as a strong foundation. The Documents, included in the present collection, have been selected to place the prospective co-operation for development against the backdrop of the past collaboration during the freedom strggle. E. S. Reddy, former Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations, in his Introduction, besides placing the collection of documents in the perspective of history, visualizes the prospects for the future cooperative relations, between India and South Africa for mutual development. ISBN: 81-224-0777-3

South Africa India Partnership in Freedom and Development Edited by T G Ramamurthi INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS & NEW AGE INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS LIMITED (FORMER WILEY EASTERN LIMITED) NEW DELHI 9 BANGALORE * BOMBAY * CALCUTTA 9 GUWAHATI HYDERABAD * LUCKNOW s MADRAS * PUNE 9 LONDON

Copyright @ 1995 ICCR (Indian Council for Cultural Relations) New Delhi NEW AGE INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS LIMITED (Former WIEY EASTERN LIMITED) NEW DELHI BANGALORE BOMBAY CALCUITA GUWAHATI HYDERABAD LUCKNOW MADRAS PUNE LONDON 4835/24, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi 110 002. 27, Bull Temple Road, Basavangudi, Bangalore 560 004 128/A. Noorani Building, Block No. 3, First Floor, L.J Road, Mahim, Bombay 400 016. 40/8, Ballygunge, Circular Road, Calcutta 700 019. Pan Bazar, Rani Bari, Guwahati 781 001 2-412/9, Gaganmahal, Near AV. College, Domalguda, Hyderabad 500 029. 18, Madan Mohan Malviya Marg, Lucknow 226 001. 20, llnd Main Road, Kasthuribai Nagar, Adyar. Madras 600 020. Flat No. 2, Building No. 7, Indira Cooperative Housing Society Ltd., Indira Heights, Erandawane, Karve Road. Pune 411 038. Wishwa Prakashan Ltd., Spantech House, Lagham Road, South Godstone, Surrey, RH9 8HB UK. This book or any part thereof may not be reproduced in any form without the written permission of the publisher. This book is not to be sold outside the country to which it is consigned by Wiley Eastern Ltd. ISBN: 81-224-0777-3 Published by V. S. Johri for Wiley Eastern Limited, 4835/24, Ansari Road, Daryaganij, New Delhi 110 002, and printed at Indraprastha Press, New Delhi 110 002. PRINTED IN INDIA

FOREWORD South Africa has occupied a special place in the national ethos of India, with the link between its own independence and the struggle for equality and justice begun by in South Africa. It was, therefore, a proud moment for the people and the Government of India, when South Africa entered a new phase in its history, with the inauguration of the Government of National Unity, under the Presidency of Dr. Nelson Mandela. This also ushered in a new phase in the relations between the two countries at the State level-from one of conflict of interests and confrontation to one of mutuality of interests and cooperation. In this new endeavour for future partnership in development, the old ties of friendship and solidarity during the liberation struggle would undoubtedly serve as a strong foundation. It is in this context that the present collection of documents, spread over half a century, is presented. It seeks to place the prospective cooperation for development against the backdrop of the past collaboration during the freedom struggle. It is also a tribute to the brave people of South Africa, of all races, whose dedication to the goal of a non-racial, democratic South Africa comes through clearly and unmistakably in the documents included here. The Indian Council for Cultural Relations, dedicated to the promotion of people- to-people relations, has given pride of place to its publication programme. In recent months, this activity has been intensified and a number of Special Issues of the Council's publications, the Indian Horizons and the Africa Quarterly have been dedicated to varied topics of interest in people-to-people relations. Special mention may be made of the Special Issue on India-China of the Indian

Horizons and the Special Issues of the Africa Quarterly on Post-Apartheid South Africa, India and the Horn of Africa, Protest Literature in Africa and India- Namibia. Some of these have been brought out in book form also. We are happy to present this documentary survey of five decades of partnership between the peoples of India and South Africa, as yet another Special Issue of the Africa Quarterly and also as a book. The Council records its appreciation of the collaboration of New Age International and Wiley Eastern Limited in the publication of the book. (Shiv Shankar Mukherjee) Director-General Indian Council for Cultural Relations

EDITOR'S NOTE For India, the birth of a democratic, egalitarian and non-racial South Africa is like the second coming of her own independence. As is well-known, it was in South Africa that the Father of the Indian Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, conceived and gave a firm shape to the method of non-violent mass movement. Gandhiji did not fight for the freedom or political rights of any people or community in particular, but for human dignity and equality. As far back as 26 October 1894, he wrote in a letter to the Editor of The Times of Natal: The Indians do not regret that capable natives can exercise the franchise. They would regret if it were otherwise. They, however, assert that, they too, if capable, should have the right. You, in your wisdom, would not allow the Indian or the native the precious privilege under any circumstances, because they have a dark skin. It was exactly a century later that his wish for a non-racial franchise was fulfilled in South Africa. That was a moment of pride not only for the people of South Africa but also for the people of India. Throughout her own long and arduous struggle for freedom from 1857 to 1947, the Indian people believed that freedom was indivisible and universal. From the founding of the , the people of India extended their sympathy and support for all colonised peoples everywhere in the world. And after her own independence, India carried on the fight against colonialism, and racialism, declaring that our own independence was incomplete till all peoples were free. The fact that India placed the question of racial discrimination on the agenda of the United Nations Organisation, at the very first session of the General Assembly in 1946, has often been acknowledged. But it is not often recognized that, in an Assembly where the Asian-African group had negligible voting strength, even the inscription of the item required subterfuge, to wit, deterioration in bilateral relations, rather than the straightforward question of racial discrimination. It was, thus, only in the presentation of the case of the persons of Indian origin in South Africa, that India drew attention to the larger and wider implications of the policies and practices in a State where the majority of the people remained voiceless. The lot of the people of Indian origin in South Africa was but the shadow of the substance of racial discrimination. The Documents, included in the present collection, have been selected to underscore the fact that from 1946 onwards, the cause upheld by India was universal and concerned human dignity and equality. After 1952, the real issue came to the fore when the issue of racial conflict arising from the policies and practices of apartheid was placed on the U.N. Agenda by India and 12 other Asian-African nations. The accretion of support, especially since the sixties, strengthened India's will to carry the struggle to other fora, including the Commonwealth and the Non- Aligned Movement. Since the beginning of the Eighties, India stepped up her efforts to end apartheid, being convinced that it cannot be mended. At the New Delhi Non-Aligned Summit in 1983, India resumed her leading role, initiating a campaign for sanctions against the racist regime. It was the concerted drive of the mid-eighties towards economic isolation of the apartheid state that led to the happy denouement in the beginning of the nineties. The Editor wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Professor Vijay Gupta of the University for valuable assistance in the collection, collation and compilation of the documents. Mr. E.S. Reddy, former Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations made available a number of rare documents and also suggested various editorial changes which have been adopted with profit. His Introduction, besides placing the collection of documents in the perspective of history enables the reader to visualise the foundation for the future cooperative relations between India and South Africa for mutual development. Special mention needs to be made of the unfailing and cheerful assistance extended by Mr. V.K. Jain, Director

(Information and Library), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India and the staff in the Library for locating and copying many of the documents. The Director General of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, Mr. Shiv Shankar Mukherjee, gave encouragement and support throughout the process of conception, designing and execution of the project for which the Editor is grateful. The Indraprastha Press, New Delhi and its Manager, Mr. A.K. Saini, spared no efforts or energy in the production of the volume and deserve our thanks. Mr. Asang Machwe of Wiley Eastern Limited, came forward, as on previous occasions, to place at our disposal the talents and facilities of his organisation in disseminating the collection to as wide an audience as possible. T.G. Ramamurthi Editor

CONTENTS Foreword ii Editor's Note v Introduction 1 1. Racial Discrimination on United Nations Agenda 21 2. Embargo on Trade with South Africa 24 3. Segregation is a Denial of an Elementry 26 Human Right 4. Mahatma Gandhi's Message to the People of 35 South Africa, 18 May 1947 5. No vested Interests Against Advancement of 36 African People 6. Apartheid is Racial Discrimination 38 7. Racial Conflict in South Africa a Threat to Peace 45 8. No Solution Through Continued Domination by 50 one Race 9. Slender Link with People of South Africa Cut 63 10. Dismantle Apartheid by Domestic Legislation 65 11. Condemns Sharpville Massacre 70 12. Apartheid South Africa Not Welcome in the 74 Commonwealth 13. Additional Sanctions Imposed 77 14. U.N. Confirms India's Anti-Apartheid Measures 80 15. First ANC Office for Asia Opened in New Delhi 82

16. Fight Against Discrimination-A Proud Tradition 84 for India 17. Struggle Against Apartheid is International 86 18. The Writing on the wall is Clear for Anyone to See 89 19. Nelson Mandela Honoured 91 20. The Anti-Apartheid (United Nations Convention) 100 Act 1981 21. Apartheid in Sports an Abomination 104 22. There is the Promise of Dawn 107 23. Tricameral Parliament a Farce 109 24. Release Mandela Unconditionaly 111 25. The Parliament of India Stands Behind the 113 People of South Africa 26. Struggle Between Humanity and Inhumanity 114 27. Ban on Entry into India of Members of South 117 African Tricameral Parliament 28. Time for Concrete Action: Mandatory Sanctions 118 29. A week of Solidarity with Southern Africa 120 30. India Boycotts Commonwealth Games 122 31. Parliamentarians' Action for Removal of 123 Apartheid (PARA) 32. Parliament of India Condemns Apartheid 125 33. Now is the Moment to Strike-And Strike Hard 127 34. Salute to Seventyfive Years of Struggle, 129 Courage and Sacrifice 35. India Rededicates Herself to South Africa's 131 Freedom 36. India Hails Release of Mandela 133 37. Nelson Mandela Invited to Visit India 134

38. Contributions to Africa Fund Fully Exempted 137 from Income Tax 39. A Historic Visit 138 40. Indian Culture Centre in South Africa 153 41. ANC Diplomats Trained in India 155 42. Visit of ANC Delegation to India 156 43. India Lifts Sanctions Against South Africa 158 44. Minister of State for External Affairs visit to 159 South Africa 45. Prime Minister Felicitates Dr. Nelson Mandela 161 46. Opening of Indian Embassy in Pretoria 162 47. India Greets New Democratic South Africa 163 48. Ipdia Welcomes New South Africa 165 49. Welcome Home, President Mandela 168 50. Partnership in Development 176 51. Mandela Thanks India 185 52. Mandela's Tribute to Jawaharlal Nehru 191 Selected Bibliography 195 Index 198

INTRODUCTION E.S. Reddy* I am convinced, your Excellency, that we are poised to build a unique and special partnership-a partnership forged in the crucible of history, common cultural attributes and common struggle. -President Nelson R. Mandela of South Africa at banquet hosted by President S. D. Sharma of India, New Delhi, 25 January 1995. The emergence of India into independence after a long struggle for freedom against the mightiest imperial Power, and the victory of the South African people in their equally long and difficult struggle against racist domination represent the two main landmarks in the closing of the sad chapter of colonial-racist oppression in human history. India and South Africa now look forward to a new era of friendship, cooperation and joint action not only for mutual benefit but in the cause of peace and human solidarity which have inspired their common struggle. The agreements concluded by the two countries on January 25, 1995, for "multi- faceted and mutually beneficial cooperation"-"in the political, economic, trade and scientific spheres as well as in the field of technology, industry, transport, energy, culture, public health, ecology, education, tourism, sports and exchange of information"-are almost unprecedented in scope in the history of inter-state relations. They reflect the bonds of friendship developed over the centuries, with the shared experience of oppression by imperialism and racism and, above all, the solidarity displayed by the peoples of the two nations and their liberation movements during the course of their struggles. * Former Assiatant Secretary-General of the United Nations and Director of the United Nations Centre against Apartheid.

Neighbours across the sea India and South Africa, neighbours across the sea, have had cultural and trade relations since ancient times. These were interrupted when they came under alien domination and replaced by new bonds. Soon after the European adventurers set up settlements at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652, Indians began to be transported there and forced into slavery to work in their homes and farms. When slavery was abolished in the nineteenth century, the British administrations in India and Natal organised the transport of Indian workers as indentured labour to develop the plantations, mines and railways in South Africa under semi-slave conditions. As a result, there are now over a million Indian South Africans and perhaps an even larger number of "Coloured" and "white" South Africans of Indian ancestry. With the consolidation of the power of British imperialism in both countries came a new stage in the relations between the two peoples. The modern national movement developed in India somewhat earlier than in South Africa. A major episode in the history of that movement was the resistance of the Indian community in South Africa against racist oppression early in this century. Their satyagraha, under the leadership of M.K. Gandhi, led to united national action in India and inspired all other oppressed people in South Africa. It was one of the most significant events of the twentieth century and will remain a bond between the two peoples. As the struggle for freedom developed in the two countries, the links between the national movements of the two countries were fortified. Mahatma Gandhi knew, and spoke with respect, about African leaders like John Dube, the first President of the African National Congress, Walter Rubusana, the first African member of the Cape Provincial Council, and Dr. Abdulla Abdurahman, the leader of the Coloured people. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru met Mr. Josiah Gumede, President of the African National Congress, and other South Africans at the Congress against Imperialism in Brussels in 1926 and was impressed by their spirit.

During the Second World War, fought ostensibly for freedom, British imperialism and the racist government in South Africa made it clear that the Allied declarations of war aims do not apply either to India or to South Africa. The Indian National Congress launched a "Quit India" movement and the young militants of South Africa demanded that imperialism "quit Africa". India attained independence soon after the war, and a multiracial mass democratic movement emerged in South Africa. The newly-independent India was privileged to make a historic contribution, at considerable sacrifice, to the struggle of the South African people which was unduly prolonged as their oppressors derived sustenance from the cooperation of imperialist Powers. India's sacrifices cannot be ,ompared to those of the frontline States in Africa which suffered grievously from aggression and destabilisation by the apartheid forces in the 1980s. Its financial contributions could not match those of some prosperous nations which joined the anti-apartheid forces in the 1970's. But no country equalled India in consistent diplomatic, political, economic and other support to the cause of liberation in South Africa for well over half a century. As President Mandela said in Delhi on 25 January 1995: You took up our battle as your own battle. Now that we have been victorious, it cannot be said too often that our victory is also India's victory. The following is a brief review of India's actions in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa from 1946 to the establishment of the first non-racial democratic government of South Africa in May 1994, and the subsequent agreements for extensive cooperation between the two countries. It is followed by selected documents on the subjectonly a fraction of hundreds of statements, speeches, etc., by the Indian government and organisations in numerous national and inter-national fora. Partnership with the South African people India had direct experience of South African racism since tens of thousands of Indians were lured into Natal in the nineteenth century with the promise of equal rights under the law, only to become victims of constant attempts to subject them to the inhuman oppression inflicted on the indigenous Africans. In the Smuts-Gandhi Agreement of 1914, and the Cape Town Agreements of 1927 and 1932, the Indian community and the Government of India were assured of a respite from further discriminatory measures but again the promises proved illusory. With the white monopoly of political power, white parties vied with each other to inflame and pander to racial prejudices so that there was a constant whittling away of the meagre rights of the non-white people. The struggle of the Indian people and the intervention of the Indian Government enabled the Indian community to preserve some rights denied to Africans; but the Indians were subjected to several restrictions not applied to Africans. This experience was a source of education for Indian South Africans and for India. They became increasingly convinced that the small Indian community could not gain and preserve its civil rights so long as the system of discrimination and white monopoly of political power remained. That brought them ever closer to the indigenous African people. Mahatma Gandhi had always insisted that the Indians should never press for any rights if they conflicted with the vital interests of the Africans, the sons of the soil. As long ago as 1908, he spoke of his vision of a South Africa where "all the different races commingle and produce a civilisation that perhaps the world has not yet seen." Other Indian leaders like Mrs. , Rabindranath Tagore and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru were outspoken in calling on the Indians in South Africa to identify themselves with the African majority in their legitimate struggle. Public opinion in India welcomed the emergence of a new leadership in the Indian community in the late 1930s, advocating uncompromising resistance against racism and joint action with other oppressed South Africans. In that context, the determination of the South African regime to enact further legislation to oppress and humiliate Indians-at a time when India was emerging into independenceoutraged opinion in India and ushered in the partnership of India with the oppressed people of South Africa in the struggle for a revolutionary transformation of South Africa.

Historic Initiatives in 1946 Early in 1946, the South African Indian Congress decided on passive resistance in protest against the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act. It sent a delegation to India to consult with Mahatma Gandhi and other Indian leaders, and appeal to the Viceroy, for support to the struggle. It called on the Indian government, in case of intransigence by South Africa, to apply economic sanctions against the latter and withdraw the office of its High Commissioner in South Africa. Public sentiment in India was so strong that the Viceroy's Executive Council recalled the High Commissioner from South Africa and lodged a complaint with the United Nations in June 1946* and instituted an embargo on trade with South Africa in Julyt. Such action by a British colony against a British dominion was unthinkable but for the pressure of public opinion in India. It was recognised in India that the decision would involve serious sacrifice, as South Africa then accounted for no less than 5.5 per cent of India's exports and 1.5 per cent of imports. This trade, with a very favourable balance, was particularly difficult to give up in the critical economic situation in 1946. The sanctions were also painful as they curtailed communication between Indian South Africans and their ancestral homeland. But Indian public opinion was united in supporting the measures and never showed any regret. (This was in sharp contrast to the attitude of Western governments which, in later years, professed abhorrence of apartheid, but pleaded that they could not afford sanctions against South Africa though South Africa accounted for less than one per cent of their foreign trade.) By the time the Indian complaint was discussed in the United Nations General Assembly in November-December 1946, an interim national government had been established in India with Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as Prime Minister. The Indian delegation to the Assembly, led by Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, stressed the wider implications of racism in South Africa. It assisted a multi-racial deputation from South Africa led by Dr. A.B. Xuma, President-General of the African National * See Document 1. t See Document 2.

Congress, which arrived in New York to contact the United Nations and delegations of its Member States. The resolution adopted by the General Assembly not only brought international attention to the racial situation in South Africa but recognised that it was a matter of legitimate international concern. At the same session of the General Assembly the Indian delegation was able to frustrate the efforts of the South African government to secure approval for the annexation of South West Africa (Namibia) and was highly praised by African leaders in South Africa and Namibia. India also helped to develop public support in the West for the struggle of the African people in South Africa. Mrs. Pandit and Mr. V. K. Krishna Menon addressed a public meeting in New York with the South African deputation; the India League in London set up a South Africa Committee to publicise the cause of the black people in South Africa; and many friends of Indian independence began actively to espouse the cause of freedom in South Africa. United Nations discussions led to no amelioration of the situation of Indians in South Africa. Instead, the new government which came to power in May 1948, espousing apartheid, proceeded to enact even more obnoxious legislation such as the Group Areas Act of 1950. But India's persistent diplomatic efforts ensured awareness of the inhumanity of apartheid and the United Nations General Assembly deplored that policy by a large majority in 1950. The Western Powers, especially Britain and the United States, reacted with great hostility to India as it confronted their ally and tended to discredit their plans for Africa in partnership with the South African regime. They even succeeded in preventing any resolution on South Africa at the second session of the General Assembly in 1947. The problems encountered by India soon after independence facilitated their desire to protect South Africa from international action. India's hopes of building friendship with all nations were undermined. The Government and people of India, however, were not willing to compromise on the issue of colonialism and racism. Opposition to racism in South Africa remained a major preoccupation of Indian foreign policy.

Promoting world opposition to apartheid In South Africa, the Indian passive resistance movement of 1946-48 became the precursor of a united mass democratic movement of all the South African people. Several Africans, Coloured people and white democrats joined the passive resistance to show their solidarity. On the other hand, the Indian community rushed to help the African mine workers during their historic strike in August 1946. India encouraged and supported the growing unity of the oppressed people in South Africa. Pandit Nehru, in a message to the Indian community in September 1946, said: The struggle. in South Africa is... not merely an Indian issue... It concerns ultimately the Africans who have suffered so much by racial discrimination and suppression... Therefore, the Indians in South Africa should help in every way and cooperate with the Africans. When Dr. Yusuf M. Dadoo and Dr. G. M. Naicker, the leaders of the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses, visited India in March 1947, they received a warm welcome from all parties not only in admiration of the struggle they led but in approval of the agreement they had signed with Dr. A.B. Xuma, on the eve of their departure from South Africa, for cooperation between the African and Indian Congresses. The Indian Congresses suspended passive resistance after the apartheid regime came to power in May 1948. Dr. Dadoo and Dr. Naicker on their release from prison in July, called for a "united democratic front" against racist domination and proceeded to plan joint action with the African National Congress. On June 26, 1952, the African National Congress and the South African Indian Congress jointly launched the Campaign of Defiance of Unjust Laws in which over 8,000 persons of all racial origins went to prison by defying selected racist laws. Opinion in India was greatly enthused. The unity of all the oppressed people in the struggle against racism, and their choice of non-violent defiance as the means, aroused admiration. Pandit Nehru wrote in a letter to the Chief Ministers of states in India that the revolt of all the oppressed people had overtaken the

Indian question and "it is right that it should be so." The Indian National Congress collected funds from the public to help the Defiance Campaign. The Indian government joined with twelve other Asian-African governments to request the United Nations General Assembly consider the grave situation in South Africa*. The African National Congress sent a message to Prime Minister Nehru welcoming his initiative. The Indian delegation led the debates in the United Nations on this matter until Ghana and other independent African States could take over. The efforts of India and the AsianAfrican Group helped publicise the enormity of discrimination and repression in South Africa as well as the struggle of the people for freedom. The South African government, for its part, launched vicious propaganda against India, alleging that it had expan-sionist designs in Africa. It asked India to close its High Commission in South Africa as it had become a useful channel of communication for the oppressed people of South Africa. The Defiance Campaign in South Africa was suspended in 1953 because of stringent laws providing for brutal sentences, including whipping of non-violent protesters. The ANC, however, was greatly strengthened during the campaign, with its membership increasing from some three thousand to a hundred thousand. The Coloured People's Congress, the Congress of Democrats (for whites) and the South African Congress of Trade Unions were soon organised and formed a "Congress Alliance" with the ANC and SAIC to continue united resistance despite the difficulties. In June 1955, the alliance organised the Congress of the People-the most representative gathering of the South African people until then- which adopted the Freedom Charter as the banner of the struggle for liberation. During this period, the Asian-African Conference in Bandung in April 1955 helped greatly to promote international contacts and support for the freedom movement in South Africa. India and other sponsors of the Conference excluded the racist South African government from the list of invitees. Pandit Nehru invited the two representatives of the African National Congress-Mr. Moses Kotane and Moulvi I.A. Cachalia* See Document 7. to accompany him to Bandung and helped them to meet the Presidents and Prime Ministers of many nations. Despite repeated appeals, the South African government continued on its disastrous course, enacting further oppressive laws and resorting to ever- increasing repression to curb the resistance of the people. The major Western Powers, however, continued amicable relations with that regime, considering it a valuable ally in the "cold war" and resented India's support to the liberation movement. They managed to secure the dissolution of the Commission on the Racial Situation in South Africa which had been set up on the initiative of India in 1952. They exerted their influence to ensure that the United Nations resolutions were "moderate" and toothless. But not only Asian-African States but growing segments of public opinion in the Western countries began to support the struggle in South Africa. Chief Albert J. Lutuli, President-General of the African National Congress, wrote in his autobiography: The way in which India at the United Nations has taken up cudgels on behalf of the oppressed South African majority and dragged the whole scandal of apartheid into the open, has heartened us immeasurably. Sharpeville Massacre and after The Sharpeville massacre of March 21, 1960, outraged world opinion and there were public demands in many Western countries for action. Boycott South Africa movements had been launched in Britain and some other Western countries from 1959. Soon after the massacre, there were boycotts of South Africa by governments, dockworkers and others in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean. Prime Minister Nehru compared the Sharpeville massacre to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 1919 which marked a turning point in India's struggle for independence. On his proposal the Indian Parliament adopted a resolution conveying its deep sympathy to the African people of South Africa*. India joined the African States in calling on the United Nations Security Council to consider the situation in South Africa. It supported their demands for international sanctions * See Document 11. against South Africa. It provided passports and assistance to Mr. Oliver Tambo, then Deputy President of the African National Congress, and Dr. Yusuf Dadoo, President of the South African Indian Congress, who had left clandestinely from South Africa at the request of their organisations to seek international support and action. It contacted all Asian-African countries to consult on coordinated action. India took another decision of great political significance. Indian leaders had already recognised that the problem of discrimination against Indians in South Africa was linked to the larger problem of apartheid and the inhuman oppression of the African majority. Prime Minister Nehru said in a speech in the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) on 15 December 1958: The question of the people of Indian descent in South Africa has really merged into bigger questions where not only Indians are affected but the whole African population along with... any other people who happen to go to South Africa and who do not belong to European or American countries. After the Sharpeville massacre, he went further in a statement in the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) on 28 March 1960: The people of Indian descent in South Africa, as we all know, have had to put up with a great deal of discrimination and suffering and we have resented that. But we must remember that the African people have to put up with something infinitely more and that, therefore, our sympathies must go out to them even more than to our kith and kin there. Consequently, on India's initiative, the item on the treatment of Indians in South Africa was dropped from the agenda of the United Nations General Assembly in 1962. With the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963, India welcomed the leadership of African States in pressing for action on South Africa, and actively supported their initiatives. It helped ensure attention to the problem in all specialised agencies of the United Nations and other intergovernmental organisations, as well as international trade union confederations, sports bodies and numerous other non- governmental organisations and conferences. Indian nationals and people of Indian origin played a prominent role in antiapartheid movements and activities around the world. Many-sided action While the major Western Powers stubbornly opposed and vetoed mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa, it was now possible, with the increasing number of newly independent States in the United Nations and other international organisations, to secure large majorities for resolutions recommending measures to exert pressure on the South African regime and to assist the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement. But it was important to ensure that all supporters of liberation fully implement the resolutions and exert their influence to persuade Western and other countries to join in international action. India made an outstanding contribution in this respect.* India was scrupulous in implementing all the resolutions of the United Nations and other bodies against apartheid. Though India had already imposed comprehensive sanctions against South Africa, it looked into possible further action after the United Nations General Assembly resolution of November 6, 1962, calling for specific measures against South Africa, and sent a detailed report to the United Nations. In 1964, when the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid appealed for assistance to the political prisoners and their families in South Africa, India was the first country to make a contribution. In 1967, India provided facilities, as well as financial and other assistance to the ANC, to maintain its Asian Mission in New Delhi." India not only signed and ratified the United Nations International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid but was one of the few countries to enact legislation to implement the Convention. At the request of the liberation movement, India used its influence to counter the manoeuvres of the South African * See Document 13. t See Document 15. regimes to divide the oppressed people of South Africa. In 1981, Prime Minister urged the Indian community in South Africa to boycott elections to the "South African Indian Council", an apartheid body. In 1984, Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao, then Minister of External Affairs, appealed to the Indian community to boycott the elections to the "tricameral Parliament" set up under a new racist constitution, and Mrs. Gandhi issued an appeal, on behalf of the Non- Aligned Movement, to the Coloured and Indian people. These appeals helped ensure effective boycotts. In May 1986, India; alone of all the countries of the world, declared the Parliament members elected under this constitution prohibited immigrants.* India has been strict in implementing the sports and cultural boycott of South Africa. In 1974, for instance, the All India Lawn Tennis Association refused to play South Africa in the Davis Cup tennis finals, thus foregoing the possibility of championship. Action by India was responsible for persuading the British cricket authorities to prohibit test cricketers from playing in South Africa. India provided assistance of various kinds to the South African liberation movement, especially the African National Congress-including financial assistance to the Asian Mission of the ANC in New Delhi, food, medicines and clothing. India made regular contributions to United Nations funds for assistance to South Africans. It also contributed to the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa and the OAU Assistance Fund for the Struggle against Colonialism and Apartheid. In addition, non-governmental organisations in India made public collections for the liberation movement. Special mention must be made of the provision of educational facilities in India. A scholarship program for Africa was initiated by India as early as 1946. When the United Nations and later the Commonwealth began educational and training programmes, India not only made financial contributions but provided places in educational institutions though the available places were inadequate for the needs of Indian nationals. Hundreds of students from South Africa graduated from * See Document 27.

Indian institutions or received in-service training in India. They include many doctors and other professionals, as well as several activists in the struggle for liberation. Action in the Non-Aligned Movement, Commonwealth and other bodies India, as a founding member and twice Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement gave great attention to concerting action in support of the South African liberation movement. Of particular significance was the initiative of Prime Minister in 1986 in proposing the establishment of the AFRICA Fund to assist frontline States and the liberation movements. Under India's Chairmanship, this Fund has been by far the most successful fund of the Movement. The Government of India made an initial contribution of over $ 40 million and substantial amounts were contributed by the public for the liberation movements of South Africa and Namibia.* India also made a significant contribution through the Commonwealth as the largest of its members. Pandit Nehru played a crucial role in obliging South Africa to withdraw from the Commonwealth in 1961, thus beginning the isolation of the apartheid regime from numerous international bodies. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi used her influence to counter moves in the United Kingdom in the 1970s to resume supplies of arms to South Africa. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi secured Commonwealth sanctions against South Africa, despite the opposition of the United Kingdom. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao helped ensure an orderly and coordinated withdrawal of sanctions against South Africa, in consultation with the ANC, so as to facilitate negotiations for a nonracial democratic State. India's initiatives were also important in international sports bodies in which the African countries had little representation or influence. Admiration and affection for Nelson Mandela India's identification with the South African struggle was reflected in the admiration for Nelson Mandela. In recognition of * See Document 33. his contribution and in support for his cause, India gave him the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding for the year 1979.* The citation read in part: In every age and on every continent a few men become symbols of mankind's dreams and of the invincible resolve to hold aloft the torch, whatever the hazards... Nelson Mandela of South Africa is such an embodiment of the heroic spirit... Today he is behind bars but his spirit is free. And he knows that his cause will triumph and the tyranny of apartheid will end soon. In honouring Nelson Mandela with the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding today, the people of India salute a man of indomitable spirit, who holds firmly that all men are equal in the family of man. This first international award encouraged many other countries and institutions to honour Mr. Mandela, as a symbol of the liberation struggle. Many other honours were bestowed by India on Mandela in prison, such as the naming of a street in New Delhi after him. Such honours became an important part of the campaign for the release of Mandela and other political prisoners in South Africa and for the liberation of the country. Indira Gandhi told the African Students Association in New Delhi on 11 January 1982: ... we regard Nelson Mandela as one of the foremost proponents of freedom- freedom of man. We regard him also as a friend of India. We admire him. We have honoured him as one of our own heroes and our thoughts are often with him and his family... The observance of the seventieth birthday of Nelson Mandela in 1988 was more impressive in India than in any other country-except for Britain where the observance was international-with a series of events involving the participation of members of Government and Parliament, musicians, artists, sportsmen, students and others. * See Document 19.

The final phase of the struggle and the transition By 1985, the apartheid regime was in a crisis. It declared a State of Emergency and greatly accelerated repression. On the other hand, the resistance of the people became more widespread and determined than ever before. The movement for sanctions began to make progress in the international community as public opinion even in Western countries was outraged. With the frontline States devastated by South African aggression and the Organisation of African Unity in difficulties, it became necessary for India to assume a more dynamic and leading role. As noted earlier, Rajiv Gandhi, then Prime Minister, pressed for action in the Commonwealth and secured the establishment of the AFRICA Fund of the Non-Aligned Movement. India boycotted the Commonwealth Games in 1986 in protest against continued British collaboration with South Africa.* With Rajiv Gandhi's encouragement, an all- party parliamentary committee for action against apartheid was set up to underline India's solidarity and to promote action by Parliaments in other countries.t A World Youth Conference against Apartheid was organised by the Indian Youth Congress in Delhi. The Conference was followed by a number of actions in support of the South African liberation movement. The unbanning of the liberatory organisations and the release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 were greeted with rejoicing in India. Mr. V.P. Singh, then Prime Minister, sent an envoy to meet Mr. Mandela and convey an invitation to him. Mr. Mandela's visit to India in October 1990 was a memorable event in Indian- South African relations. The guest was treated as a Head of State, and was bestowed the Bharat Ratna, the highest award of the country meant for national heroes. The Government gave him a check for $5 million and offered 20 million rupees in material assistance to ANC. At the conclusion of the visit, Mr. Mandela said that he had received "love, affection and material support", and that he was returning to South Africa "with a feeling that I was at home." * See Document 30. J See Document 31.

The visit provided an opportunity for discussions on means to secure the establishment of a non-racial democratic State in South Africa. India expressed full support to the ANC position that international sanctions against South Africa should be maintained until irreversible steps were taken for the dismantlement of apartheid. While many countries were rushing to establish links with South Africa, though still under minority rule, India stood firm in its commitment and persuaded other countries to harmonise their actions with the views of the liberation movement. Meanwhile, India greatly increased its educational assistance to South Africans nominated by the ANC, including training in administration and management, diplomacy and defence to facilitate a democratic society.* More than Solidarity India has often been commended for its steadfast support to the liberation struggle in South Africa by the liberation movement, as well as by international bodies. Nelson Mandela, in a letter smuggled out of prison in 1980, paid a handsome tribute to India for "the encouragement, the inspiration and the practical assistance" it provided to the South African liberation movement. Successive Chairmen of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid visited India to express appreciation for India's support to the struggle against apartheid and to consult on further international action. The Committee held a special meeting at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on October 3, 1976, to pay tribute to India on the 30th anniversary of India's initiative in bringing South African racism to the attention of the United Nations. In 1978, during the International Anti-Apartheid Year, the United Nations bestowed a posthumous award on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru for his outstanding contribution in solidarity with the struggle in South Africa. But India regarded its support to the South African liberation struggle as no more than a discharge of its duty. Indian leaders from Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal * See Document 41. Nehru stressed that it was a continuation of India's own struggle for freedom. The support was, therefore, extended in the darkest days for the South African people, and despite the pressures from the allies of apartheid, with no thought of recompense except the goodwill and friendship of the South African people. Having gone through a long struggle for liberation from the most powerful imperialist Power, India appreciated the struggle for freedom in South Africa. It showed understanding when the liberation movement felt obliged to abandon its strict adherence to non-violence. It treated the leaders of the liberation movement as honoured guests, and true representatives of the country, rather than petitioners. India's support to South Africa has not been merely an act of solidarity to help the people of South Africa: it was part of an effort to end colonialism and secure a new and just world order. That was why there was no trace of patronising in the relationship between the two countries, but a close identification. If India for historical reasons was able to provide concrete assistance to the South African people in their struggle for freedom, the contribution of South African people to India, though intangible, has been significant. Underlying India's actions was a firm faith that the struggle for freedom would prevail, and a belief that free India and free South Africa would establish mutually beneficial relations. As Mr. V.K. Krishna Menon told the United Nations General Assembly in 1956: My Government and my people are not without hope that that vast population of ten million people, to all of whom that country belongs-it does not belong merely to those whose complexions are of one kind-will one day, however hard the road, however great the obstacles and however severe the prejudices, break the bonds that now bind them and become citizens of a civilised humanity. We hope that we shall be able to establish with them unbreakable bonds of friendship and fraternity.* That faith was vindicated. * See Document 10.

India and the new South Africa India welcomed with exhilaration the historic transformation in South Africa with the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as the President on May 10, 1994. Rashtrapathi Bhavan (presidential palace), Parliament and other buildings in New Delhi were illuminated as is only done for India's national day. Both houses of Parliament adopted a resolution in which they noted that 10 May was a specially auspicious day not only for South Africa and the continent of Africa, but also for the people of India and the whole world. The two countries could now consider resumption of relations interrupted by apartheid, and means to develop fullest cooperation between governments and peoples. India aspired, as its President declared at the banquet in honour of Mr. Mandela on October 15, 1990, to convert the partnership of India and South Africa into "a model of Afro-Asian solidarity and cooperation"*. Following discussions during the year, the basis for cooperation was laid during the visit of President Mandela to India as the honoured guest on Republic Day when three agreements were signed by the two countriest. Of particular significance was the "Treaty on the Principles of Inter-State Relations and Cooperation between the Republic of India and the Republic of South Africa" signed by Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and President Mandela on 25 January 1995. It not only recalls the traditional bonds of friendship and provides for multi- faceted cooperation, but lays down common ideals-peace, democracy and secular governance, fight against racism and religious fundamentalism, and a non-violent world free of nuclear weapons. President Mandela foresaw a unique and special partnership between the two countries. He explained in his Rajiv Gandhi Foundation lecture on 25 January: ... in seeking to strengthen Indo-South African relations, we do so also motivated by the need to forge a partnership whose significance should outstrip the narrow confines of * See Document 40. t See Document 50. our own self-interest. While we should seek to exploit one another's lucrative markets; take maximum advantage of trade and investment opportunities; expand cultural, sporting and tourist relations; cooperate on security matters, including the combating of drug trafficking, we would be less than equal to the tasks at hand if we did not realise the broader canvass with which this has to take place. The 'natural urge of the facts of history and geography' that Nehru spoke of, should broaden itself to include exploring the concept of an Indian Ocean Rim of socioeconomic cooperation and other peaceful endeavours; of a special relationship that should help improve the lot of the developing nations in multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, Commonwealth, and Non- aligned Movement. While addressing the immediate task of assisting in the reconstruction and development of South Africa and developing bilateral cooperation in various fields, the two countries will need to keep in mind the wider goal of service to the sister continents of Asia and Africa, and to the world. Speaking on the occasion of the unveiling of the statue of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in the Indian Parliament on January 26, President Mandela asked: ... it would be proper in this gathering and on this day, to ask ourselves if our shared heritage does not confer upon our two countries a special responsibility, to jointly commit ourselves to contributing to the emergence of a new world order in which democracy, peace and prosperity prevail everywhere. India and South Africa, with their common heritage and ideals, as well as human and material resources, can make a great contribution to the progress of the sister continents of Asia and Africa and to genuine international cooperation.

REACH FOR THE COMPANION AFRICA QUARTERLY VOLUME 35 NUMBER 1 1995 Special Issue India-Nalmbia Five Decades of Solidarity Available from: Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan, Indraprastha Estate, New Delhi- 110002. INDIA Also available in Hardback from: Wiley Eastern Limited 4835/24, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi-i 10002

1. RACIAL DISCRIMINATION ON UNITED NATIONS AGENDA The initiative in requesting United Nations consideration of discrimination against people of Indian origin in South Africa was taken by the British administration in India because of the strong national feeling and outrage at the further racial measures enacted by the Government of the Union of South Africa in 1946. The request was formulated as a complaint against violation by the Union bilateral agreements with India in order to forestall claims by the Union Government that the matter was within its domestic jurisdiction. Before the matter came up for discussion in the General Assembly, the Interim Government led by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had assumed office in India. The leader of the Indian delegation, Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, stressed that the wider problem of racial discrimination and was of concern to all the world's peoples. Indian diplomatic efforts and the discussion in the United Nations internationalized the entire racial problem in South Africa. LETTER DATED 22 JUNE 1946 FROM THE LEADER OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY, ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS, REQUESTING THAT THE QUESTION OF THE TEATMENT OF INDIANS IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA BE INCLUDED IN THE PROVISIONAL AGENDA OF THE SECOND PART OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

22 JUNE 1946 Mr. Trygve Lie, Secretary -General, United Nations, New York, N.Y. Dear Mr. Secretary-General, I am directed by my Government to submit forthwith to you, as Secretary-General of the United Nations Organisation, the request of my Government that the question of the treatment of Indians in the Union of South Africa be included in the provisional agenda for the second part of the first session of the General Assembly, which is to be held on 3 September 1946. A brief resume of the case is given below: 1. Indians in South Africa, mostly residing in Natal province, number about a quarter of million as against two and a quarter million Europeans. They are mostly descendants of labourers who proceeded to South Africa between 1860 and 1911 under the agreement between the Government of India and the then Government of Natal and traders who migrated in wake of indentured labourers prior to 1913. Although one of the conditions of the arrangement was that labourers would be allowed to live as free men, enjoying all rights and privileges of citizenship, Indian settlers in South Africa have progressively suffered discrimination and deprivation of elementary rights ever since 1885. Amongst their disabilities are lack of parliamentary and municipal franchise, restriction of rights of ownership and occupation of property, restriction on trading, employment in public services, and travel, and lack of education facilities. Discrimination against Indians reached its climax in recent enactment of Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, which is designed to segregate Indians into particular areas, for residence and for ownership and occupation of fixed property. 2. Government of India, being a party to arrangements which resulted in Indian emigration to South Africa, has felt continuing responsibility and has from time to time intervened on behalf of Indians with South African Government. The latter has frequently sought the Indian Government's comment and advice on proposals affecting Indians in South Africa. On two occasions, namely in 1926 and 1932, there were formal round-table conferences between the two Governments. In the former year over the question of segregation of Indians, agreement known as Capetown Agreement was concluded between the two Governments and in 1932 joint statement was issued to the effect that Capetown Agreement was to continue and there should be continued co-operation between the two Governments. Principle of segregation was, however, again embodied in Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Bill, but suggestion of Indian Government for another roundtable conference to explore means of amicable settlement of outstand-ing questions was rejected by the South African Government. Passage of this bill into law constitutes unilateral repudiation of the Capetown Agreement and of joint statement of 1932. 3. Reactions to these measures have been so serious in India that the Government of India has had to give notice of termination of trade agreement between the two countries and recall their High Commissioner for consultation. 4. A situation has thus arisen which is likely to impair friendly relations between India and South Africa, and under Article 10 and 14 of the Charter is submitted for consideration of General Assembly. A detailed factual memorandum' dealing with this subject is being sent to you by my Government. I remain, etc. (signed) A. Ramaswami Mudaliar Leader of the Indian Delegation to the General Assembly, and Member, Government of India 1. Not reproduced (UN Document A/68).

2. EMBARGO ON TRADE WITH SOUTH AFRICA In April 1946 India gave the required 3-months notice of termination of the trade agreement with the Union of South Africa, and in July 1946 prohibited all trade relations with that country. At that time the Union of South Africa was one of India's leading trade partners, accounting for 5.5 per cent of India's exports and about 1.5 per cent of imports. The Government of India also recalled its High Commissioner from the Union on 11 June. NOTIFICATION ISSUED IN THE GAZETTE OF INDIA EXTRAORDINARY, 17 JULY 1946 (PART IV-V), SUPPLEMENT 1946, ON TRADE RELATIONS WITH SOUTH AFRICA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE COMMERCE New Delhi, the 17th July, 1946 No. 2-C(6)/46(2).-In exercise of the powers conferred by section 134 of the Sea Customs Act, 1878 (VIII of 1878), the Central Government is pleased(a) to prohibit the bringing by sea or by land into British India of goods from whatever place arriving which have been consigned from, or grown, produced or manufactured in, the Union of South Africa: Provided that the foregoing prohibition shall not apply(i) to goods which are the personal effects of passengers; or

(ii) to goods brought into British India before the 1st August 1946; or (iii) to goods the price of which has been wholly paid on or before the 17th July 1946 and the importation of which has been specially authorised by the Central Government; (b) to prohibit the taking by sea or by land out of British India of goods from whatever place arriving which are destined for any port of place in the Union of South Africa or in respect of which the Chief Customs Officer is satisfied that the goods although destined for a port or place outside the Union of South Africa are intended to be taken to the Union of South Africa. Explanation.-Goods grown or produced in the Union of South Africa which have been subjected to any process in another country and goods manufactured partly in the Union of South Africa and partly in another country shall be deemed to fall within the scope of the prohibition in clause (a) above unless 25 per cent or more of the value of the goods at the time when they left the place from which they were last consigned is attributable to processes undergone since the goods left the Union of South Africa. No. 2-C(6)/46(2)- In exercise of the powers conferred by section 134 of the Sea Customs Act, 1878 (VIII of 1878), the Central Government is pleased(a) to prohibit the transshipment at any port in British India of goods when destined for any port in the Union of South Africa; and (b) to prohibit the transshipment at any port in British India of goods when destined for any port other than a port of the Union of South Africa, save with the permission of the Chief Customs Officer who shall not grant such permission unless he is satisfied that it is not intended that such goods shall be taken to the Union of South Africa. K. K. Chettur, Joint Secretary

3. SEGREGATION IS A DENIAL OF AN ELEMENTARY HUMAN RIGHT The issue (before you) ... is not... an issue between two countries alone but, in the possibilities of extent, a world issue. Segregation, in our view, is a denial of an elementary human right.... It tends to demoralise a human being ..... by civic neglect where, as in South Africa, the inspiration of this disability is racial prejudice and its victim has not the means of redress which the democratic privileges of franchise provides. Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit EXCERPTS FROM THE STATEMENTS OF THE LEADER OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MRS. VIJAYALAKSHMI PANDIT, AT THE JOINT MEETING OF THE FIRST AND SIXTH COMMITTEES ON 21 NOVEMBER 1946 AND 26 NOVEMBER 1946. (i) Statement made on 21 November 1946 Mr. Chairman, The Present complaint arises as a result of an application made by the Government of India in June 1946. This date, Sir, is significant. I should perhaps explain it to the Committee. At that time India did not have a popular National Government and though it is not my purpose here to go into our internal affairs, I mention this to show that there has been no difference of opinion in India on this issue. The application is set out in Doc. A/68 and supplementary documents which have been in the hands of honourable delegate for some time-so there is no need for further detail at this stage. But in order that nonmembers may fully understand the problem I shall mention a few outstanding facts: The issue before the Committee is the treatment of Indians in South Africa and legislation passed discriminating against them. There has been an Indian population in South Africa since 1860 when Indian labourers were sent to what was then the British Colony of Natal, now one of the Provinces of the Union, on conditions which were the subject of agreement between the Government of India and the then Government of Natal viz: His Majesty's Government in London on a system of indenture. These Indians went there without the acceptance by them, or the imposition by the then Government, of any special code or system of law exclusively applicable to Indians as different to European Colonists. The then British Governor of Cape Colony had made the following declaration in the name of the Queen of England: There shall not be, in the eye of the law, any distinction of colour, origin, language or creed, but the protection of the law, in letter and substance, shall be extended impartially to all alike. Some of these labourers and other immigrants, mostly traders, migrated to other territories in South Africa which are now part of the Union such as the Transvaal. Some 20 years later, as a result of European agitation certain discriminatory measures against Asiatics were passed restricting their rights to trade, to own property. Since then the history of Indians in South Africa has been one of progressive increase of disabilities. Mr. Gandhi, then in South Africa, led the resistance against those measures and finally an Agreement known as the SmutsGandhi Agreement was reached by which the immediate grievances of the Indians were redressed and further immigration stopped. It was hoped that the Indian population would, as a result, be accepted as part of the permanent population. This happened in 1913 and by that time the territories of South Africa had ceased to be Colonies and had become incorporated as a self-governing dominion of the British Empire-The Union of

South Africa of which today the d.istinguished Field Marshal is Prime Minister.* Ever since this principle of segregation was first introduced in the Transvaal, the Government of India have consistently opposed it. They have always contended that Indians should be allowed to own and occupy fixed property without segregation, wherever they are lawfully resident in the Union. This is not merely a matter of national pride, important though that is. Segregation, in our view, is a denial of an elementary human right, the right of an individual to own and occupy property according to his inclination and means. It tends to demoralise a human being by an arbitrary restriction of opportunity and by civic neglect where, as in South Africa, the inspiration of this disability is racial prejudice and its victim has not the means of redress which the democratic privilege of franchise provides. The Union Government declined to come to any satisfactory agreement either with its own citizens, the Indian community in South Africa, or with the Indian Government whom the Union had already accepted as a party interested in the dispute. And here, Sir, I would like to say that the victims of South African policy are not an exploiting alien communitybirds of passage and prey-they are mainly people who have been born in the country and reared there and whose contribution to the economic life of the country has been considerable. They are entitled to the protection of the Charter and the high principles contained in the Preamble for the word formulation of which we owe a debt of gratitude to Field Marshal Smuts.* Thus over and above all agreements between the two governments, we feel confident that this Committee will readily appreciate that the case before it is concerned with the violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter. The Committee is perhaps aware of what is happening in South Africa today. A passive resistance movement has now been in progress for nearly six months. Hundreds of our countrymen and women assisted by a number of Europeans who are imbued with a sense of justice are participating for the second time in the history of South Africa in a non* Field Marshal J.C. Smuts, Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, led the South African delegation and argued against inclusion of the item. violent movement which was originally launched by Mr. Gandhi in the hope that by self-suffering the passive resisters might appeal successfully to the conscience of the European Community and to world opinion. The preamble to our Charter "reaffirms faith in fundamental human rights". It expresses our determination "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom". Can it be reasonably argued that racial segregation of this kind is not an infringement of a fundamental human right; or that measures aiming at such segregation constitute promotion of "social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom." Is the enforcement of racial segregation by law consistent with the "Practice of tolerance," or the exhortation in the Charter to the peoples of the United Nations "to live together in peace with one another as good neighbour"? And may I ask, is it not wholly inconsistent with the resolution adopted in the Assembly two days ago with so much enthusiasm? I refer to the resolution moved by Egypt on the abolition of racial and religious persecution. The Government of India submit, in all earnestness, that their dispute with South Africa is properly a matter for discussion and disposal by the Assembly because the legislation to which they object offends against the purpose of the Charter. They submit, with equal emphasis, that the Assembly is concerned with this dispute because the law to which they object is not only 'likely' but has already impaired friendly relations between the Member Nations. The legal argument that the Government of the Union of South Africa is competent to legislate for any class of its nationals without interference does not dispose of the fact that the legislation in question has resulted in the severance of relations between India and South Africa. In as much as the cause of the dispute is racial, the subordination of the just claims of members of one race to the unjust demands of another, its repercussions will extend beyond South Africa and India. The issue, therefore, is a political (not a legal) issue; not even an issue between two countries alone but, in the possibilities of its extent, a world issue. It calls for an effort in statemanship. It will not be solved by unilateral insistence on some narrow concept of domestic jurisdiction. The only method of peaceable solution, open in our opinion, is the exercise, by the United Nations, of their collective wisdom and moral sanction in the cause of justice and fairplay. I do not wish to take up more time of the Committee at this stage, but would like to put before it two important quotations which have as much bearing on the subject we are discussing today as they had in 1924 when they were made. We shall gather on our heads the hatred of the whole of Asia. We shall feel the weight of that hatred in the years to come. The Bill will be taken as an outrage not only by Black Africa but with an innerring of Black hatred, and, beyond that, with a rung of hatred of the whole of Asia; for while only a few Asiatics are directly affected by the Bill, the inclusion of their name will win us the hatred of hundreds of millions of Asiatics from the North of Asia to the South. A year later, A year ago I warned the Union Government that the effects of their policy would not stop in South Africa, but would provoke a world conflict. An extension of the colour-bar at this moment .... would be disastrous .... there is no doubt that, when the Asiatic Bill is passed then the trouble will begin. We know that it is coming. The Asiatic Bill must lead to the gravest troubles of administration. I knew that in 1924. It is inevitable. In these circumstances, the Colour-Bar Bill, gratuitously produced here, is a fire-brand flung into a hay-stack. Mr. Chairman, the author of these two quotations is the distinguished Prime Minister of South Africa-Field Marshal Smuts! (ii) Statement made on 26 November 1946 It is with regret that I am once again taking up the time of this Committee, but after the speech which the honourable representative of South Africa (Mr. Heaton Nicholls) delivered yesterday, I have no alternative but to ask the distinguished Members of the Committee to bear with me. The honourable representative has also stated that what is on trial here today is not South Africa but the entire Western civilization. We are in agreement with him on this point. The issue before this Committee is whether Western civilization is going to be based on the theory of racial supremacy or whether the barriers imposed between man and man on grounds of colour are to be broken down and justice and equality are to be considered the due of all. I do not wish, sir, in this connection, to quote the Charter as I well might, because I feel that even if there were no United Nations Organisation to guide us, there would still remain the need for preserving fundamental decencies and unwritten laws in human, national and international relationships. These decencies do not need any definition and are well enough understood by all those who claim to be civilized. They are part of the well- recognised rule of law between nations. It has recently become the mode to speak in terms of Christian civilization. The representative of South Africa has justified the national policy of South Africa with regard to different races on the ground of the maintenance of Christian civilization. In fact sir, we have had a long sermon on Christianity. I am not aware of any Christian principles which warrant the treatment of one section of the human race by another as its inferior. I wonder, Mr. Chairman, if the paradox of Mr. Heaton Nicholls' speech on this point is realised by the honourable Members of the Committee. He refers to the Christianising mission of the white man, but according to the Immigration Act of 1913, Jesus Christ Himself, if he were in our midst today, would be a prohibited immigrant. My friend has emphasized the barbaric state of the indigenous population of South Africa, to whom, if to any-body at all, the country belongs. If, after so many years of civilizing influence, they still remain barbaric, it merely proves the hollowness of the claims which have been made on behalf of European achievements. Not so very long ago, as measured in terms of human hoistory, the people of the British Isles, Sir, from whom the distinguished representative of South Africa claims descent, were painting their bodies and did not even possess the crude implements which Mr. Nicholls so greatly despises-yet, the descendants of these same people established an empire on which they claimed the sun would never set but which, Sir, fortunately for the world, is now in a process of liquidation.

We are told there is no colour bar in South Africa and that a native can drive a train or become a judge of the Supreme Court. Not a single native, Sir, drives a single train in South Africa. Not only are there no native judges in the court, there are no native magistrates, prosecutors, or even clerks, of the court. There are only a few native interpreters and many native policemen. These are the only jobs open to natives in the Department of Justice. In other government departments, natives are employed only in most menial jobs such as cleaners and messengers. The colour bar operates so strictly in South Africa that natives do not even operate elevators, leave alone drive trains. But Mr. Heaton Nocholls is quite right in saying that the law does not prevent non-Europeans from following skilled occupations. South Africa does not frame its discriminatory legislation in such a way as to state clearly what the disabilities of a non-European are. The power to impose restrictions and discrimination are given in these laws to Ministers of the Crownto civil servants and to heads of departments. They are allowed to use their discretion in these matters. The discretion is always used against the employment of non-Europeans in skilled occupations and any person in authority who would use his discretion otherwise would not be able to retain his position for more than a few days. Mr. Heaton Nicholls as an Ex-Memmber of Parliament, an Ex-Member of the Native Affairs Commission, an Ex-Senator, and the present High Commissioner in London, knows that his contention that there is no legal colour-bar in South Africa is a distortion and evasion of the true position. The colour bar starts in Parliament which is confined to Europeans only and ends in the cemeteries where segregation is practiced just as vigorously in death as it is in life. No secret has been made of the fact that segregation is essential to the maintenance of Western standards of life. When South Africa contends that the presence of Indians in that country constitutes a threat to Western civilization, what is meant of course is that it is a threat to European domination. It is not civilization that is threatened but the doctrine of white supremacy. Safeguarding white supremacy means in effect safeguarding economic domination of a particular race over all others.

Let me give a parallel to illustrate this point. The political control of Britain over India for nearly two centuries has not been based on the conception of race or colour or superiority of Western civilization over Eastern civilization. Political control was merely the means to an end. That end was economic exploitation. Similarly, South Africa uses the pretext of Western civilization to retain economic control over the 8,000,000 nonEuropeans. This is a classic example of the State reflecting the wishes of those who control it. There is no such thing as an impartial State. In South Africa where Europeans control the State by reason of their almost exclusive monopoly of the vote, it is only natural to expect a widening of the gulf between them and the non-Europeans. A slighting reference has been made, Sir, to the movement now going on the South Africa as a protest against the Land Tenure Act. I have already mentioned the nature of this movement in my opening statement. It is a moral revolt of great significance. Mr. Nicholls has been pleased to describe it as child's play. I would not expect him to understand or appreciate the technique of passive resistance which is diametrically opposed to the concept of Western civilization with its unfortunate emphasis on violence. He think he has scored a point in telling the Committee that the dependents of those who are courting imprisonment are being maintained and funds are being raised for this purpose. I would like to inform the Committee that we consider it our moral duty to support the dependents of those who fight for a just cause I would like Mr. Nicholls to know that going to jail is no picnic party. I, myself, spent several terms in prison as a passive resister, and could, if I so desire, give this Committee food for thought on the subject but it is not relevant to the point at issue. I have, a few minutes before this Committee met, received a telegram from South Africa which reads as follows: Indian women of Natal follow with admiration your courageous fight for human rights for all oppressed peoples and send you their heartiest congratulations for the success so far achieved stop two hundred and four women sentenced to date. We are prepared to continue struggling until complete emancipation is achieved. Secretary Women's Action Committee, Natal Indian Congress. I sincerely wish, Sir, that the honourable representative of the Union of South Africa had shown compassion for the sufferings of those who are fighting for a principle and who are his own nationals. His cynical outburst was unworthy of a representative in this great world forum. In concluding, I would like to say with all the earnestness at my command that we have not submitted this matter to the United Nations in a vindictive or light- hearted spirit. We are fully conscious that grave and momentous issues are involved in the question before us and that on its proper solution, the future of a large section of human race depends. Let us not be influenced by passions and prejudices but try with understanding and goodwill to remove a blot which affects us all equally.

4. MAHATMA GANDHI'S MESSAGE TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA, 18 MAY 1947 Political cooperation among all the exploited races in South Africa can only result in mutual goodwill... Field Marshal Smuts is a trustee of Western civilization. I still cling to the hope that he will not sustain it on the suppression of Asiatics and Africans. South Africa should present a blend of the three. To the people of South Africa, to whom I am no stranger, I would say that they should not make the position of their representatives impossible by their unwarranted prejudice against colour. The future is surely not with the so-called white races if they keep themselves in purdah. The attitude of unreason will mean a third war which sane people should avoid. Political cooperation among all the exploited races in South Africa can only result in mutual goodwill, if it is wisely directed and based on truth and non-violence. I have no doubt that those South African Indians who seek to create a division will do harm to themselves and to the great cause of liberty for which the movement of Satyagraha has stood and must stand. To the Satyagrahis I would advise strict adherence to the fundamentals of Satyagraha which literally means force of truth and this is forever invincible. It is a good sign that they have a progressive European group solidly behind them. The Satyagrahis of South Africa should know that they have India at their back in their struggle for preserving the self-respect of the Indians in South Africa.

5. NO VESTED INTERESTS AGAINST ADVANCEMENT OF AFRICAN PEOPLE (We) ... do not wish any vested interests should come in the way of advancement of African people in their own homeland. PRESS NOTE ISSUED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ON 24 JANUARY 1949 IN THE CONTEXT OF THE DURBAN RIOTS. In a recent Press Note' the Government of India expressed their grave concern over the tragic happenings in Durban and its neighbourhood in South Africa. It is clear that without some basic causes such serious rioting could not have started and spread in such a short time. Various allegations have been made as to causes and course of the riots, but as the Union Government is appointing a Commission of Inquiry, the Government of India withhold their opinion at this stage. Government regret, however, the serious deterioration of relations between Indians and Africans in South Africa. Government's policy has been and is to promote good relations between Indians and Africans, not only in South Africa but all over the continent of Africa as they do not wish that any vested interests (of Indians) should come in the way of advancement of African peoples in their own home lands. The immediate tasks is restoration of relations of mutual confidence and friendship between the two communities and organisation of adequate relief to the victims of the riots. Government of India have placed a sum of Rupees Fifty Thousand at the disposal of the Secretary to the High Commissioner for India2 for relief and have instructed him to

37 cooperate with all others who may be engaged in this task. Further sums will be placed at his disposal as they are required. I. Issued on 20 January 1949 (Not reproduced). 2. The officer in charge after recall of the High Commissioner.

6. APARTHEID IS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION I have no doubt that honourable members of this committee are aware of the wider implications of a policy which imposes a permanent stigma of inferiority on almost half the human race. EXCERPTS FROM THE STATEMENT OF THE LEADER OF THE INDIAN DELAGATION, MRS. VIJAYALAKSHMI PANDIT, IN THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY AD HOC COMMITTEE, 14 NOVEMBER 1950. Mr. Chairman and Honourable Members of the Committee: This question of treatment of Indians in South Africa has come up before the United Nations several times and Honourable delegates are familiar with the facts. I would like briefly to refer to the Group Areas Act. This Act is based on the recommendations made by two departmental committees appointed by the South African Government in 1948 to examine amendments considered necessary to the Asiatic Land Tenure Act, 1946. It will be recalled that Act formed the basis of India's original complaint to the United Nations. These committees were not appointed for the purpose of removing or making lighter the restrictions on the Indian community imposed by that Act but for the purpose of adding to them: the Government was of the view that the restrictions and curtailment of basic liberties contained in that Act were not adequate and should be added to.

The joint report of these two departmental committees was partially published by the South African Government after the introduction of the Group Areas Bill, just before it was to be debated in the Union Parliament, but I shall not weary the Committee by quoting from it here. The Group Areas Act (No. 41 of 1950) divides the entire population of the Union of South Africa into racial groups and allots to each race its own 'group area' in which only members of that particular race (whether individuals or formed into companies) can own or occupy land or premises. Outside the group areas, ownership is frozen and transfers of ownership other than between two persons of the same group can take place only if permitted by the Minister of the Interior at his discretion; while occupation is limited to members of the same group as the owner. To begin with there will be three race groups: White, Native and Coloured. Indians fall into the Coloured group at present but are to be constituted shortly into a separate group. When this is done and Indian group areas are notified, their position regarding ownership, occupation and trade will be as follows: In a group area assigned to a non-Indian group, say the White group, Indians cannot in future acquire any property. If an Indian owns property in such an area when it is declard a group area for Whites, he can sell it to a White person or hold it until death when it will have to be sold to a White person, only the net proceeds going to his heirs. If an Indian company holds such property it must sell to a white person within 10 years, failing which it will be compulsorily sold by the Minister. All Indians (individuals or companies) must cease occupation in the area on its conversion into a group for White persons. This is irrespective of whether the property is owned by such Indians or not. This involves the vacation not only of all residential accommodation but also of business premises on which Indians conduct business. At present Indian business is established in commercial sections of the towns where Indians carry on wholesale and retail trade. Owing to various res-trictions which prevent Indians entering almost any skilled occupation or profession the Indian community is dependent for its economic well-being on commerce.

Values of property owned by Indians have fallen steeply on the passing of the Act. Europeans have already begun to make inquiries regarding the sale of existing Indian businesses in the expectation that they will have to be wound up soon. Credit facilities available to Indian businessmen have been contracted; loans for building are no longer given to them by building societies. These are indications of the drastic contraction of Indian business activity which is bound to result from the Group Areas Act. One of the claims made for the Group Areas Act is that "it does not imply any discrimination between the various races in the Union, because restrictions imposed on one group are also applicable to the other groups and all will be treated alike." This cannot be taken seriously by any one conversant with the actual position in South Africa-but this is small consolationn when one remembers that the Act has to be administered by a Government of Europeans-the only group with legislative power. No other group will have the slightest say with regard to the areas where the rest will be allowed to reside or trade. This is the threat facing the Indian and African communities in South Africa today. There is an incorrect belief that what is now happening is only a continuation of difficulties complained of in the past. In actual fact it should be realised that what is now being attempted is the complete degradation of the indigenous and Indian population and the early extinction of the latter. The conduct of the South African Government has shown no evidence of the desire at any time, to attempt a settlement of the problem in conformity with the resolution of the General Assembly. In fact, their whole attitude indicates a surprising indifference to the dignity and prestige of this world organisation. The request on the part of India and Pakistan to stay legislation and to hold the Conference early was made with the sole purpose of securing discussion in a peaceful atmosphere conducive of successful results. If the Conference had been held in the atmosphere created by the Union Government, the result was a foregone conclusion. Under the circumstances, Sir, I submit India was justified in refusing to participate in the Conference. These are the facts. I have no doubt that honourable members of this Committee are aware of the wider implications of a policy which imposes a permanent stigma of inferiority on almost half the human race. Is this the brand of Western civilization which South Africa would present to a world striving to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom? We, the people of Asia, think of Western civilization in terms of those great slogans that were devised to enlarge the area of human freedom-of the motto of the French Revolution which has been an inspiration to millions, of the self- evident truths on which American democracy was founded and those inalienable rights which are propounded in the Declaration of Independence-of the great tradition of British justice, the most recent example of which was the peaceful transfer of power from Britain to India and Pakistan. These are the pictures of Western civilization that attract us. We would do much to strengthen and defend such a civilization. The Government of South Africa tells us that it is none of our business how it treats "Asians". Hitler alone told the world that it was entirely his business whom he chose to persecute within his country. He fought a war in support of his policies and lost. Exhausted and chastened the world has realised that if it is to remain free it cannot permit the existence of slavery within itself. None of us can now live in an ivory tower nursing our own special brand of prejudice while the storm outside gathers in intensity. Issues of the kind involved in this case add to the mounting tension which weighs us down and affects both our thinking and our actions, making it increasingly difficult to solve the main problem-that of peace and security for the world. Mr. Chairman, no one knows better than I that situations as difficult and delicate as the one under discussion cannot be changed by a miracle. There is no magic formula which can give us a solution. Great tolerance combined with endless patience and endurance are required to continue efforts toward the ending of policies which, in my humble opinion, are as detrimental to those who formulate them as to their unhappy victims. This was the faith with which Mahatma Gandhi linked the problem of untouchability in India with our freedom struggle. Continuing discrimination against millions of men and women within the country disqualified a nation for freedom and foreign rule, he told us, and the first priority in his movement was given to the removal of untouchability. From that time we worked ceaselessly to end discrimination in every form and today the Constitution of the Indian Republic makes untouchability an offence punishable by law. Nations as well as individuals are not always judged in terms of accomplishment alone, but in their desire and intention to move forward toward the goal-in the instance before us "recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family". On several occasions in the past, the General Assembly through its resolutions had reminded member-nations that peace can only be safeguarded through the observance of human rights. As recently as November 3, 1950, the Assembly passed a resolution of far-reaching consequences. In this resolution entitled "Uniting for peace", it is once again clearly set forth that peace is dependent on universal respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Since this resolution contains within itself all the arguments of the case it seek to present, I will request you to bear with me while I quote from Part E of the resolution which reads as follows: The General Assembly, in adopting the proposals set forth above, is fully conscious that enduring peace will not be secured solely by collective security arrangements against breaches of international peace and acts of aggression, but that a genuine and lasting peace depends also upon the observance of all the Principles and Purposes established in the Charter of the United Nations, upon the implementation of the resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and other principal organs of the United Nations intended to achieve the maintenance of international peace and security, and especially upon respect for the observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all and on the establishment and maintenance of conditions of economic, social well-being in all countries. The policy and conduct of the Government of the Union of South Africa, I submit, has not only not conformed to the spirit and letter of this resolution but is opposed to the Declaration of Human Rights and is a breach of the solemn undertakings and agreements entered into with the Government of India. Speaking on the resolution quoted above, Mr. John Foster Dulles said:

Too often in the past men have taken the false and superficial view that peace depended merely upon maintaining the status quo. The reality is that repression produces violent explosion unless the efforts at maintaining a peaceful order go hand in hand with efforts which advance the material, intellectual and spiritual welfare of mankind. It is the violent explosion Mr. Dulles refers to, which threatens us in the present situation, unless we can secure the human rights for the people to whom they are denied. I cannot do better, Mr. Chairman, than to end with a quotation from another distinguished American delegate who recently said in a different connection: If we want peace in the world, we must see to it that the people-all the people- have a stake and interest in peace and freedom. Peace is not safe in any land when the ruling classes create conditions that make the people feel that they have nothing to lose but their chains. The resolution I have submitted to the Committee is not presented with a view to embarrass Member States. Its sole purpose is to find the way out of a situation which in its explosive aspects is full of danger, and to help strengthen the forces of democracy by the removal of conditions which are not only a violation of fundamental human rights but a complete nullification of the Principles and Purposes of the United Nations Charter to which we all owe allegiance. My Degation has the honour to submit, Mr. Chairman, the following resolutuion: The General Assembly Recalling its resolution of the 16 May 1949, relating to the treatment of people of Indian origin in the Union of South Africa, Having considered the communication by the Permanent Representative of India to the Secretary-General of the United Nations dated the 10 July 1950, Having in mind its resolution No. 103 (I) of 19 November 1946 against racial persecution and discrimination and its resolution No. 217 (III) dated 10 December 1948 relating to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

1. Is of the opinion that the legislation recently enacted in the Union of South Africa under the title "The Group Areas Act", entails contravention of the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration of Human Rights; 2. Notes with regret that this enactment and the policy of Apartheid or total segregation on which it is based have prejudiced and rendered infructuous the recommendation contained in its resolution of 16 May 1949 to the effect that the Government of India, Pakistan and the Union of South Africa should enter into a discussion at a roundtable conference in the light of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration of Human Rights; and 3. Recommends to the Government of the Union of South Africa to take all steps necessary speedily to bring its treatment of the people of Indian origin in the Union of" South Africa into conformity with the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration of Human Rights, bearing in mind the vital importance of those principles to the securing of international peace as well as the strengthening of democratic forces throughout the world. I reserve my right to deal with such point or points as may arise in the speeches of the delegates of the Union of South Africa or other delegates.

7. RACIAL CONFLICT IN SOUTH AFRICA A THREAT TO PEACE LETTER DATED 12 SEPTEMBER 1952 FROM THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES OF INDIA AND TWELVE OTHER ASIAN AND AFRICAN COUNTRIES, ADDRESSED TO THE UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY-GENERAL REQUESTING INCLUSION OF AN ITEM: The question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Union of South Africa. New York, 12 September 1952 On instructions from our respective Governments, we have the hounour to request that the following item be included in the agenda of the seventh regular session of the United Nations General Assembly: The question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South Africa. An explanatory memorandum in accordance with Rule 20 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly is enclosed. (Signed) Sultan AHMAD, for Permanent Representative of Afghanistan Foud EL-PHARAONY, Acting Permanent Representative of Egypt L. N. PALAR, Permanent Representative of Indonesia A. KHALIDY, Permanent Representative of Iraq

Ahmed S. BOKHARI, Permanent Representative of Pakistan Asad AL-FAQIH, Permanent Representative of Saudi Arabia Farid ZEINEDDINE, Permanent Representative of Syria Ba MAUNG, Liaison Officer of Burma to the United Nations Rajeshwar DAYAL, Permanent Representative of India A. G. ADALAN, Permanent Representative of Iran Karim AZKOUL, Acting Permanent Representative of Lebanon Carlos P. ROMULO, Permanent Representative of the Philippines A. ABOUTALEB, Permanent Representative of Yemen. EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM The race conflict in the Union of South Africa resulting from the policies of Apartheid of the South African Government is creating a dangerous and explosive situation, which constitutes both a threat to international peace and a flagrant violation of the basic principles of human rights and fundamental freedoms which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Although Africa's importance in world affairs is increasing rapidly, many parts of that continent still remain subject to racial discrimination and exploitation. The founding of the United Nations and the acceptance by the Member States of the obligations embodied in the Charter have given to the peoples of these areas new hope and encouragement in their efforts to acquire basic human rights. But, in direct opposition to the trend of world opinion, the policy of the Government of the Union of South Africa is designed to establish and to perpetuate every form of racial discrimination which must inevitably result in intense and bitter racial conflict. Apartheid, which is the declared objective of the Government of the Union of South

Africa, implies a permanent white superiority over the NonWhites, who constitute the great majority of the Union's population. To achieve Apartheid, the following measures are being taken: (a) Under the notorious Group Areas Act, Non-Whites are compelled to abandon their present lands and premises and to move to new and usually inferior reserved areas without compensation or provisional alternative accommodation; (b) Complete segregation is enforced in public services, such as railways, buses and post offices; (c) The suppression of Communism Act is being used to suppress democratic movements, especially of the NonWhites, for example, those which advocate racial equality or urge opposition to Apartheid; (d) Non-Whites are debarred from combat service in the armed forces; (e) No voting or other political rights whatsoever are enjoyed by Non-Whites, except in Cape Province, where Africans and the "Coloured" inhabitants have a limited franchise; (f) Africans are confined to reserves, and their movements are restricted to certain places after specified hours under certain restrictive laws. The inter-provincial movements of Non-Whites are also restricted; (g) Non-Whites are excluded under the Mines and Works Amendment Act of 1926 from certain classes of skilled work and a systematic drive is in progress to replace them, even in the lower grades of the public services, by Whites; (h) The education of Non-Whites and their housing and living conditions are deplorable. Such facilities of this type as are available to Non- Whites are vastly inferior to those offered to the White population. As a result of these measures, a social system is being evolved under which the Non-Whites, who constitute 80 per cent of the population of the Union of South Africa, will be kept in a permanently inferior state to the White minority. Such a policy challenges all that the United Nations stands for and clearly violates the basic and fundamental objective of the Charter of the United Nations. The Preamble and Article 1, paragraph 3, and Article 55 C of the Charter proclaim universal respect for, and the due observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. Under Article 56, all Members have pledged themselves to take joint and separate action in co-operation with the United Nations for the achievement of these purposes. Under resolution 103 (I), adopted unanimously by the General Assembly in 1946, the United Nations called on governments to put an end to racial persecution and discrimination. Resolution 217 (III) proclaimed the Universal Declaration on Human Rughts, and article 2 of the Declaration affirms the equal application of these rights without distinction as to colour, race or religion. Under resolution 395 (V) the United Nations held that the policy of Apartheid was necessarily based on doctrines of racial discrimination and therefore called upon the South African Government not to implement or enforce the provisions of the Group Areas Act. These findings and this recommendation were repeated in resolution 511 (VI) adopted at the sixth session of the General Assembly. It is recognised in all countries, as well as among liberal South African Europeans, that the solution of South Africa's racial problem lies not in any domination of one race by another, but in a partnership of races on a basis of equality and freedom. Thus the Apartheid policy of the Government of the Union of South Africa is contrary not only to the basic premises of the United Nations and to its specific and repeated recommendations, but also to the trend of opinion all over the world. Because they have been unable to secure redress by constitutional methods and because the South Arican Governmert has turned a deaf ear to the repeated appeals of the United Nations not to embark on a policy of racial discrimination, the Non-Whites of the Union have been compelled to launch a completely non- violent resistance movement against the Government's unjust and inhuman racial policies. In their efforts to destroy this movement, the Government has so far arrested over 4,000 persons. Despite the non-violent character of the campaign, physical violence such as flogging is being used to suppress it. The South African Government's reaction to a movement of peaceful resistance against legislation which world opinion and the United Nations have repeatedly and

49 emphatically condemned, is having wide repercussions. We are convinced that the continuance of such repression will only aggravate race conflict throughout Africa and arouse indignation elsewhere. A new tension is thus being created which is no less serious than others affecting world peace. It is, therefore, imperative that the General Assembly give this question its urgent consideration in order to prevent an already dangerous situation from deteriorating further and to bring about a settlement in accordance with the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations Charter.

8. NO SOLUTION THROUGH CONTINUED DOMINATION BY ONE RACE Unless this Organisation acts, and acts speedily, to stir the conscience of men of goodwill everywhere in regard to the situation in South Africa, a new and threatening tide of conflict will engulf the world. EXCERPTS FROM STATEMENTS BY MR. G. S. PATHAK AT THE 79TH MEETING OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY ON 15 OCTOBER 1952, AND BY MRS. VIJAYALAKSHMI PANDIT AT THE 13TH MEETING OF THE AD HOC POLITICAL COMMITTEE OF THE ASSEMBLY ON 12 NOVEMBER 1952. (i) Statement of Mr. G. S. Pathak on 15 October 1952 Mr. President, The subject of this item relates to the question of the violation of the principles and purposes of the Charter and is, therefore, a subject which it is the duty and the responsibility of the United Nations to consider. In the past, the United Nations has not been oblivious of this duty and responsibility. This Committee will recall that in relation to the question of treatment of people of Indian origin in South Africa attempts were made on behalf of the Union of South Africa to get the item dealing with that subject deleted before the General Committee but always without success, that that item was discussed and considered by the General Assembly and resolutions were passed in respect thereof, and that the General Assembly affirmed that the policy of apartheid was necessarily based on the doctrine of racial discrimination. The present item also involves the question of the violation of the

Charter. The infringement of the Charter, however, is on a much larger scale and affects a much larger section of the people. All the reasons which justified the inclusion of the item on the treatment of people of Indian origin in South Africa apply a fortiori to the present item. Indeed the situation is so serious that if not taken notice of and not checked by the General Assembly it threatens to affect the peace of the world. It cannot be overlooked that the peoples affected by the pursuit of the policy of apartheid on the part of the Union of South Africa have no constitutional remedy and their only remedy, their only hope, is an appeal to the United Nations. A new tension is in existence. The happenings in South Africa have agitated the minds of people in many countries which are looking to the United Nations for the solution of the problem and for the preservation of the principles and purposes of the Charter. The matter is urgent and calls for immediate attention and the interest of world peace demands that its consideration should not be postponed. Shall the General Assembly refuse to consider this question because the Union of South Africa has made no response to the resolutions of the General Assembly and has disregarded them? We cannot evade our moral responsibilities and shelve the question. Refusal to discuss this question created by a flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter and the Declaration of Human Rights will shake the very foundations of the Organisation and will undermine its prestige and authority. The question of jurisdiction is so inextricably mixed up with the facts and events that have led up to the present situation that they cannot be separated therefrom. Indeed, experience has shown when facts have been placed before the General Assembly, the question of jurisdiction has answered itself. The question whether a matter is essentially within the jurisdiction of the General Assembly depends on a consideration of the very substance of the item. The consideration of the question of competence can only follow the adoption of the agenda and not precede it. On previous occasions, whenever the question of jurisdictioin was raised in regard to any matter before the General Assembly, it was discussed only after the item in question had been put on the agenda. In the name of the peoples who are suffering imprisonment and other punish- ment in defence of those elementary rights which have been, guaranteed by the Charter, and in the interest of world peace, I appeal to this Committee for the inclusion of the item on the agenda. (ii) Statement of Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit on 12 November 1952 I am intervening at this stage to introduce the subject matter of the item and to place before the Committee an outline of its main features. My delegation feels that the question of competence which has been raised at this early stage by the representative of South Africa cannot be appreciated except in the background of the subject matter itself. Indeed, according to the correct procedure observed by the Ad Hoc Political Committee and the General Assembly on several occasions, the subject must be introduced first and it is only after the Committee or the General Assembly is in full possession of the facts relating to the subject that any question arising therefrom can be properly raised. Out of deference to the representative of South Africa we have, however, not taken our stand upon the strict observance of the procedure but my delegation considers that it would be logical to place the main features of the subject first and we shall intervene on the question of competence later in the debate. The question of race conflict in the Union of South Africa resulting from the policies of the Union Government has been brought before the United Nations by thirteen countries, representing a population of over 600 millions. We have done so because, in our view, the situation in South Africa today has created a new and dangerous tension which is fraught with serious consequences for harmony among nations and peace in the world, a situation which constitutes a flagrant violation of the basic principles of human rights and fundamental freedoms which are enshrined in the Charter. The founding of the United Nations and the acceptance by all Member States, not excluding South Africa, of the duties and obligations embodied in the Charter had given new hope to the peoples of the world that a new era would be ushered in, one in which respect for fundamental human rights, for the dignity and worth of the human person and the equal rights of men and women without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion would be assured. But in one significant area of the world, that is, in the Union of South Africa, the dictates of the collective conscience of mankind, as embodied in our Charter, have not only failed to receive acceptance but have actually been repudiated in direct opposition to the trend of world opinion and to the principles to which we, the Member Nations, have subscribed. The deliberate policy of the Government of the Union of South Africa is designed to establish and to perpetuate every form of racial discrimination and exclusiveness. Apartheid, which is the declared objective of the Government of Union of South Africa, implies permanent white superiority over the non-whites who constitute 80 per cent, of the Union's population. The Ad Hoc Political Committee will want to know something about these racial policies which are responsible for creating the present situation of acute tension and upheaval in South Africa. I shall attempt to describe the legislative measures by which this policy of racial superiority, whose aim is the domination and exploitation of the non-European population, is seeking to force it to a position of economic and social inferiority and to subject it to perpetual servitude and the denial of the most elementary political, social and economic rights. The more important of these enactments are the Group Areas Act, the Population Registration Act, the Mixed Marriages Act, the Separate Representation of Voters Act and the Bantu Authorities Act. The notorious Group Areas Act which has been discussed in two previous sessions of this Committee introduces the principle of complete segregation of the different races and involves the uprooting of tens of thousands of nonwhites from their settled localities. When fully implemented, this legislation will result in the deprivation of non-whites of their homes, their properties and business premises built with hard years of toil, sacrifice and suffering without compensation or provisional alternative accommodation....

The Separate Representation of Voters Act removes socalled Coloured voters residing in Cape Province from a common roll to a separate roll. They will be represented in Parliament by four Europeans. This law was enacted by a narrow majority consisting largely of the Nationalist Party, in the teeth of strong opposition both by Europeans and nonEuropeans. It was strongly opposed as constituting a clear violation of the provisions of the Constitution of the Union in what are known as the "entrenched clause", which require that any interference with the franchise rights of the Coloured population shall be made with not less than a two-thirds majority of both Houses of Parliament voting together. On a reference being made to it, the Supreme Court of South Africa declared the Act to be ultra vires of Parliament. Undeterred by the decision of the supreme judicial body of the land, the Union Government, in utter disregard of the rule of law, has enacted by a bare majority, another Act entitled "The High Court of Parliament Act", with the express purpose of overriding the decision of the Supreme Court. I need not describe in detail the actions of the Union Government in violation of its own Constitution. I merely mention these to indicate that in the pursuit of its reckless racial policies, the Union Government has not hesitated to violate its own Constitution. In all countries the Constitution is generally regarded as something sacred and inviolable; but not so, apparently, in South Africa. The Suppression of Communism Act contains-if I may say so-a somewhat novel definition of Communism, which is described inter alia as "any doctrine or scheme which aims at the encouragement of feelings of hostility between the Europeans and non-European races." The Bantus Authorities Act relegates the African race to the ancient system of rule by tribal chiefs, inspired, no doubt, with the principal objective of preventing their fusion into a nation and their development along normal lines in keeping with modem tendencies. I need not go further into details about the various types of legislation which have a racial bias and whose number is legion. It is enough to say that the doctrine of apartheid as practised in South Africa has resulted in the complete segregation of races, even in the matter of the use of common public utilities such as the railways, post offices, educational institution, local transportation and even courts of law. Non- whites cannot serve as combatants in the armed forces of the Union; that is to say, non-whites are prevented from fighting in defence of their own country. Even in the trade unions there is apartheid; and opportunities for skilled work are denied to the non-whites. In Government services a systematic drive has been launched to replace non-whites. The result of all these policies is that nonwhites can find employment only in the most menial occupations and in conditions that offer no scope whatsoever for their social or economic betterment. The approach which has inspired these racial policies can best be understood in the words of the distinguished author himself. Dr. Malan said only last January: It should be understood clearly that the Government will under no circumstances entertain the idea of giving administrative or executive or legislative powers over Europeans, or within a European community, to Bantu men and women or to other small non-European groups. The Government therefore has no intention of repealing the long-existing laws differentiating between European and Bantu. There is a limit to human endurance, and that limit has been reached in South Africa, where the non-white population is seeking redress of its disabilities through Satyagraha, or passive resistance. May I say a word here in explanation of Satyagraha? It was as far back as 1913 that a new technique for defying unjust laws was evolved in South Africa by a young lawyer, then unknown, who was later to become the leader of the Indian freedom movement and the father of our country. This technique, which he called Satyagraha, or "adherence to truth", was based on the theory-and I quote his words-that "as the spirit lies dormant in the brute who knows no law but that of physical might, the dignity of man requires obedience to a higher law, the law of the spirit". Satyagraha, or passive resistance, was not a meek submission to a tyrant's will, it was not a coward's refuge from action; but the brave man's defiance of evil and subjection. "I believe" says Gandhi "that non-violence is infinitely superior to violence: forgiveness is more manly than punishment; strength does not come from physical capacity: it comes from the indomitable will." The memories and teachings of this man have today inspired the non-white population of South Africa, which is deprived of constitutional and legal means for seeking redress of its disabilities, to join together in a co-ordinated plan of non-submission to degrading laws. It might interest the Committee if I read from a letter published in the press by a European professor in a South African University. He voices the views of an ever- increasing number of Europeans. Mr. Julius Lewin says: The non-European campaign to defy unjust laws has raised a moral question. No one who knows even a little of what Africans and Indians have endured in recent years can be surprised that this campaign was undertaken or that it has received such a significant response. The thought of so many people going joyfully to jail cannot fail to stir even men and women hitherto indifferent to the sufferings of non-Europeans. It is quite clear that the campaign is not intended to injure white people as such or their interests. It is obviously designed as a moral protest against continuing injustice, and those taking part in it have behaved with notable discretion and dignity. In these circumstances we must surely demand of the Government that it at least refrain from further repression. Those who are going to prison in their hundreds are not common criminals. I appeal now for some sign of sympathy and understanding on the part of Europeans. Will a moral protest by non-Europeans not invoke from some Europeans a moral gesture of equal significance? In a statement made jointly by the Bishop of Johannesburg, Rabbi Rabinowitz and others on 29 September, there is a very significant passage which reads as follows: The movement (referring to the passive resistance movement) has met with a very remarkable response both from the mass of the people and from those to whom it appeals for voluntary personal support and for substantial courage and sacrifice. In these circumstances it is clear that we South Africans face a double challenge: it is a challenge to those who hold the reins of Government and it is not less challenge to all who participate in the exercise of political power-that is, the whole white community. The challenge comes primarily from those who are excluded, by reason of their race or colour, from any real form of citizenship. The decision to embark upon a movement of passive resistance was taken in sheer hopelessness and desperation. But it was not arrived at without due warning to the Nationalist Government of South Africa in case they were prepared to heed, even at this eleventh hour, the voice of reason and justice. An announcement was made of the decision to embark on mass action on a national scale. This warning and the subsequent appeal made to Prime Minister Malan went unheeded. It merely evoked a scornful reply in which threats were uttered that full use would be made of governmental machinery, that is, of the full panoply of power, to deal with those responsible for inciting subversive activities of any rfature whatsoever. After holding mass meeting and demonstrations throughout the country, picked volunteers, after giving advance notice to the police authorities, defied pass laws, curfew regulations and other apartheid laws. Hundreds and thousands of ordinary people, workers, traders, teachers, both men and women, cheerfully enlisted as volunteers. Up to date, over seven thousand persons, both men and women-and sometimes even children-have sought arrest and have been sentenced to varying terms of imprisonment. And here I cannot fail to pay tribute to the disciplined behaviour of the passive resistors, who, in spite of severe provocation on the part of the police and the more fanatical elements among the whites, have carried on their movement in the spirit in which it was launched. May I say that the spirit and character of the passive resistance movement in South Africa today conforms fully with the moral and spiritual qualities enjoined on those practising this form of peaceful protest by Mahatma Gandhi. Not content with the arrest, fining and imprisonment of passive resistors, brutal methods, such as flogging have been used in an attempt to destroy the morale and break their spirit.

Conditions in the prisons and the treatment of the resistors by the police in gaol and by the gaol wardens are, from all accounts, appalling. But the spirit of the movement, which has right and justice on its side, has not been broken but these measures. The movement of resistance goes on. It has met with widespread support from all sections of the non-white community in South Africa and has evoked the sympathy of liberal elements everywhere. Last month, for example, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of South Africa adopted a report to the effect that the results of the policies of the South African Government have proved that these policies are mistaken and that a vast reservoir of bitterness and mistrust has been created. The report adds: The situation demands that the fight against repressive measures should be courageously pursued and that individual Christians should exercise kindliness, tolerance and charity towards members of other racial groups. Similarly, the Chancellor of St. Paul's Cathedral, London*, called upon all Christians to come out boldly in support of liberal forces which have taken a stand against the policy of racial discrimination in South Africa. The Archbishop of York said recently at a special service at the annual conference of the Labour Party: The purpose of a democratic State which accepts the ideals of Christianity should be to promote the highest possible development of the largest possible number of its citizens. The Christian doctrine of man is opposed to the claim that there are master races which have the inherent right to rule races which are backward. The British Trade Union Congress, on 3rd September, 1952 unanimously adopted a resolution, by a vote of 900 delegates representing eight million workers, in which, after expressing alarm at the arrest of the prominent leaders of the trade union and labour movements and also at the continuance of the policy of apartheid, placed on record its admiration of all those individuals and organisations which were standing firm in oppo* Canon L. J. Collins. sition to the Malan Government's racial policies and assured them of its full support in their struggle to obtain freedom and justice. I have tried to describe as briefly and objectively as possible the racial policies of the South African Government and the internal resistance which they have occasioned within the Union itself. I should now like to turn to their international implications. In subscribing to the Charter of the United Nations, all of us Member States have pledged ourselves to the support of certain principles. In Article I of the Charter, in Article 13 and again in Article 55, the determination of the Members "to achieve international co-operation in solving ...... problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion" has been repeatedly reaffirmed. Under Article 56 all Members have pledged themselves to take joint and separate action for the achievement of these noble purposes. Resolution 103(1), adopted unanimously, also makes the following declaration: ..... it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an end to religious and so-called racial persecution and discrimination, and calls on the Governments and responsible authorities to conform both to the letter and to the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and to take the most prompt and energetic steps to that end. In its -Uniting for Peace" resolution, the General Assembly gave expression to the view that enduring peace will not be secured solely by collective security arrangements against breaches of international peace and Acts of aggression, but that a genuine and lasting peace especially rests on respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, and on the establishment and maintenance of conditions of economic and social well-being. In the same resolution Member States were urged to respectfully and to intensify joint action in co-operation with the United Nations to develop and stimulate universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

We are all familiar with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the General Assembly adopted in December, 1948, but with the Chairman's permission I should like to quote some parts of the preamble because I think it is well that we remind ourselves again of the relevant things to which we are pledged. The preamble reads : Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world ...... Whereas it is essential, if a man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression (I repeat) as a last resort, to rebellion against oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law. Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations ...... The General Assembly proclaims the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of the society keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures (I repeat and by progressive measures), national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction. The situation in South Africa is already imperilling that vast continent of Africa. In many Member States there has been a spontaneous movement for the expression of sympathy with the passive resistance in South Africa. Unless this Organisation acts, and acts speedily, to stir the conscience of men of goodwill everywhere in regard to the situation in South Africa, a new and threatening tide of conflict will engulf the world. An appeal for this purpose has already been made by the Bishop of Johannesburg in the statement referred to previously. I should like to quote a further paragraph from that statement. He says: We believe that it is imperative that South Africa should now adopt a policy that will attract the support of educated, politically conscious non-Europeans by offering them a reasonable status in our common society. This can be done by a revival of the liberal tradition which prevailed for so many years and with such successful results in the Cape Colony. That tradition, an integral part of South African history, was based on a firm principle, namely equal rights for all civilized people and equal opportunities for all men and women to become civilized. In our opinion only acceptance of that fundamental principle can provide the South African Government with a normal basis it now lacks. We believe that the wise and steady application of this principle will gradually remedy the worst grievances and disabilities which non-Europeans now suffer since their deepest feelings are stirred by the fact that our laws are not based, as they should be, on tests of civilization and education, but on race and colour. The purpose of the countries which have brought this matter before the bar of world opinion is not to arraign or condemn the Union Government. Recently the New York Times, in an editorial said: A solution that is based on pure racialism, on the theory of perennial and innate superiority of one race over another, is false, immoral and repugnant. The attempt is bound to fail. South Africa is on the stormy course and all that one can see ahead is shipwreck. It is in order to prevent that shipwreck which we also see ahead that we have been obliged to bring this matter up before the United Nations. We have no desire, as I said before, to condemn or to hold up to scorn a Member Nation. But I should like this Committee to think of the words I have quoted, the words of the Bishop of Johannesburg, and see whether what he said is now being carried out. That it is possible to carry it out we have no doubt. In other words, what he says is that a genuine attempt should be made to construct a new pattern. Civilization implies some form of equality. Where there is separation on grounds of race, where there is anger and hate, where can there be opportunities to become civilized? In a multi-racial society the pattern of civilization must inevitably be one that creates a synthesis of all existing cultures, something neither black nor brown nor white, but African; something in which all can take pride and where each can live with the other and not at the other's expense. We declare that note be taken of the situation in South Africa and a study be made with a view, if possible, to assisting and helping the South African Government to resolve it on a rational and humanitarian basis, in conformity with the principles of the Charter. There can be no solution through continued domination of one race over others, but only through a basis of mutual toleration and understanding. There is no rancour in our hearts-in the heart of India or in the hearts of the co- sponsors of this item. We are motivated by only one desire; the desire to end a situation which is as degrading to those who enforce the unjust laws as to those who suffer from them. My delegation proposes, on a later occasion, along with the countries which have co-sponsored this item, and other countries, to place a resolution on this subject for the consideration of the Committee.

9. SLENDER LINK WITH PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA CUT Since India's Independence, the Office of the High Commissioner for India in South Africa had become the main channel for communication between the people of South Africa and the people and Government of India. This became more pronounced during the Defiance of Unjust Laws campaign in 1952-53. The Union Government demanded closure of the Office. The lone Indian diplomat left South Africa on 2 August 1954. PRESS NOTE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA DATED 26 JUNE 1954, ANNOUNCING THE CLOSING OF THE OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR INDIA IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA. The Government of the Union of South Africa having expressed the desire that the Indian representation in the Union should be withdrawn, the Government of India have decided to close the office of the Indian High Commission in the Union with effect from July 1, 1954. The Office of the Indian representative in the Union then designated as Agent was first opened in 1927. In 1941 the representative was designated as High Commissioner. The last High Commissioner was recalled home for consultation in May 1946 after the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Bill which prohibited the occupation and acquisition of property by Indians in Natal except in certain exempted areas had been approved by the Unioin Parliament. This legislation was pushed through in spite of the Government of India's request for postponement. The Union Government ignored the Government of India's suggestion than an alternative solution be explored with a view to adjusting the differences of view between the two

Governments without infringing the Union's sovereignty. The new law marked the culmination of a discriminatory policy against the South African citizens of Indian origin which the Union Government had been pursuing for over half a century and was entirely inconsistent with the assurances given in 1926 when the Cape Town Agreement was reached between the two Governments. When the Bill was first introduced in Parliament, the Government of India gave notice of termination of their Trade Agreement with the Union in order to be free to take such counter-measure as they might consider necessary. When the Bill was passed into law, the Government of India felt that no useful purpose would be served by the continued residence of their High Commissioner in the Union. They hoped, however, that at some future date conditions might improve and in that hope continued to maintain the office of the High Commission in charge of a junior officer. Since the Union Government now want the Government of India to break even the slender link which has existed between the two countries during the last few years, the Government of India have no choice but to agree. With regret therefore they have decided to close their Mission in the Union with effect from July 1. Future contact between the two Governments will be maintained either direct at governmental level or through their respective High Commissioners in London.

10. DISMANTLE APARTHEID BY DOMESTIC LEGISLATION We are not without hope that... one day there will arise in that new and virgin land [of South Africa] an administration that will be able to look beyond its borders, that will realise both geography and humanity, that will pay greater attention to the fundamental principles of the Charter. We hope that one day its vast population of African origin, and its populations of Asian and European origin, remembering in a constructive way their diversities, will reconcile those diversities and unite in the service of mankind... EXCERPTS FROM THE STATEMENT OF THE LEADER OF THE INDIAN DELEGATION TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MR. V.K. KRISHNA MENON, ON THE INCLUSION OF THE TWO ITEMS: Treatment of People of Indian Origin in the Union of South Africa; and, the Question of race Conflict resulting from the policies of Apartheid, 15 November 1956. First of all, I want to express my Delegations's happiness, which I am sure -is shared by the rest of the Assembly, at seeing the representative of South Africa back in the United Nations... We have heard the discourse of the Foreign Minister of the Union of South Africa with interest; and I have followed it closely, both his prepared text and his words. I think the burden of the argument is: first, that the inclusion of the items is contrary to Article 2, paragraph 7; secondly, that if we include them in the agenda, the United Nations will come to an end; thirdly, that South Africa will no longer speak from this rostrum; and fourthly, there are some obligations owing to South Africa from the United Nations, the effect of which is to preclude the inclusion of this item.

I would like briefly to go into the history of this question, but only as far back as twelve months ago because it is much the same. This item on the question of the people of Indian origin, as it was then, was introduced for the first time ten years ago. For ten successive years, the Assembly, after consideration, in the face of the arguments against it by the representative of South Africa, has voted for the inclusion of the item. I will not tax the patience of the Assembly by reading out the figures for each year. The figures for last year, which is typical of any year, are sufficient. Only South Africa voted against the inclusion of the first item. I am sure we all would think that it was a very natural response. Forty-seven nations voted for inclusion and ten abstained. I am sorry to say that among those who abstained was the representative of the United Kingdom, whose Government is responsible for the situation that has been created, having taken Indians there in the second half of the last century, and then having given a solemn pledge, by the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, that the Indians would be treated as equals with all others of Her Majesty's subjects. As for item 61, the Assembly last year voted for its inclusion, again by 45 votes to 5. It has now been brought up for the fourth time. The problem we are dealing with is not one of the Indians bearing a grudge against South Africa. I want to express here the innermost feelings of my Government-that we are two countries which are in the lap of the Indian Ocean. We desire to live in peace and friendship with South Africa. We have no desire to intrude into its internal affairs, and neither the item before you nor any argument we have ever used is a case for intervention. My Delegation has always argued-and the Foreign Minister has given us the credit for consistency and logical approach-that debate in terms of the Charter is not intervention. We are not interventionists, if you want interventionists, look beyond us. We do not ask for intervention. What has the Assembly done in these various cases? It merely asked, requested in many cases and called upon South Africa in other cases to observe the provisions of the Charter. One of the obligations that rest upon member nations here is to draw attention to infringements of the Charter when they are such grave infringements as to violate human freedom in the way it has been violated. As for item 61 which is now coming before us for the fourth time, that also the Assembly is obligated to consider, but not quite in the same terms and to the same extent as the previous one. General Assembly Resolution 917 (X) on Apartheid called upon the Government of the Union of South Africa to do certain things. Not only have these things not been done but in the last twelve months there has been a spate of racial legislation in South Africa, that is to say there has been a consistent challenge to the requests, advice and views of the majority of nations. We are told that all this is domestic legislation. I could not agree more. Under the Charter of the United Nations, and in view of the composition of the Organisation-we are a concert of sovereign Governments-there is no way of implementing any international decision except by domestic legislation. If it were true that Article 2, paragraph 7, went so far as to say that nothing concerning domestic legislation could be discussed or argued here, it would mean that we could not debate any subject, because all the peoples of the world today are under one sovereign State or another. They are all bound by the laws of sovereign States. Therefore, we would not be able to discuss anything. How could we for example, discuss disarmament, a question concerning which we are asking other States to cut down their arms? We are criticising their policies on this question. Such an interpretation would make a mockery of Aricle 56. That Article would have no meaning if it meant that, as a result of violations of paragraph a, b and c of Article 55, no action could be taken under Article 56. Finally, I should like to make two further observations. The Government of India has no desire, in this question or in any other question, to adopt the attitude of placing one country in the dock and making charges and attempting to establish a case. I have stated that our appeals have always been for cooperation. I have stated from this rostrum last year and two years ago that we pile up votes one after the other, but there is one vote that we want, and that is the vote of the Union of South Africa. That is what we are striving for. My Government and my people are not without hope that that vast population of 10 million people, to all of whom that country belongs-it does not belong merely to those whose complexions are of one kindwill one day, however hard the road, however great the obstacles and however severe the prejudices, break the bonds that now bind them and become citizens of a civilised humanity. We hope that we shall be able to establish with them unbreakable bonds of friendship and fraternity. We shall pursue this path in spite of failure time after time, not failure in this Assembly but failure in obtaining implementation. The Foreign Minister of the Union of South Africa referred to India and its friends. We are happy to see that in this matter the circle of our friends extends to practically the whole Assembly. It would therefore be far better to speak of the Assembly rather than of India and its friends. It is not India and its friends-it is the great circle of nations that are devoted, in spite of all our failings, to the implementation of the principles of the Charter. It is contrary to the facts to call those nations partisans of India. I ask for the inclusion of this item, but not before I observe-without regret or happiness-the statement of the representative of the Union of South Africa that this was the last time that he would object to this item from the rostrum. If by that he means that this time and from now on his Government will enter into negotiations and settle this matter, or, on the other hand, if he means that he will be able to persuade his colleagues that it is very wrong to plead domestic jurisdiction to bar consideration, I am happy. But if this statement means a kind of threat to the Assembly, the Assembly must make its own decisions. Those who withdraw because they do not want to conform to the Charter write their own indictment. India, as a humble nation, would like to see South Africa always here; we would like to co-operate with the Union. We are related, with all our reservations, by other forms of fraternity. We are not without hope, considering the transient nature of Governments, that one day there will arise in that new and virgin land an administration that will be able to look beyond its borders, that will realise both geography and humanity, that will pay greater attention to the fundamental principles of the Charter. We hope that one day its vast populations of African origin, and its populations of Asian and European origin, remembering in a constructive way their diversities, will reconcile those diversities and unite in the service of mankind and that a new Govenment will come to a decision which will make further consideration of this matter unnecessary. We have not asked for anybody's forgiveness for interesting ourselves in this proposition. The Foreign Minister of the Union of South Africa said a while ago that those Indians who are in South Africa-"Indians" meaning people of Indian origin, usually second, third and fourth generations-do not desire to go back to their own country to live. I could not put it any better. Would you not expect a decent human being, in spite of all the privations imposed upon him, to be loyal and patriotic to the country to which he belongs? South Africa does not belong to its governing class; South Africa belongs to every person who is a national of that country, who has contributed to its building, and to all who-I cannot call them "citizens" because they have no civil rights-belong to the territorial group which is called the Union. Therefore, I invite the Assembly to agree, without much further discussion, to the inclusion of these items, and I hope that when the items go to the Committee and we argue their merits, we will be able-when I say "we" I include the Union of South Africa-to make a contribution towards the settlement of these problems. My Government will leave no stone unturned to assist in this process. Ours is the role of conciliation and cooperation. But we cannot at any time forgo the fundamental requirements of human dignity and self-respect.

11. PARLIAMENT OF INDIA CONDEMNS SHARPVILLE MASSACRE The people of Indian descent in South Africa, as we all know, have had to put up with a great deal of discrimination and suffering and we have resented that. But we must remember that the African people have to put up with something infinitely more, and that, therefore, our sympathies must go out to them even more ... STATEMENT OF PRIME MINISTER JAWAHARLAL NEHRU INTRODUCING A RESOLUTION ON THE TRAGEDY AT SHARPVILLE, IN THE LOK SABHA (LOWER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT OF INDIA), 28 MARCH 1960. I beg to move the following resolution: That this House deplores and records its deep sorrow at the tragic incidents which occurred at Sharpville and in Longa township near Capetown in South Africa on March 21, 1960, resulting in the death of a large number of Africans from police firing. It sends its deep sympathy to the Africans who have suffered from this firing and from the policy of racial discrimination and the suppression of the African people in their own homeland.* The resolution I am moving is, as the House will see, a moderately-worded resolution. It has been deliberately worded in that way, not because we feel moderately about this matter-strong feelings have been roused by it in this House and in this country and over a great part of the worldbut because I thought it would be in keeping with the dignity of this House and of Parliament if we should express ourselves in a restrained manner. * The Resolution was adopted unanimously.

The matter is too serious merely to be disposed of by strong language. It is not the custom of this House normally to consider such matters which are supposed to be in the internal jurisdiction of another country, nor indeed would we like the other countries to consider matters in the internal jurisdiction of this country. That is the normal practice and it is the right practice. However, sometimes things happen and occurrences take place which are not normal at all but are exceedingly abnormal, and then it becomes rather difficult if some convention comes in the way of the expression of feeling which is deep- seated and powerful. After all, this House is and ought to be in some measure a mirror of our people's feelings. Therefore, although this is not a normal procedure, we felt that this House should be given an opportunity to express the strong feelings which it has in regard to this tragic incident. It is bad enough for a large number of people to be killed; it is worse for the killing to take place in the manner it did in South Africa a week ago. Behind it all lies a certain deliberate policy which the South African Union Government is pursuing. In principle and practice, it is the negation of everything which the United Nations stands for and we stand for; it is the negation of what every civilized government today stands for or should stand for. Not too long ago, voices were raised in a great part of the world denouncing the racial policies of the Nazi regime in Germany, and when a great war took place bringing enormous slaughter in its train, it was said that, partly at least-there were many reasons-it was due to the racial policies which the regime pursued on the basis of a master race, with the right not only to suppress but to exterminate people belonging to some other race which, in their view, was a sub-human race. Now that policy, in principle, is adopted and openly proclaimed in the South African Union. As has often been stated in this House, such a policy can only lead to disaster, because it is impossible to conceive that other countries of Africa or indeed of any other part of the world, would accept that or submit to that policy. So much for the principle of Apartheid. In regard to the actual practice of it, I wonder how far honourable Members are aware of the details of how the Africans have to live, what they have to submit to, and how families are torn as under, husband from wife, father from son. They cannot move or do anything without special permits and passes. They may have lived in a place for a whole generation, but if they have to do a little work anywhere else, they have to quit the place at once, within a question of hours. I am pointing out that apart from principle or theory, the practice of that policy casts an enormous burden upon the African people. That country, after all, is their homeland. They are not aliens; they do not come from elsewhere. The people of Indian descent in South Africa, as we all know, have had to put up with a great deal of discrimination and suffering and we have resented that. But we must remember that the African people have to put up with something infinitely more, and that, therefore, our sympathies must go out to them even more than to our kith and kin there. I am moving this resolution today, a week after these occurrences. It so happened that today has been declared by some African organisations as a day of mourning; it is to some externt appropriate, therefore, that this resolution should be considered by the House today. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom recently visited Africa and, I think, in South Africa itself he referred to what he called a wind of change coming or blowing across the African continent. That was a moderate reference to the ferments and tempests in Africa. It is clear that the policy of the South African Union Government has not taken into consideration these changes, or, realising them, is not going to be affected by them. Let the House think of the system they have introduced, of every person having to carry a pass wherever he goes, and being prevented from going to certain areas at all. It is the life of not even a semi-free person but of a prisoner on ticket-leave. That is what the African population of the South African Union has been reduced to, and it is not surprising that they have resented it and protested against it. I cannot give without much further knowledge the sequence of events which took place there, but, broadly speaking, it was a peaceful protest. There might have been some violence. But the fact remains that these people who are protesting, in the main peacefully, were mowed down by machine-guns while, in order to terrify them, I believe, jet aircraft flew overhead. Apart from this particular tragedy, something terrible has happened to South Africa. It is not surprising that there has been this great reaction all over the world, and I believe the matter is going to be brought before the United Nations. The United Nations Organisation also, normally, does not interfere in the internal affairs of member countries although there have been cases when it has interfered, and rightly so, in giving consideration to those matters. It may be argued that this is not a matter for the United Nations-not being a matter that is likely to lead to violation of international peace and security. Well, even in a strict sense, it is very much a matter which the United Nations, as representing the international community, should consider, because it involves something of the most intimate concern to humanity itself. Therefore, this is not a matter affecting merely the South African Union. It affects all of us. It is an odd position that a member of the United Nations is using its State power for the assertion of racial superiority within its territory. This is something which is objected to and denied by the United Nations in its Charter.

12. APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA NOT WELCOME IN THE COMMONWEALTH STATEMENT OF PRIME MINISTER JAWAHARLAL NEHRU IN THE RAJYA SABHA (UPPER HOUSE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF INDIA) ON THE EXPULSION OF SOUTH AFRICA FROM THE COMMONWEALTH, 27 MARCH 1961. The recent meeting of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers held in London was rather an unusual one...... throughout this meeting of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers, the issue which seemed to overshadow the proceedings was the question of South Africa and the racial policy followed by that country. We have discussed this matter on many earlier occasions and reference has been made to it almost every year in our debates on foreign affairs. The matter has also been raised annually in the United Nations on behalf of India and other countries, and resolutions have been passed there by overwhelming majorities. We have been interested in this for a long time past. In fact, it is well to remember that it was in South Africa, fifty years ago, that our leader Mahatma Gandhi started his first campaign against racial inequality and racial domination and suppression. Ever since, our interest in the matter has grown, so also that of other countries. Originally, we were interested because of the large number of people of Indian descent there. Apart from that, racial inequality is not a mere internal question of a nation. It raises international issues. This matter came up in a particular way at the meeting of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers. The South African Government has recently had a Referendum on the issue of a republic and, by a small majority, it has been decided to have a Republican form of Government there. The Prime Minister of South Africa made a statement before the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference informing them of the result of the referendum and requesting that the South African Union might continue in the Commonwealth in spite of becoming a Republic. We could take no exception to any country becoming a Republic; we ourselves are a Republic and we approve of the Republican form of Government everywhere, but because this application was made, the allied question of relations in South Africa arose, and it was discussed. Even the Prime Minister of South Africa agreed to its being taken up. So, while we had no objection to a Republic being taken into the Commonwealth, many of us laid stress on the incompatibility of any country being in the Commonwealth which followed rcial policies like the South African Union Government. I would add here that the main thing is that in South Africa this is the official policy; it is not the failure of an official policy. The Apartheid policy of suppression, separation and segregation is the official, declared policy of the Government there. This matter was discussed and the incompatibility became quite obvious to all. It became a question, practically speaking, of whether the South African Union Government should continue in the Commonwealth. As a result of this, the South African Prime Minister decided to withdraw his application for continuing membership of the Commonwealth and this was agreed to. South Africa will cease to be a member of the Commonwealth as soon as the South African Union becomes a Republic, that is, on May 31. This was an unusual and far-reaching decision for the Commonwealth organisation to take. It is an important one, and I think that it has strengthened the Commonwealth. This very tenuous and vague association has developed certain basic formulae on which it stands and one of them is equal treatment of races, equal opportunities, no racial suppression and certainly no segregation. I might add that Mr. Verwoerd, Prime Minister of the South African Government, in presenting his case stoutly denied that there was any racial suppression, but he based his case on what he called separate development of different races. He stressed that the South African Government's policy was separate development and not suppression, allowing different races to develop equally. Of course, that does not happen there. He might almost have gone a step further, I thought then, and said that this policy was one of peaceful co-existence, but perhaps that did not strike Mr. Verwoerd at that time. I think this decision of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' meeting will have a far-reaching effect on racial questions all over the world. At the same time, this mere fact shows the South African Government is going to continue this policy as it has been doing in the past. They may not call it Apartheid in the future, and they have officially said that it shall not be called Apartheid; nevertheless, it is one of segregation and suppression. This policy obviously is going to continue. In fact, it is because of that that this break or split came in the Commonwealth Conference. If they had said that they would vary this policy even to a small extent, it would have had some effect on members of the Conference, but they were completely rigid. They would not vary it or change it at all and they would hold on to it in its entirely. Therefore, it should be realised that the major problem remains. The fact that the Commonwealth has given its opinion rather forcibly against it is helpful, but it has not solved that question. It will, no doubt, come up before the United Nations as it has done annually, and the question may well arise as to what the United Nations should do about a country which violates the very constitution and Charter of the United Nations in regard to this vital matter.

13. ADDITIONAL SANCTIONS IMPOSED PRESS NOTE DATED 13 JULY 1963 OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, ANNOUNCING ADDITIONAL SANCTIONS IN PURSUANCE OF UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 1761 (XVII) OF 6 NOVEMBER 1962. Although India was the first country, as far back as 1946, to declare diplomatic and economic sanctions against South Africa, the Government of India has further reviewed the position and taken the necessary action to comply with resolution 1761 (XVII) of the United Nations. Some of the measures taken on the recommendations of the resolution are as follows: (a) Breaking off diplomatic relations with the Government of the Republic of South Africa or refraining from establishing such relations: The High Commissioner for India in the Union of South Africa was recalled in 1946. The Mission itself was withdrawn in 1954. Thus there has been no formal diplomatic connection between India and South Africa since 1954. However, some contact was maintained between the two Governments through their Missions in London, mainly in order to implement the various resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly, urging negotiations between them on the question of treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa. The Government of South Africa, however, persistently refused to negotiate in terms of these resolutions. This contact has accordingly now been broken off. (b) Closing ports to all vessels flying the South African flag: In implementation of resolution 1761 (XVII), the Government of India has instructed the authorities concerned not to allow vessels flying the South African flag to touch Indian seaports. (c) Enacting legislation prohibiting ships from entering South African ports: Indian ships do not call at South African ports. However, instructions have been issued to the authorities concerned to prohibit Indian ships from going to South African ports. The Government of India has adequate powers for this purpose under the existing laws and it is not necessary to enact fresh legislation. (d) Boycotting all South African goods and refraining from exporting goods, including all arms and ammunition, to South Africa: There has been a general ban on trade between India and South Africa since 1946. Since 1953, the mandated territory of South West Africa which is being administered by South Africa, has also been brought under this ban. The movement of some items, mainly of cultural and religious interest, was, however, being allowed through postal and other channels on humanitarian grounds. The Government of India has examined this matter again and issued instructions that apart from bona fide personal effects of travellers, post cards, letters, aerogrammes and telegrammes, only the following items will be allowed for movement between India and South Africa through postal and other channels : (1) Books and periodicals, publications (magazines) and news-papers; (2) Blind literature; (3) Free unsolicited gifts from relations and friends including family and personal photographs if paid for at the letter postage rates, or printed matter rates, if admissible. These cannot be sent by parcel post. The value of such gifts should not exceed Rs. 200; (4) Packets containing sweetmeats and blessings for Muslim devotees by the Dargah Committee, Ajmer, provided that no packet exceeds one pound in weight and that packets are accompanied by certificates from the Nizam of the

Dargah showing that they are bona fide offerings by devotees; (5) Pictorial representations with religious and social background. (e) Refusing landing and passage facilities to all aircraft belonging to the Government of South Africa and companies registered under the laws of South Africa: There is no traffic between India and South Africa by Indian or South African airlines. However, under the relevant international conventions, aircraft registered in South Africa can be permitted to overfly India while operating scheduled international air services, to land at Indian airports for nontraffic purpose and to make non-scheduled flights to, through and over India. In view of the resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations specifically forbidding these facilities, the Government of India has informed the International Civil Aviation Organisation that they will not allow aircraft registered in South Africa to land at Indian airports or to overfly India. The Government of India has, as explained above, implemented all the requirements of this resolution and hopes that all other Member States of the United Nations and indeed all countries of the world will do everything in their power to bring about the abandonment of the cruel and inhuman racial policies of the Government of South Africa.

14. U.N. CONFIRMS INDIA'S ANTIAPARTHEID MEASURES SUMMARY OF MEASURES TAKEN BY INDIA IN RESPONSE TO RESOLUTIONS OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND THE SECURITY COUNCIL FOR THE ELIMINATION OF APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA, PREPARED BY THE UNITED NATIONS, OCTOBER 1965. India has taken steps in full and complete implementation of the terms of General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII). It withdrew its High Commissioner from the Union of South Africa in 1946, and closed the Mission in 1954. Some contact, which was maintained between the two Governments through their Missions in London, mainly to implement various resolutions of the General Assembly, has now been broken off. The Government of India has instructed the authorities concerned not to allow vessels flying the South African flag to touch Indian seaports. Indian ships do not touch South African ports. However, the authorities concerned have been instructed to prohibit Indian ships from going to South African ports. There has been a general ban on trade between India and South Africa since 1946 and the Mandated Territory of South West Africa has been covered under this ban since 1953. The movement of some items mainly of cultural and religious interest was, however, being allowed through postal and other channels on humanitarian grounds. The Government of India has examined this matter again and issued instructions further restricting such movement. There is no traffic between India and South Africa by Indian or South African airlines. However, under the relevant international conventions, aircraft registered in South Africa could be permitted to overfly India while operating scheduled international air services, to land at Indian airports for non-traffic purposes and to make non-scheduled flights to, through and over India. In view of the provisions of General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII), India has informed the International Civil Aviation Organisation that it would not allow aircraft registered in South Africa to land at Indian airports for non-traffic purposes and to make non-scheduled flights to, through and over India. India has, for a long time, carried out the measures mentioned in paragraph 3 of the Security Council resolution of 7 August 1963, in paragraph 5 of Security Council resolution S/5471 of 4 December 1963, and in paragraph 7 of resolution 1899 (XVII) of the General Assembly.* It continues to maintain a total boycott of relations with South Africa thus implementing the various resolutions of the United Nations. In response to the appeal of 26 October 1964 by the Special Committee, the Indian Government decided on 12 November 1964 contribute a sum of 25,000 rupees ($5,250) for the relief and assistance to all persons persecuted by the Government of the Republic of South Africa for their oppositiGn to the policies of apartheid. * These relate to arms embargo against South Africa.

15. FIRST ANC OFFICE FOR ASIA OPENED IN NEW DELHI Mr. Alfred Nzo, later Secretary-General of the African National Congress and currently the Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa, was already functioning as the Chief Representative of the ANC in New Delhi, along with Moulvi Ismail Cacchalia as his Deputy. The date for the inauguration of the ANC Office for Asia was chosen by Alfred Nzo as 14 November marked the Birth Anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru. The New Delhi office was the first to operate in the whole of Asia. A message on behalf of the Acting President of the ANC, Oliver R. Tambo, was delivered by Dr. Yusuf Dadoo, Pesident of the South African Indian Congress who was visiting India. MESSAGE FROM THE PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA, MRS. INDIRA GANDHI, ON THE OCCASION OF THE INAUGURATION OF THE OFFICE OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICA IN NEW DELHI ON 14 NOVEMBER 1967, READ OUT BY THE DEPUTY MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, MR. SURENDRA PAL SINGH. India's part in the struggle against racialism in Africa and Asia and particularly against the reprehensible policy of Apartheid pursued by the South African Government began long before we achieved our independnce ... The racist government in South Africa has treated with disdain the numerous declarations and resolutions passed by the United Nations calling upon it to abandon its policies. The South African government has extended the scope of Apartheid

83 rule beyond the borders of South Africa itself to the territory of South West Africa. They have made ineffective the imposition of sanctions against the rebel regime in Rhodesia. It is necessary therefore for the struggle against Apartheid to be continued and intensified in all countries of the world which cherish the principles of respect for freedom and human rights. It is in these circumstances that we greatly welcome the opening of office of the African National Congress in India-the first in Asia. On this occasion I send my greetings and good wishes for success in the tasks that lie ahead.

16. FIGHT AGAINST DISCRIMINATION-A PROUD TRADITION FOR INDIA MESSAGE BY MRS. INDIRA GANDHI, PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA, ON THE INTERNATIONAL DAY FOR ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, MARCH 21, 1968. March 21, 1968, is being commemorated throughout the world as International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. On this occasion, let us pay homage to all those who have struggled and sacrificed even their lives, to uphold the banner of the brotherhood of man. Let us reaffirm our determination not to rest until the last vestiges of this form of inhumanity are finally banished. Long before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Mahatma Gandhi waged one of the most significant struggles in South Africa to affirm man's faith in fundamental human rights, and in the dignity and worth of the human being, without distinction of race, religion, language or sex. For us, this has been a proud and continuing tradition. India has consistently, forcefully and unequivocally supported all measures designed to put an end to apartheid and racial discrimination. March 21 marks the eighth anniversary of the massacre of peaceful demonstrators in Sharpeville in South Africa. Those eight years have seen renewed efforts by the international community to prevent the recurrence of such tragic and terrible crimes. But, these efforts have made hardly any difference to the policies of racial discrimination and apartheid pursued by the Government of South Africa. This year International Day is being observed in the dark shadow of the murder of African nationalists in Rhodesia. Many more lives are threatened by an alien tyranny. The Salisbury hangings are a grim reminder of the tasks ahead. The road to 85 racial peace is long and arduous. But there can be no doubt as to the final outcome. If mankind is to survive and flourish, fundamental human values and the imperatives of social justice must triumph.

17. STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID IS INTERNATIONAL SPEECH BY MR. , MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, WHILE INAUGURATING A SEMINAR ON 'INTERNATIONAL STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID' IN NEW DELHI ON 16 MARCH 1979. Mr. Chairman, Excellencies and Friends, we live in an era of growing opposition throughout the world to all forms of discrimination, and exploitation of man by man. The practice of Apartheid in South Africa, and its wilful extension to Namibia and Zimbabwe represent a clear violation of the UN Charter, a denial of fundamental Human Rights, and a major impediment to international peace. Racial discrimination, segregation, and exploitation by a racist minority, institutionalised as apartheid comprise a total affront to our values of human liberty, equality of man, the dignity of the individual, and the unity of mankind. We have assembled here in this seminar at a time when the UN International Anti-Apartheid Year is being observed to reinforce the struggle against this evil. A world mobilization against apartheid is essential since its inhuman laws pose a clear threat to international peace and security. While commemorating the courage and valour of the freedom fighters whose struggle against this pernicious doctrine has been long and arduous, the international community must realise that their struggle requires concrete assistance, and not merely verbal support. It is also imperative that all countries must forthwith terminate all contact with Pretoria and Salisbury, and impose an effective embargo on arms supplies and trade. Oppression in Southern Africa The fountainhead of oppression in Southern Africa is the racist regime of South Africa. They have maintained an illegal minority regime in Salisbury through subterfuge treachery and defiance of world opinion. They have retained their illegal control over Namibia through betrayal of sacred trust and through repression. The exploitation of the peoples of Southern Africa by the White racist regimes has ensured the plunder and expropriatation of the rich and vast natural resources of these countries. Millions of people toll in abject misery and deprivation in subservience to the ethos of 'settler-colonialism.' However, the brave peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa, have with courage and fortitude, risen against the tyranny of their self-appointed 'masters'. Their rising tide of anger can no longer be frustrated. They have the unflinching support of the peoples of the world. They have on their side, the lessons of history. The situation in Zimbabwe and Namibia has direct relevance to the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. The establishment of majority rule and the death throes of racism in these two countries would inevitably quicken the international campaign against this evil doctrine. India has long opposed and unequivocally condemned the practice of apartheid in South Africa. It was at India's insistence that the policies of racial discrimination in South Africa were inscribed in the agenda of the UN General Assembly. We have broken all trade contact with the apartheid regime since our independence and boycotted it in all fields. We severed diplomatic relations in 1954. On numerous occasions, in concert with like-minded Afro-Asian countries we have sponsored and supported resolutions in the UN and other forums calling for the complete isolation of the Pretoria Government. It is in pursuit of this approach that we have sought the urgent enforcement of an international boycott of South Africa, the cessation of all forms of military and technological collaboration, and the stringent application of the mandatory embargo enforced by the Security Council resolution No. 418 (1977). We have called for revoking of all existing licences for arms manufactures, the cessation of activity by the trans-national corporations and the stoppage of all investments in and financial loans to South Africa. No sanction would be complete without a mandatory embargo on petroleum supplies, and we have stressed this aspect also forcefully. As a member of the Special Committee against Apartheid, we have called for better and more humane treatment for political prisoners in South Africa. Within the limits of our capacity, we have tried to render all possible assistance to the victims of apartheid in South Africa, to South African students and refugees exiled from their country and to the cause of the African National Congress of South Africa. International Anti-Apartheid Year The current commemoration of 1978-79 as International Anti-Apartheid Year has, I am happy to say, made our countrymen even more aware of the evils of apartheid. The National Committee of eminent public personalities which has been set up to implement the programme for the Year has done commendable work in this direction. We welcome the presence in this Seminar of a distinguished South African freedom fighter of the African National Congress of South Africa, Mr. Stephen Tlamini. His presence here lends more immediacy and validity to the issues this International Seminar on Apartheid will consider. It is my fervent hope that the Seminar will through its deliberations suggest even more effective means of strengthening the international campaign against apartheid and reinforcing our support for the victims of apartheid and those who fight it. I would like to conclude by expressing the hope that this Seminar will make a seminal contribution to the international struggle against apartheid in South Africa in particular, and against domination and subjugation everywhere.

18. THE WRITING ON THE WALL IS CLEAR FOR ANYONE TO SEE MESSAGE FROM MR. P. V. NARASIMHA RAO, MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, TO THE U.N. SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID ON THE DAY OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICAL PRISONERS, 11 OCTOBER 1980. On the occasion of the special meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid being held in observance of the International Day of Solidarity with the South African Political Prisoners, I would like to reiterate, on behalf of the Government and the people of India, our wholehearted support for and solidarity with the brave and courageous people of South Africa in their struggle against the racist regime of that country. I would also like to take this opportunity to send our greetings and good wishes to those valiant leaders of the people of South Africa who have been languishing in the dreaded prison houses, year after year. Our sympathies go to the kith and kin of martyrs of South Africa who have been brutally liquidated by the illegal white minority regime. Since the Internationad Day of Solidarity with the South African Political Prisoners was observed by the Special Committee against Apartheid last year, the world has witnessed the triumph of the people of Zimbabwe after a long and heroic struggle. This momentous event has further isolated the Apartheid regime in South Africa and dramatically altered the balance of forces in Southern Africa. The writing on the wall is, therefore, clear for anyone to see, especially for those affluent and industrial countries which, in the face of opposition from the world community, continue

90 their collaboration with the illicit regime of South Africa in the economic, diplomatic and even nuclear fields. The Government and the people of India firmly believe that the untold sufferings and sacrifice of the people of South Africa will not go in vain and that right will eventually prevail over might bringing to them their ultimate victory sooner than many people expect.

19. NELSON MANDELA HONOURED Nelson Mandela, then serving life imprisonment in the Robben Island prison, was chosen by the jury of the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding for the year 1979. At a colourful and solemn function held at Vigyan Bhavan, New Delhi, on 14 November 1980, the birth anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru, the Award was received on behalf of Nelson Mandela, by Mr. Oliver R. Tambo, President of the African National Congress. While presenting the Speeches made on the occasion, we are also happy to present Nelson Mandela's letter of appreciation, smuggled out of the Robben Island Prison. STATEMENTS MADE AT THE PRESENTATION OF THE JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AWARD FOR INTERNATIONAL UNDERSTANDING TO MR. NELSON MANDELA, 14 NOVEMBER 1980. (i) Extracts from the Welcome Address by Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao, Minister of External Affairs and President of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations: We regard Nelson Mandela as a front ranking leader of the oppressed people of South Africa. We have admired his unfailing courage in waging a relentless struggle against social injustice and racial discrimination. The ideals of liberty, equality and justice cherished by the man in whose memory this Award has been instituted and, even earlier, by his sage and mentor, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, have inspired Nelson Mandela. With Jawaharlal Nehru he shares a love of freedom and a vision of a society free of prejudices and intolerance. Like Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela is a man of peace who is fighting against oppression. For him (and I quote from his own words):

To ovethrow oppression is the highest aspiration of every free man. In dedicating himself to constructing a society in which all men may live in harmony, he has recognised the supremacy of the moral law that underlies national and international relations and without which there can be no enduring peace. In declaring his total commitment to this cause, in the following words: It is an ideal which I hope to live and to achieve. But, if need be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die... Nelson Mandela reaches out and imparts to humanity at large a sense of faith and a spirit of dedication in their every day lives. Nelson Mandela is languishing in notorious Robben Island prison, but prison wall cannot daunt a spirit like his. Wherever human freedom and dignity is valued, Mandela will be present. We share his conviction that the thirst for freedom cannot be quenched and the profound urge for a just peace that inspires the overwhelming majority of his country-men, cannot be overcome by the domination of an unjust and racist system that seeks to condemn them to everlasting servitude. He has been in the vanguard of the struggle of his people and by imprisoning him, none can succeed in destroying either the will of Mandela or of the people he leads. History has proved time and again that such brutish constraint can only heighten the struggle against bondage. Ultimately the world will unite against the oppressors to overcome and succeed. We have gathered here to honour this great son of Africa, whose message of freedom is not confined to a particular country but is for all the world. (ii) Excerpts from the Speech of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi: "Apartheid cannot Survive" I am not really supposed to address this gathering and you will have noticed that my name is not on the programme but sometimes I feel that the occasion demands that I say at least a few words and this is one of those occasions because I do want to pay my own tribute to Nelson Mandela and to all the valiant groups of people who have been struggling through the years for what is man's acknowledged and undeniable right, to live in freedom and to shape his future. Wherever people care for freedom and human dignity, Nelson Mandela's name is known and respeted. But he himself is today being denied both freedom and dignity in his own home. He is confined to Robben Island, locked in a cell, facing the loneliness and frustration, missing his loved ones and above all impatient at not being able to get on with the fight outside. Yet wherever he is, there too is the struggle. Thoreau said that in an oppressive regime, a free man's place is in prison. Many of us here, as Indians who are here, have personal experience of this. The white man's burden has too long been carried on the shoulders of the black and the brown. A struggle for freedom can be suppressed, its soldiers killed, imprisoned, humiliated, but the idea of freedom cannot be stamped out. Some spark will persist to burst into flame somewhere some time to light the way and illumine hearts and ultimately lead to success. Neither colour nor caste nor sex makes one person superior or inferior. No matter what laws South Africa devises for itself, history cannot be denied tnor will the inexorable march of the future be halted. Apartheid cannot survive. (iii) Excerpts from the Speech of Mr. Oliver R. Tambo who received the Award on behalf of Nelson Mandela: Today, as Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela moves around the restrictd confines of his prison cell on Robben Island, his mind is tuned in to the proceedings in Delhi. He shares this preoccupation not only with his beloved wife, Winnie Mandela, herself the subject of heartless restrictions and bans, but also with Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, James April, Toivo ja Toivo and other national leaders and fighters for liberation, for democracy and justice-fellow inmates of the notorious Robben Island prison. The thoughts of the entire membership of the ANC and of its allies and friends converge today on Delhi. The vast majority of the people of South Africa, from all walks of life and all strata and race origins-the young no less than the old-regard this day in New Delhi as a national occasion for them.

It is, therefore my pleasant duty, on behalf of the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress, to express the deep appreciation and gratitude of all the national leaders and patriots incarcerated in the prisons of Apartheid all the members, allies and friends of the ANC and the great masses of the people engaged in the libeation struggle of our country, for the great honour bestowed on Nelson Mandela in nominating him for the 1979 Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding. It is equally and especially my pleasant duty, although a much more onerous one to convey to Your Excellency, Mr. President, to your Government and people, the heart-felt thanks of our colleague, brother and comrade, Nelson Mandela. He received the news of the Jawaharlal Nehru Award with a mixture of disbelief, surprise, profounbd gratitude and excitement. But the excitement quickly mellowed into a deep sense of humility. For, he understands the full meaning of the Award, its enormous significance and its challenging implications for him and his people. He understands, because he knows Pandit Nehru's imposing stature as a world statesman, he knows his revered place in the hearts, minds and lives of the 650 million people of India; he knows, too, the esteem and deep respect Pandit Nehru enjoyed among the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Nelson Mandela, therefore, accepts the Award with full awareness of its historic message. He accepts it as a supreme challenge to him personally and to the leadership of the ANC and the people of South Africa of all races. He accepts it as an honour less for him than for the people of Africa. It is fitting that on this day, I should recall the long and glorious struggle of those South Africans who came to our shores from India 120 years ago. Within two years of entering the bondage of indentured labour, Indian workers staged their first strike againt the working conditions in Natal. This was possibly the first general strike in South African history. Their descendants, working and fighting for the future of their country, South Africa, have retained the tradition of militant struggle and are today an integral part of the mass-based liberation movement in South Africa. But the striking role of India in the development of the struggle for national and social liberation in South Africa has its firm roots in the early campaigns led by Mahatma Gandhi in that country, coupled with the continuing and active interest he took in the South African situation. All South Africans have particular cause to honour and remember the man who was in our midst for 21 years and went on to enter the history books as the father of free India. His imprint on the course of the South African struggle is indelible. In the 1940's, in South Africa and India our people voiced the same sentiments; to wage a war in the name of freedom and democracy, they said, was a hollow mockery as long as the colonial peoples were not free. We applauded the "Quit India" demand against the British, for, as the Congress resolution in August 1942 so correctly said: "India, the classic land of modern imperialism, has become the crux of the question, for by the freedom of India will Britain and the United Nations be judged, and the peoples of Asia and Africa be filled with hope and enthusiasm". And so we were filled with hope and enthusiasm as we watched events unfold in India. If Mahatma Gandhi started and fought his heroic struggle in South Africa and India, Jawaharlal Nehru was to continue it in Asia, Africa and internationally. In 1946, India broke trade relations with South Africa-the first country to do so. In the same year, at the first Session of the UN General Assembly, the Indian Government sharply raised the question of racial discrimination in South Africa- again the first country to take this action. Speaking at the Bandung Conference in April 1955, Jawaharlal Nehru decalred: there is nothing more terrible than the infinite tragedy of Africa in the past few hundred years. Referring to "the days when million of Africans were carried away as galley slaves to America and elsewhere, half of them dying in the galleys", he urged: We must accept responsibility for it, all of us, even though we ourselves were not directly involved.

He continued, But unfortunately, in a different sense, even now the tragedy of Africa is greater than that of any other continent, whether it is racial or political. It is up to Asia to help Africa to the best of her ability because we are sister continents. To her great honour, India has consistently lived up to this historic declaration, which constitutes one of the conrnerstones of the Non-Aligned Movement. The tragedy of Africa, in racial and political terms, is now concentrated in the Southern tip of the continent...in South Africa, Namibia, and in a special sense, Robben Island. (iv) Excerpts from Nelson Mandela's Letter dated 3 August 1980 expressing appreciation of the decision to confer on him the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding: I am writing to express my sincere thanks and appreciation to the Indian Council for Cultural Relations for honouring me with the 1979 "Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding". Although I have been singled out for this Award, I am mindful that I am the mere medium for an honour that rightly belongs to the people of our country. Our people cannot but feel humble, at the same time proud that one of their number has been selected to join the distinguished men and women who have been similarly honoured in the past. I recall these names because to my mind they symbolise not only the scope and nature of the Award, but they in turn constitute a fitting tribute to the great man after whom it has been named-Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. The lives and varied contribution of each one of them reflect in some measure the rich and many-sided life of Panditji: selfless humanitarian Mother Teresa, international statesman Josip Broz Tito, notable political leaders, Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, medical benefactor Jonas Salk and civil rights leader Martin Luther King. Truly, Jawaharlal Nehru was an outstanding man. A combination of many men into one-freedom fighter, politician, world statesman, prison graduate, master of the English language, lawyer and historian. As one of the pioneers of the Non-Aligned Movement, he has made a lasting contribution to world peace and the brotherhood of man. It would be a grave omission on our part if we failed to mention the close bonds that have existed between our people and the people of India, and to acknowledge the encouragement, the inspiration and the practical assistance we have received as a result of the international outlook of the All India Congress. The oldest existing political organisation in South Africa, the Natal Indian Congress, was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1894. He became its first secretary and in 21 years of his stay in South Africa, we were to witness the birth of ideas and methods of struggle that have exerted an incalculable influence on the history of the peoples of India and South Africa. Indeed it was on South African soil that Mahatmaji founded and embraced the philosophy of Satyagraha. After his return to India, Mahatmaji's South African endeavours were to become the cause of the All-India Congress and the people of India as a whole. On the eve of India's independence Pandit Nehru said: Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny and now the time comes when we should redeem our pledge ..... At the stroke of the midnight hour when the world sleeps India will awaken to life and freedom ..... It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take a pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity. Our people did not have to wait long to witness how uppermost our cause was in Panditji's mind when he made this pledge. The determination with which his gifted sister, Mrs Vijayalakshmi Pandit as free India's Ambassador to the United Nations, won universal solidarity with our plight made her the beloved spokesman of the voiceless masses not only of our country and Namibia but of people like ours throughout the world.

We were gratified to see that the pronouncements and efforts of the Congress during the independence struggle were now being actively pursued as the policy of the Government of India. At the Asian People's Conference in Bombay in 1947, at Bandung in 1955, at the Commonwealth deliberations, in the Non-Aligned Movement, everywhere and at all times, Panditji and free India espoused our cause consistently. Today, we are deeply inspired to witness his equally illustrious daughter, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, continue along the same path with undiminished vitality and determination. Her activities, her interest, her pronouncements, remain for us a constant source of hope and encouragement. India's championing of our cause assumes all the more significance, when we consider that ours is but one of the 153 countries which constitutes the family of nations, and our over 21 million people, a mere fraction of the world's population. Moreover, our hardships, though great, become small in the context of a turbulent world enveloped by conflict, wars, famine, malnutrition, disease, poverty, illiteracy and hatred. However, it is precisely India's exemplary role in world affairs that also serves to remind us that our problems, acute as they are, are part of humanity's problems and no part of the world can dare consider itself free of them unless and until the day the last vestige of man-made sufferring is eradicated from every corner of the world. This knowledge of shared suffering, though formidable in dimension, at the same time keeps alive in us our oneness with mankind and our own global responsibilities that accrue therefrom. It also helps to strengthen our faith and belief in our future. To invoke once more the words of Panditji: In a world which is full of conflict and hatred and voilence, it becomes more necessary than at any other time to have faith in human destiny. If the future we work for is full of hope for humanity, then the ills of the present do not matter much and we have justification for working for that future. In this knowledge we forge ahead firm in our beliefs, strengthened by the devotion and solidarity of our friends; above all, by an underlying faith in our own resources and determina- tion, and in the invincibility of our cause. We join with you, the people of India, and with the people all over the world in our striving towards a new tomorrow, tomorrow making a reality for all mankind the sort of universe that the great Rabindranath Tagore dreamed of in Gitanjali: Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high where knowledge is free; where the world has not been broken into fragments by narrow domestic walls; where words come out from the depths of truth; where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfetion; where the clear stream of reason has not lost its way into the dreary desert sand of dead habit; where the mind is led forward by these into ever widening thought and action into that heaven of Fredom, My Father, let my country awake.

20. THE ANTI-APARTHEID (UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION) ACT, 1981 (18 December 1981) An Act to give effect to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the crime of Apartheid: WHEREAS an International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on the Thirtieth day of November, 1973; AND WHEREAS India, acceded to the said Convention, should make provisions for giving effect to it; Be it enacted by Parliament in the Thirty-second Year of the Republic of India as follows: Short title and extent 1. (1) This Act may be called the Anti-Apartheid (United Nations Convention) Act, 1981. (2) It extends to the whole of India. Application of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid 2. (1) Notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in any other law, such of the provisions of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid as are set out in the Schedule shall have the force of law in India. (2) The Central Government may, from time to time, by notification in the Official Gazette, amend the Schedule in conformity with any amendments, duly made and adopted, of the provisions of the said Convention set out therein. (3) Every Notification issued under sub-section (2) shall be laid, as soon as may be after it is issued, before each House of Parliament. Punishment for international criminal responsibility 3. Every person to whom international criminal responsibility applies under article III of the said Convention, as set out in the Schedule, shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, or imprisonment for a term which may extend to ten years, and shall also be liable to fine. Explanation:-For the purposes of this section, the reference in clause (a) of article III of the said Convention to "article II" shall be construed as a reference to the provisions of article II of that Convention as set out in the Schedule. Offences by Companies, organisations or institutions 4. Where an offence under this Act has been committed by a company or an organisation or an institution, every person who, at the time the offence was committed, was in charge of, and was responsible to, the company, organisation or institution, as the case may be, for the conduct of its business or affairs, shall be deemed to be guilty of the offence and shall be liable to be proceeded against and punished accordingly: Provided that nothing contained in this section shall render any such person liable to any punishment provided in this Act if he proves that the offence was committed without his knowledge or that he exercised all due diligence to prevent the commission of such offence. Explanation:-For the purposes of this section, "company" means any body corporate and includes a firm or other association of individuals. Place of trial 5. Any person committing an offence under section 3 may be tried for the offence in any place in which he may be found or in such other place as the Central Government may, by gen- eral or special order, published in the Official Gazette, direct in this behalf. Previous sanction of the Central Government for arrest or prosecution 6. No person shall be arrested or prosecuted in respect of any offence under section 3 except with the previous sanction of the Central Government or such officer or authority as may be authorised by that Government by order in writing in this behalf. Provision as to Extradition Act 7. For the purposes of the Extradition Act, 1962, the offence under 34 of 1962, section 3 shall not be considered to be an offence of a political character. THE SCHEDULE (See section 2 and 3) PROVISIONS OF INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE SUPPRESSION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF APARTHEID WHICH SHALL HAVE FORCE OF LAW Article I For the purpose of the present Convention, the term "the crime of apartheid", which shall include similar policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination as practised in Southern Africa, shall apply to the following inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them: (a) Denial to member or members of a racial group or groups of the right to life and liberty of person: (i) by murder of members of a racial group or groups; (ii) By the infliction upon the members of a racial group or groups of serious bodily or mental harm, by the infringement of the freedom or dignity, or by subjecting them to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;

103 (iii) By arbitrary arrest and illegal imprisonment of the members of a racial group or groups; (b) Deliberate imposition on a racial group or groups of living conditions calculated to cause its or their physical destruction in whole or in part; (e) Exploitation of the labour of the members of a racial group or groups, in particular by submitting them to forced labour; (f) Persecution of organisations and persons, by depriving them of fundamental rights and freedoms, because they oppose apartheid. Article III International criminal responsibility shall apply, irrespective of the motive involved, to individuals, members of organisations and institutions and representatives of the State, whether residing in the territory of the State, in which the acts are perpetrated or in some other State, wherever they (a) commit, participate in, directly incite or conspire in the commission of the acts mentioned in aticle II of the present Convention; (b) directly abet, encourage or co-operate in the commission of the crime of Apartheid.

21. APARTHEID IN SPORTS AN ABOMINATION STATEMENT OF MR. BISHEN SINGH BEDI, FORMER INDIAN TEST CRICKET CAPTAIN, IN THE U.N. SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID, 11 MAY 1982. Mr. Chairman, At the outset, I would like to express my deep sense of gratitude to you and to the distinguished members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for the honour they have done to me in inviting me to participate in the meeting of the Special Committee this morning. I do realise that this honour has been done to me as a representative of Indian sports and, above all, as a citizen of a country which has been in the vanguard of the international movement against the evil system of apartheid in South Africa for several decades. Mr. Chairman, I bring to you and to the distinguished members of the Special Committee, greetings and good wishes from the sportsmen and sportswomen of India. We have been following with keen interest the commendable work which is being done by the Special Committee under your able and dynamic leadership. Mr. Chairman, India's total commitment to the struggle against apartheid is too well-known to need any elaboration on my part. I take this opportunity to assure you, sir, and the distinguished members of the Special Committee, of the unstinted cooperation of the sportsmen and sportswomen of India in the accomplishment of our ultimate objective, namely, the total eradication of the scourge of apartheid from our civilised world. India firmly believes that sport is an important vehicle for bringing peoples together and for developing and fostering understanding among them, especially by the impact it can make on the younger generation of the world. It is, therefore, natural that we would wish that sport would be rid of all discrimination. We consider apartheid in sports, as in other fields, a negation of the principles of human dignity and individual freedom. In this context, India attaches great importance to the Gleneagles Agreement of 12 June 1977 to which member countries of the Commonwealth are a party and which considers apartheid in sports as an abomination. India has been following the Gleneagles Agreement in its letter and spirit and will continue to do so in keeping with her traditional support for and solidarity with the cause of the black majority of South Africa. Mr. Chairman, I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Special Committee against Apartheid, on behalf of the sportsmen and sportswomen of India and on my own behalf, for their commendation of the action taken by the Government of India in general and the Indian Board of Control for Cricket in particular, in regard to the inclusion during the English Cricket tour, last year, of two players who have had association with South Africa. As the Special Committee against Apartheid has rightly stated in its Register of Sports Contacts with South Africa for the period April-December 1981, the Government of India were able to get a public assurance from the English Cricket authorities that they do not permit representative tours of South Africa to take place, that they are quite specific in their opposition to apartheid and their aim is to promote multiracial cricket throughout the world. In fact, it is the first instance in the history of the English Cricket that such an assurance was given by the English Cricket authorities. We, therefore, believe that this action by India has further strengthened the international campaign against apartheid in sports. The Indian Cricket team is at the moment in England playing against that country's teams after having demanded and having succeeded in obtaining assurances that the unscrupulous cricketers who surreptitiously played in South Africa recently would be excluded from the fixtures against India. Mr. Chairman, the question of eradication of apartheid in sports is closely linked with the elimination of the inhuman system itself from our earth. As long as this system is allowed to continue in South Africa, the playgrounds in that country are bound to be polluted by racial hatred and prejudice: sport in that country will increase tension and strife rather than contribute to harmony and togetherness. The South African Government claims that official apartheid prohibition on integrated sport has been lifted. This is not true: black and white teams tend to play against each other rather than as players in mixed teams. Some teams have made token efforts towards integration by including one or two members of another race group. But the basic apartheid laws still apply to all individuals and clubs, and in such circumstances no truly integrated sport can exist. These apartheid restrictions affect black children very directly, as the laws exclude them from sharing the superior white facilities. White and black school teams must apply for permits if they wish to play each other at football, cricket, etc. Some outstanding black children have been given good training and coaching, just as some black sportsmen have represented South Africa abroad. But this is only a subterfuge because the Government wants the outside world to accept its sports teams without changing its own basic policy of apartheid. Mr. Chairman, the time has come when the international community has to act and act quickly to rectify the miserable plight of a large number of black children of South Africa, which affects their very growth. The only effective weapon in this direction is for the countries of the world to sever sporting contacts between their nationals and the nationals of South Africa. I consider it the bounded duty of the sportsmen and sportswomen of the world who cherish freedom and human dignity to cooperate with their Governments in making such a weapon effective, thereby bringing about an early end to the oppression and indignity perpetrated by the racist regime of South Africa on the black majority. In this context, it would be pertinent to stress the need for the early completion of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports, as requested by the United Nations General Assembly. I would like to conclude by wishing the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports good luck and godspeed.

22. THERE IS THE PROMISE OF DAWN SPEECH BY THE MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS MR. P.V. NARASIMHA RAO AT DINNER HOSTED BY HIM IN HONOUR OF MR. OLIVER TAMBO, PRESIDENT OF AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICA, 21 JANUARY 1983. I have great pleasure in extending a warm welcome to you, Mr. Presient, and your distinguished delegation this evening. We recall vividly your last visit to receive the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Peace and Understanding on behalf of Mr. Nelson Mandela, the shining symbol of the new dawn of South Africa's horizon. We have watched with admiration the heroic and valiant fight which the ANC is waging, guided by Mr. Mandela's ideals and your able leadership. Every age has its heroes. Some are sawdust Caesars, born to a moment of power that proves as mortal as they themselves. The steel of history is fashioned by men whose minds, will and conviction have molded the consciousness of their time. It is such a man we see in Nelson Mandela. As you know, Mr. President, we in India have always opposed racism and apartheid in all its forms. Given our own history, and the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, it was only natural that we were much ahead of the United Nations in giving a call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. We know that the racist regime is today actively engaged in all kinds of fraudulent manoeuvres to perpetuate and further institutionalise its oppressive and inhuman system. At this moment liberation movements like the ANC need the full support of the whole world. Unfortunately, however,, certain countries, who are unable to see the future beyond their immediate interests are encouraging a regime which has a reprehensible record of brutal repression on its own people and wanton aggression against independent neighbouring States. But there are clear signs of fear and desperation, among the racists and those who collaborate with them. They are swimming against the tide of history. We are sure that the sacrifice made by the freedom fighters in South Africa will win them the liberty so long denied in their country. We in India will continue to identify ourselves fully with you in your hopes and aspirations. We can understand you because we too have known what it is not to be free. Yet even as the night grows dark and chill, there is the promise of dawn. May I now invite you, ladies and gentlemen, to join me in proposing a toast for the health of Mr. Oliver Tambo, President, African National Congress, and the members of his delegation and to the speedy achievement of the cherished aspirations of the people of South Africa.

23. TRICAMERAL PARLIAMENT A FARCE LETTER FROM MR. P.V. NARASIMHA RAO, MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS OF INDIA, TO MR. M. MOOLA, CHIEF REPRESENTATIVE OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (ASIAN MISSION), NEW DELHI, JULY 1984. When the ANC delegation led by Mr. Josiah Jele, National Executive Committee Member, met me on 3rd may 1984, you had acquainted me with the steps being taken by the South African regime to implement the so-called constitutional changes. It seemed clear from what you had said that the proposal to institute legislatures, based on race groups, was nothing but an attempt to perpetuate the system of apartheid in South Africa whereby the ruling minority would deprive the majority of the population of any meaningful say in the political processes of their own country. The elections proposed on 22nd August 1984, particularly for the Indian Chamber and Coloured Chamber of the new legislature, appear to be nothing but a facade to mislead public opinion worldwide. There also appear to be more sinister motives such as an attempt to split the Liberation Movements and sow discord between the Coloured and Indian communities on the one side and the Black majority on the other. I have the impression that the objective of the South African regime in this exercise is to try and gain tactical advantage by diluting opposition to apartheid abroad, and thus reducing the pressure for political isolation and economic disinvestment. These so-called constitutional reforms which totally ignore the black majority, which constitutes 73 per cent of the population, are an endeavour by the racist minority to weaken those forces that are striving to bring about a more equitable system of government and society in South Africa.

110 The Government and people of India would urge all the people of South Africa, and especially those of Indian origin, to take no part in this so-called election, and to maintain unity in the struggle against apartheid and racialism.

24. RELEASE MANDELA UNCONDITIONALLY APPEAL BY PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI FOR THE RELEASE OF MR. NELSON MANDELA, 19 AUGUST 1985. The recent escalation of violence in South Africa is a matter of profound concern to the international community. Hundreds. if not thousands, of innocent lives have been lost, the poor majority black population has further impoverished, the denial of human rights or any kind of freedom has been further accentuated by the imposition of a State of Emergency in several districts inhabited by black people. All this is the direct result of the policy of Apartheid practised by the racist South African regime Violence is implicit in the theory and practice of racial bigotry, which is the essence of Apartheid. To struggle against this tyranny is the natural and just response of the oppressed people of South Africa, It is our common cause. The man who personifies the struggle and its sufferings is Nelson Mandela, who has now been in solitary confinement for 23 years in a notorious prison in South Africa. It is astonishing that the South African Government expected this idealist to accept a number of humiliating conditions as the price for his release. They perhaps thought that after all these years of incarceration his spirit would be broken and he would settle for his personal "freedom" at the cost of his life-long ideals. His answer to the offer of a conditional release made by the Government in February this year is a moving testimony to his indomitable will. His reply, read out by his daughter at a rally, was: I am in prison as a representative of the people and your organisation, the African National Congress, which was banned. What freedom am I being offered while the organisation of the people remains banned? I cherish my

112 own freedom dearly but I care even more for your freedom from Apartheid. I cannot sell my birthright nor am I prepared to sell the birthright of my people to be free. South Africa must be made to see reason. It must be made to release Nelson Mandela unconditionally. The only way this can be done is to totally isolate the racists. It is futile to hope that co-operation in any manner with that regime will give anyone leverage or influence, so as to change things for the better. I, therefore, earnestly appeal to all Governments to secure the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and his colleagues and to sever all contacts with the racist regime in Pretoria.

25. THE PARLIAMENT OF INDIA STANDS BEHIND THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE LOK SABHA ON 19 AUGUST 1985, AND RAJYA SABHA ON 20 AUGUST 1985. This House unanimously resolves: 1. To condemn the inhuman policy of apartheid of the racist regime of South Africa; 2. To denounce the attempts of the South African authorities to divide the African, Asian and other peoples of South Africa struggling for their human rights; 3. To appeal to all the freedom loving forces of the world to remain united in the struggle against apartheid; 4. To call upon governments to impose effective and comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa; 5. To call for the unconditional release of the brave patriot Nelson Mandela and other freedom fighters; 6. To continue to extend all support to the freedom struggle of the people of South Africa and to espouse their cause in all relevant international forums; 7. To call upon the forthcoming NAM* Ministerial meeting in Luanda and the fortieth commemorative session of the United Nations to redouble efforts to secure the liberation of the people of South Africa from the unmitigated crimes of apartheid; and 8. To call upon the people of Indian origin in South Africa to continue their struggle in solidarity with their African brethren in their common cause against apartheid. * Non-Aligned Movement.

26. STRUGGLE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND INHUMANITY PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI'S ADDRESS TO UN SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON APARTHEID IN NEW YORK ON 22 OCTOBER 1985. Mr. Chairman, Mrs Coretta King, Excellencies, Friends, I have come here from a meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government in the Bahamas. Combating Apartheid was on the top of our agenda. The pain and the passion with which leaders spoke at that meeting are still echoing in my ears. I was heartened to find at the Commonwealth Meeting that nation after nation made common cause with the South African people. It is a struggle between humanity and inhumanity. It is a battle between freedom and oppression. Governments who genuinely believe in human equality are on one side; the Pretoria regime, clinging to the totally untenable and discredited doctrine of Apartheid, on the other. Some governments has believed that the Pretoria regime could be brought round through persuasion. Their opposition to sanctions was on the ground that they would be ineffective, not that Pretoria deserved a respite. They are gradually finding out that a government without conscience is not amenable to a change of heart. There is no alternative to the removal of the regime and the installation of a government based on racial equality. The Commonwealth has demonstrated solidarity with the struggling people of South Africa. It has called for dismantling of the detestable Apartheid regime. To this end it has worked out a package of specific measures which bind all its members. We shall carefully monitor how they work. We hope that these measures will help the freedom fighters who are struggling valiantly to end Apartheid.

The people of South Africa are capable of doing that on their own. But the regime has amassed such vast military power that the people, unaided, will have to fight a long battle. Our duty is to shorten the battle and save lives and avoidable agony. But let us not underestimate the regime's brazenness. Did it not, only last week, execute Benjamin Moloise, mocking international opinion? Does it not continue to hold Nelson Mandela in prison, defying the pleas and protests of an anguished world? The people's organisations in South Africa have shown exemplary courage. Barring a handful of collaborators, they have spurned enticing offers from the regime. There is "no easy walk to freedom". South Africa compounds the guilt of Apartheid by the crime of aggression against her neighbours and by the illegal occupation of Namibia. The Security Council has unanimously agreed on steps to vacate that colonialism and end that aggression. The countries which have so far temporised in enforcing the resolution should know the damage to their credibility. They must now come out on the side of positive and effective action. Many nations have imposed economic sanctions unilaterally against racist Pretoria. India was the first to do so forty years ago. But sanctions have not been imposed by those whose decision will have the maximum effect on South Africa. It is upto them to show how else they plan to change the Government in South Africa and usher in the rule of law and equality there. As Indira Gandhi had declared: The idea of freedom cannot be stamped out. Some spark will persist to burst into flame, somewhere, some time to light the way and illumine hearts and ultimately lead to success. Neither colour nor caste nor sex makes one person superior or inferior. No matter what laws South Africa devises for itself, history cannot be denied, nor will the inexorable march of the future be halted. Apartheid cannot survive. We have gathered here to pledge our support to Nelson Mandela and to the hundreds of thousands of men, women and children of South Africa, who, through their suffering, are upholding our collective cause. Their victory will be our victory.

116 I give my good wishes to the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid, which has done so much to bring the South African people's heroism to the world's notice. Thank you.

27. BAN ON ENTRY INTO INDIA OF MEMBERS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRICAMERAL PARLIAMENT PRESS RELEASE BY THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, 21 MAY 1986. The South African regime introduced a tricameral legislature in August 1984 as part of the so-called "constitutional reforms". These "constitutional reforms" totally excluded the black majority from any form of political participation and even Coloured and Indian communities were given limited powers. These so- called "constitutional reforms" were not seen as such by the majority of the world community. Since that time, the Asian and Coloured representatives in this legislature do not appear to have made any meaningful effort to press for an end to Apartheid or for a representation of the black majority. As a measure of our sympathy and support for all those struggling to introduce an equitable and democratic regime in South Africa, the Government of India have decided to ban the entry into India of any member of the Coloured and Asian legislatures, which form part of these so-called "constitutional reforms". They are not representatives of the Coloured or Asian communities in South Africa, and their participation in this sham exercise only serves to divide and weaken the struggle against Apartheid.

28. TIME FOR CONCRETE ACTION: MANDATORY SANCTIONS PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI'S MESSAGE TO THE WORLD CONFERENCE ON SANCTIONS AGAINST RACIST SOUTH AFRICA HELD IN PARIS ON 16 JUNE 1986. Today is the tenth anniversary of the brutal massacre of hundreds of innocent school children in Soweto. It is sombre reminder of the nature of monstrous regime in Pretoria. It is only appropriate that the World Conference on Sanctions against South Africa should meet today to raise its voice against the continuing inhumanity of Apartheid. The time for verbal denunciation is over. The time for concrete immediate action has come. There should not, and cannot, be any encouragement to efforts for the so-called reform of the evil system of Apartheid. It has got to be totally uprooted and destroyed. India has been in the forefront of the struggle against racism, even before its independence. We have consistently held the view, in common with the Non- aligned countries and with the enlightened sections of World opinion, that the only peaceful way to end Apartheid is to enforce mandatory sanctions against Pretoria. The alternative is voilence and bloodshed. We cannot wait indefinitely and helplessly in the face of daily destruction of the moral values of civilization. Freedom and racial equality cannot be sacrificed at the altar of economic and commercial interests. In the name of humanity, I urge that we forge at this Conference, a united will to enforce immediate and effective mandatory sanctions against South africa. The freedom battle in Soutn Africa and Namibia is raging with unbounded intensity.

119 This Conference must be seen by the patriots in South Africa as an important stage in their march to victory.

29. A WEEK OF SOLIDARITY WITH SOUTHERN AFRICA STATEMENT OF THE MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS AND COMMERCE MR P. SHIV SHANKAR, 17 JULY 1986. The identification of India with struggles of people of Southern Africa can be traced to the beginning of twentieth century, not only with the action of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa but also with the positions adopted from that time onwards by other leaders of the freedom movement in India. First concrete manifestation of Indian Government action against white minority Government of South Africa came exactly forty years ago today with the issuance of orders prohibiting trade between India and South Africa. India's unilateral boycott of South Africa in ever-increasing number of areas, including the cultural, economic, political and diplomatic, has not flinched since then. India has been steadfast in this policy. India was the first country to introduce a resolution in the United Nations calling for universal comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. It is a matter of gratification to India that now the overwhelming majority of the United Nations supports such action against South Africa. India's solidarity with nations of Southern Africa, whether on question of Apartheid or on question of independence of Namibia, has gone beyond actions within the United Nations. To the extent possible India has extended material support to freedom movements in various countries in Southern Africa as well as to SWAPO and the ANC. The recent visit of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to frontline States of Africa was further expression of solidarity with Southern African causes. I am happy to announce that on a directive from Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi India will observe the next full week as

121 Week of Solidarity with Southern Africa. This week will be marked by various events meant to mobilise opinion within India and outside in favour of continuing struggle against the last vestiges of colonialism in South Africa and Namibia. I take this opportunity to express India's support to and admiration for the valiant fighters for freedom in Namibia and against Apartheid in South Africa. We salute, above all, Nelson Mandela on the eve of his birthday tomorrow. July 18, 1986.

30. INDIA BOYCOTTS COMMONWEALTH GAMES STATEMENT BY MR. EDUARDO FALEIRO, MINISTER OF STATE FOR EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, IN LOK SABHA/ RAJYA SABHA ON 21 JULY 1986 (EXTRACTS). The Hon'ble Members have no doubt been following recent developments regarding the Commonwealth Games scheduled to start in Edinburgh from 24, July 1986. The Government kept in close touch with the Governments of the Front-line States. I may say that the Prime Minister was himself personally in contact with leaders of some of the Frontline States in an effort to work out some formula whereby the Games could be salvaged. The Government's endeavour was to explore every possible avenue so that our athletes could have the opportunity to compete in the Games. Unfortunately, Sir, some of the recent statements of the British Government have left no doubt in our mind that they are not immediately prepared to implement even the minimum measures which all the Commonwealth countries had agreed to at Nassau, in case there was no progress in the direction towards the dismantling of Apartheid in South Africa. Under the circumstances, the Government decided, with great regret, not to participate in the Games. Our decision is an expression of our solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and with the Front-line States. However, Sir, it is still our hope that concerted action by the Commonwealth to implement necessary economic measures to end Apartheid in South Africa will follow soon.

31. PARLIAMENTARIANS' ACTION FOR REMOVAL OF APARTHEID (PARA) PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI'S ADDRESS TO PARA DELEGATION, 25 JULY 1986 (EXTRACTS). Let me first congratulate you on the setting up of PARAParliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid. Perhaps, this is the first such step anywhere in the world. It is the first time that parliamentarians have united in raising their voice against a horror that is being perpetuated in the last comer of the world. There is no doubt in anybody's mind that Apartheid must go and that Apartheid will go. The only question that is being debated is how soon will it go and in what way will it go. Will it end amicably in a settlement which avoids bloodshed, or will it end with tremendons bloodshed, with tremendous trauma in that nation? We are very clear that Apartheid must end soon and Apartheid must end peacefully. Any bloodshed, whether it is black blood or white blood, is to be avoided and must be avoided. But the route that the Pretoria regime is taking, to us it seems as if they do not see a peaceful negotiated solution as a solution, that they are really going to hang on till the bitter end, and the longer they hang on, the more bitter that end is going to become. We will need all the support to bring about this change, all the support from parliamentarians all over the world, and I am looking forward to your building up this movement, to making it one of the front-line fighters against Apartheid, for human rights, for human dignity, and to remove one of the last vestiges of

124 distortion that remains in our world today. Our civilization has progressed and history has shown that tyranny cannot prevail. We must see that the tyranny that is taking place in South Africa today ends as soon as possible, amicably with a peaceful settlement, without bloodshed. Note: PARA (India) organised a Global Preparatory Meeting of Parliamentarians for Removal of Apartheid on 17 August 1987 in New Delhi. As Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi put it: "By bringing together Parliamentarians from India, and progressively, Parliamentarians from all over the world and building a Global Forum for Action to Resist Apartheid, will bring about an awareness right across the Globe, where it matters most, where Governments can be influenced-an awareness about Apartheid, the costs of Apartheid in South Africa, and for the rest of the world".

32. PARLIAMENT OF INDIA CONDEMNS APARTHEID RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE RAJYA SABHA ON 8 AUGUST 1986. This House unanimously resolves to: 1. Condemn the inhuman policy of apartheid of the racist regime of South Africa; 2. Express the solidarity of the Indian people with the brave freedom fighters of South Africa and to support their just struggle for human rights: 3. Denounce the obstinate refusal of the South African authorities to enter into meaningful negotiations with the African National Congress and other political organisations to dismantle apartheid; 4. Deplore the action of governments which provide moral and material encouragement to the racist government of South Africa; 5. Strengthen the efforts made by the Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi, to mobilising world opinion in support of the heroic bathe of South African people for freedom and human dignity; 6. Welcome the forthright stand taken by India and five other countries at the seven-nation Commonwealth Summit to impose mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa; 7. Express its deep regret that Britain has not adopted the full range of measures agreed upon at Nassau; 8. Appeal to all the freedom-loving forces of the world to remain steadfast in the historic movement against apartheid;

9. Call upon all governments to impose comprehensive, effective and mandatory sanctions against South Africa; 10. Call for the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other freedom fighters of South Africa and for the removal of the ban on the activities of the African National Congress and other political organisations; 11. Appeal to parliaments of the world to use all moral and constitutional means at their disposal to persuade governments and other authorities all over the world to take effective action against the South African authorities; and 12. Call upon the forthcoming meeting of the Heads of Governments and States of the Non-Aligned Movement to redouble efforts to secure the liberation of the people of South Africa from the unmitigated crimes and tyranny of apartheid. Note: A Resolution on similar lines was adopted by the Lok Sabha on 7 August 1986.

33. NOW IS THE MOMENT TO STRIKEAND STRIKE HARD The Eighth Summit Meeting of the Heads of State and Government of Non- Aligned Nations, meeting in Harare in 1986 set up the AFRICA Fund-Action For Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid Fund. Appropriately, India was chosen as Chairman of the Fund. A summit meeting of the Nine Nation AFRICA Fund was held in New Delhi in January 1987 under the Chairmanship of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Presented here are excerpts from Mr. Rajiv Gandhi's Closing Address on 25 January 1987. PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI'S CLOSING ADDRESS TO THE EIGHTH NON-ALIGNED SUMMIT AT HARARE ON 25 JANUARY 1987 (EXTRACTS). Now is the moment to strike-and strike hard. The superstructure of Apartheid is built on the foundations of military relationships and economic sustenance from abroad. Sanctions will undermine the foundations of Apartheid. Sanctions are the only non-violent means left to counter the violence of Apartheid. The campaign we are launching today is a campaign to sensitise world public opinion to the need for immediate action. A regime without shame will not respond to blandishment and cajoling. It will have to be brought to its knees. Without the moral and material support which Pretoria receives from a handful of countries, Apartheid would collapse, ending also the illegal occupation of Namibia and persistent destabilisation of the Frontline States. The people of Southern Africa are more than willing to bear the burden of sanctions. Many of us have not only imposed sanctions ourselves but have also pledged our support to those on the firing line.

Our basic task is to persuade economically and militarily powerful nations to not bolster Apartheid but throw their might on the side of human good. The powerful must agree to comprehensive, mandatory sanctions. Our appeal is as much to the leadeship as it is to the people of these countries. Vast sections of public opinion are already with us. Many more would wish to see their Governments adhere to programmes of demonstrable solidarity with all those in Southern Africa who are suffering the depredations of Pretoria. The AFRICA Fund is a practical programme of action for all. First Contribution The first contribution to the AFRICA Fund has come from a young schoolboy, in Southern India, Hemanth Shameen of Vellore, who has collected a hundred and fifty Rupees from his friends and neighbours. To that, I, on behalf of the Government of India, have the honour to add half a billion rupees. The appeal of the AFRICA Fund is as much to Governments and the world conscience as it is to people and their individual conscience. The AFRICA Fund inspired by the NonAligned Movement, reflects the worldwide urge for action against Apartheid. Apartheid is a crime against humanity. The struggle against Apartheid is a global struggle. It calls for the solidarity of governments and peoples the world over.

34. SALUTE TO SEVENTYFIVE YEARS OF STRUGGLE, COURAGE AND SACRIFICE PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI'S MESSAGE TO THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, 1 DECEMBER 1987. We salute today seventy five years of unrelenting struggle, seventy five years of undaunted courage, seventy five years of unflinching sacrifice. The African National Congress today completes three quarters of a century of principled perseverance in the cause of basic human dignity and fundamental human rights. They have been fighting for justice against barbarism, for the freedom of humanity against imprisonment in racist prejudice and racial discrimination. Great as is the cause of the liberation of South Africa, greater still has been the cause of the ANC. For their struggle is the struggle of all humankind to break the mental barriers which divide people from people and humanism from humanity. Nelson Mandela is not only the leader of his people; his will of steel in the face of the most evil oppression has made him a symbol of deep dedication and profound partiotism for all of us everywhere, for all time to come. A regime which incarcerates such a man for over two and a half decades is a regime without the least vestige of moral sensibility. The end of Apartheid is in sight. It survives on a lung machine furnished by its powerful economic and military benefactors. Let them remember the lesson they were taught by Mahatma Gandhi: that no power is greater than the power of the soul. The victory of the soul of South Africa is assured. The annihilation of the atavism of Apartheid is certain.

130 We have stood by the African National Congress since its very founding, blessed by Mahatma Gandhi, who had himself been working in South Africa, since nearly twenty years earlier, for the freedom of all people of that great country. In the name of the Mahatma, the people of India pay their highest tribute to their brothers and sisters in South Africa. We pledge our continuing support to your cause. We shall stay with you all the way.

35. INDIA REDEDICATES HERSELF TO SOUTH AFRICA'S FREEDOM The Seventieth Birth Anniversary of Nelson Mandela, on 18 July 1988, was the occasion for the Government and People of India to rededicate themselves to the cause so dear to one who personified the struggle in South Africa. EXCERPTS FROM SPEECH OF MR. SHANKER DAYAL SHARMA VICE PRESIDENT OF INDIA AT A FUNCTION ORGANISED BY THE WORLD YOUTH ACTION AGAINST APARTHEID IN NEW DELHI ON 18 JULY 1988: In observing Nelson Mandela's 70th Birthday today, India joins the rest of the world in calling for his unconditional release and that of other political prisoners in South Africa and in reminding the minority white regime that its policy of brutal repression can only harden the resolve of freedom-loving people in that country to continue with their struggle. The regime should see the writing on the wall unless it wishes to witness South Africa engulfed in further bloodshed and violence. Apartheid cannot be reformed but must be dismantled entirely. The days of white supremacy are over and the winds of change are blowing with increasing intensity. EXCERPTS FROM THE MESSAGE OF PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI: On Nelson Mandela's Seventieth Birthday, we could not do better than solemnly rededicate ourselves to the cause so dear to him. While insistently demanding his immediate unconditional release so that he can participate in a dialogue for political reform in South Africa, we must also redouble our efforts to

132 sensitise international public opinion into bringing about the application of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. It is only in this way that the Pretoria regime can be brought to its senses.... 36. INDIA HAILS RELEASE OF MANDELA PRIME MINISTER V. P. SINGH'S STATEMENT WELCOMING MANDELA'S FREEDOM, ON 11 FEBRUARY 1990. We have learnt with great joy that Nelson Mandela has been released today from prison. We salute this great fighter for liberty, justice and equality. He is the greatest symbol today of the human spirit which refuses to surrender to oppression. The people of India have always supported the struggle against Apartheid. Gandhiji's life and struggle amongst the people of South Africa was dedicated to the pursuit of truth. That is where he devised his unique political instrument of Satyagraha. The ideal of Mandela, like that of Gandhiji was that humanity be freed from oppression and humiliation. I have set up a national Committee to celebrate his release. It is my hope that this celebration will symbolise the victory of the human spirit and dignity of man. I have invited Nelson Mandela to visit India and we hope that we will be able to celebrate that occasion also soon. Let Mandela's release herald the beginning of negotiations between the true representatives of the people. Those who have so far made such efforts to support the freedom struggle of the people of South Africa, must maintain their vigilance. All our strength and pressure must be directed towards the complete dismantlement of Apartheid. Let Mandela's release be a harbinger of a new, united democratic and non-racial South Africa. I greet Nelson Mandela, the symbol of the freedom of man. I greet you all my countrymen and women in this spirit. I invite you all to celebrate this joyous occasion.

37. NELSON MANDELA INVITED TO VISIT INDIA On Nelson Mandela's release, the Prime Minister of India, Mr. V. P. Singh, extended a warm invitation to him to visit India. The invitation dated 11 February 1990 was personally handed over to Mr. Mandela on 14 February 1990 by a Personal Envoy of the Prime Minister, Mr. Prakash Shah, Additional Secretary of the Ministry of External Affairs. Given below are the Text of Prime Minister V. P. Singh's letter of invitation and a Press Release of the Ministry of External Affairs on the visit of Mr. Prakash Shah. LETTER FROM PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA, MR. V.P. SINGH TO MR. NELSON MANDELA ON HIS RELEASE FROM RSBEN ISLAND PRISON. (i) Prime Minister V.P. Singh's letter dated 11 February 1990. Esteemed Brother Mandela, The quarter century of your imprisonment has proved to the world, no less than to your erstwhile captors, the futility of repression and the hollowness of the system and ideology of Apartheid. Your release demonstrates the supremacy of the human spirit and the inevitability of the triumph of justice and reason over the forces of racism, suppression and violence of man against man. Your indomitable courage and unshakeable faith in the ultimate victory of the basic values of humankind has made you more than a freedom fighter and a nationalist striving for the leberation of his country. You are today a symbol of the aspirations of all the downtrodden, exploited and oppressed people of the world.

We, in India, share the joy of your family which has suffered much over these many years, your people who have held high the banner of freedom in your name and all those around the world who have long awaited your release. The many other political prisoners who are still kept captive cannot be forgotten in this moment of happiness. Their release now becomes even more pressing and, I am sure, with statesmenship, this goal too will be soon achieved. Your people will need your invaluable experience, your indomitable courage and your foresight in the coming days in the search for a non-violent way to the dismantlement of Apartheid. Your release gives us the opportunity to reassert our belief that victory lies in the pursuit of truth. India's support to your cause has been and will remain staunch and unwavering. We will continue to contribute to you struggle for an Apartheid- free, non-racial and united South Africa. In welcoming you on your release, I extend to you a warm invitation to visit India as our honoured guest." (ii) Statement by the official spokeman of the Ministry of External Affairs, 15 February 1990. Mr. Prakash Shah, Special Envoy of the Prime Minister, met Mr. Nelson Mandela on 14th February, 1990. Mr. Mandela was greatly touched and impressed by the Prime Minister's address on the day of his release. This message was a source of great inspiration in the great tradition of the Indian freedom struggle which had acted as a beacon light for the struggling and oppressed people of South Africa. History of the liberation movement is deeply influenced by India's freedom struggle. When one thinks of this struggle, one thinks of Mahatma Gandhi. India was the first country to raise the matter of the liberation of South Africa at the United Nations. Mandela told Prakash Shah that he recalled vividly the stunning image of a non-white Mohamed Karim Chagla challenging the whites in a forum created by them. Whenever the leaders of freedom struggle visited India, they have unvariably given clarion calls of support for the struggling masses of South Africa. Mandela recalled specially the appeal of both Gandhi and Nehru to the Indian community in South Africa urging them to associate themselves and identify themseleves with the stirrings and aspirations of the African people. This appeal of Gandhi and Nehru acted as a magnetic galvanising force and had a signal impact on the unity of the freedom movement in South Africa, What really touched his heart and that of his oppressed brothers and sisters was the generosity of the gesture of India in giving him the Nehru Award while he was incarcerated in prison. No South African can ever obliterate from his individual or collective memory, the historical significance of the fact that India was the first country in the world to impose diplomatic sanctions in 1946 against the racist regime of South Africa. Mandela told the Prime Minister's Special Envoy that he had ordered the postponement of several engagements and the rescheduling of his entire programme to ensure that our Prime Minister's Special Envoy should be received at the earliest possible opportunity. Mr. Mandela conyed through Mr. Prakash Shah his assurance to Prime Minister of the seminal importance that is attached by him individually and by his people collectively, to India's support through these long and hard decades and of the special gesture of sending a special envoy. Mandela told Prakash Shah that without any reservation or hesitation, whatsoever, he gladly accepted Prime Minister's invitation to visit India. He had asked his National Reception Committee to work out mutually conveninet dates.

38. CONTRIBUTIONS TO AFRICA FUND FULLY EXEMPTED FROM INCOME TAX STATEMENT OF OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN IN THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, NEW DELHI, 5 OCTOBER 1990. The Finance Minister announced in Parliament on 7 September 1990, the last day of the monsoon session, that contributions to the AFRICA (Public Contributions - India) Fund would now be allowed 100% deductions under section 80G of the Income Tax Act. This concession is valid for all contributions made on or after 1 April 1990. Given the deep emotional involvement of the Indian People with the struggle of the black majority in South Africa, the AFRICA (Public Contributions-India) Fund was set up in 1987 to enable them to make their individual contributions to the fight against Apartheid. This fund was created as a supplement to the AFRICA (Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid) Fund launched by the Non-Aligned Movement at Harare in September 1986. Three and a half years ago Hemant Shameen, a school boy from Vellore, contributed Rs. 150 to the Public Contributions Fund and since then it has received over Rs 2.45 crores from individuals and institutions all over India. A registered society headed by the Prime Minister administers this fund, whose proceeds are used for financing supply of items like medicines, clothing, blankets and temporary shelters to the refugees and other victims of Apartheid in Southern Africa. A fleet of 40 jeeps was similarly despatched recently to Namibia.

39. A HISTORIC VISIT STATEMENTS, SPEECHES MADE ON THE OCCASION OF THE VISIT OF DR. NELSON MANDELA TO INDIA 15 OCTOBER 1990. (i) Speech of His Excellency Mr. R. Venkataraman, President of India at the Banquet held to receive Dr. Nelson Mandela, 15 October 1990. Dr. Nelson Mandela, Hon'ble members of the ANC Delegation, Distinguished Guests. In this historic Hall, several State Banquets have been held in the past in honour of emperors, kings and Heads of State. But today we are proud to welcome one who reigns not over lands and territoties but over the hearts of millions upon millions of people of the world, black, white, young and old, rich as well as poor. We regard you, Dr. Mandela, as an emblem of the world's struggle for human dignity. We welcome you, as the symbol of Africa's revolt against colonialism and racism, as the foremost freedom fighter of the African continent and as the pre-eminent representative of South Africa's determination to end the tyranny of Apartheid. We welcome you as a man of rare courage and even rarer patience. But, above all, we welcome you, Dr. Mandela, as a man who has conquered fear, despair and hate. Despite your long years of incarceration which would have broken the spirit of a lesser man, you have preferred the path of faith to suspicion, reconciliation to rancour and reason to prejudice. Undaunted by difficulty, you have overcome impedi-

139 ments by your single-minded tenacity. Unaffected by the world's praise, you have continued to regard yourself as a humble soldier in the cause. In all these attributes, you remind us of the Father of our Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, who enabled us to resist and repulse British colonialism-and retain British goodwill. As we welcome you. we are reminded that the Mahatma arrived on the shores of your country in 1893-at the age of twenty-four. He spent over two decades in South Africa, two decades in which he forged and then wielded the unprecedented weapon of 'satyagraha' to fight, non-violently, unjust laws. It was the same weapon that he used here, in India, for our struggle with spectacular success. We are gratified that so many senior leaders of the African National Congress and its National Executive Committee have been able to come to India with you. While Mr. Thomas N'kobi, Treasures General, has been in India earlier, this is the first visit for others. We welcome all of them most warmly. Over the years, we have been fortunate and privileged to receive many South African leaders of the freedom struggle. We recall the visit of Dr. Yusuf Mohamed Dadoo and Dr. G. M. Naicker in 1947, soon after they signed the historic pact of co-operation between the African and Indan Congresses. We recall the visit of the late Dr. Abdulla Abdur Rahrnan, President of the African People's Organisation, in 1925 and that of the late Chief Albert Lutuli in 1938. And, we particularly recall the visit of your comradein-arms Oliver Tambo, President of the African National Congress. I take this opportunity to convey to him, through you, our best wishes for his speedy recovery. Oliver Tambo and you, Dr. Mandela, were both lawyers and were impelled to defy the law when you saw the brutal repression of your people in South Africa and suffer the consequences. Gandhiji, too was an Attorney practising in Durban and Johannesburg when he was moved by what he saw of racial discrimination in your country. He was witness to the extreme brutality with which the Zulu people, resisting an unjust poll tax, were suppressed, with thousands being killed or brutally flogged. That experience left a deep impression on him. It was a few months thereafter that he dedicated his life to the non-violent defiance of unjust laws, and forged the weapon of Satyagraha. Our struggles, the Indian and the South African, have therefore been twins in the cradle of revolution. And so it has been only natural for us in India to watch evey phase and unfolding sequence of South Africa's fight against Apartheid, with instant and complete empathy. We have marvelled over how the African people rose for their rights with you, Dr. Mandela, as the Volunteer-in-Chief and first resister in the "Campaign for the Defiance of Unjust Laws"-a great passive resistance campaign of which Gandhiji would have been proud. When prison doors closed behind you, we knew instinctively that yours would be an epic and ultimately victorious struggle. For Gandhi, Nehru, Azad, Patel, and a host of our leaders had taught us that Freedom's struggle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son Though baffled oft is ever won. It was the privilege of our first Prime Minister and architect of Modern India, Jawaharlal Nehru, to impart an incisive international edge to the struggle of the people of South Africa. He said in a Broadcast on 7th September 1946 In South Africa Racism is a State doctrine and our people are putting up a heroic struggle against the tyranny of racial minority. If this racial docrtrine is going to be tolerated, it must inevitably lead to vast conflicts and world disasters. Even before India attained formal independence, India launched its onslaught against Apartheid. In October 1946, for the first time in the history of the United Nations, India brought before it the question of racial discrimination in South Africa. With the assistance of an ANC team sent from South Africa, India got the U.N. Gemeral Assembly to pass a resolution declaring it to be in the higher interest of humanity to put an immediate end to racial persecution and discrimination. Smt. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, the leader of India's delegation to the General Assembly, played a crucial role in that initiative. India is proud of the fact that it was the first country to impose sanctions against the South African Government as a sign of our abhorrence of Apartheid and of our solidarity with the people of South Africa. Since that time we have consistently endeavoured, in cooperation with our friends from independent African countries, to keep the question of Apartheid uppermost on the international political agenda. Our commitment in India to the People of South Africa cuts across the boundaries of religion, creed and politics. The commitment is based on a national consensus and, I am sure, as you travel across India you would witness for yourself the vast reservoir of goodwill and affection which the people of India have for you personally and for the people of South Africa. It is gratifying that collective international action aimed at exerting pressure on the Government of South Africa, combined with the struggle waged by the people of South Africa, has led to the commencement of a dialogue between the representatives of the people and the South African Government. The world is watching the progress of these talks with great interest and concern. We in India are familiar with the tactics used by colonial and minority regimes to divide and rule subjugated people. Indeed, we have been victims of those strategems. We cannot but extend, therefore, the fullest support to your strivings to weld South Africa into a Nation of many races and religions, working out its destiny in a common bond of democracy, peace and progress. As the largest secular, multi-racial, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual democracy in the world, we hail your endeavours in this direction. I would like to take this opportunity to commend ANC's efforts at stopping violence, restoring peace and forgings a common front among the dispossessed of South Africa. In the last four decades, India, has moved along the path of self-reliance and economic independence. Protectionism in trade and other manifestations of economic neo-colonialism have placed impediments in our progress. The recent Gulf crisis has also caused a setback to our economic development. Nevertheless, we continue to share with friends abroad, particularly with our brethren in Africa, the achievements of Indian scientific and technological advancement. We regard post-apartheid South Africa as a future partner in economic, social, tachnological and cultural development. We aspire to convert it into a model of Afro-Asian solidarity and co-operation. I have no doubt that the relationship between India and South Africa of the future will be an example of close commercial, economic and cultural interaction, geared to the upliftment of the peoples of our two countries. We believe that until Apartheid is dismantled and majority rule established in South Africa, it is the duty of the international community to exert its pressure on the minority Government in Pretoria. In this context, we fully support the ANC's position on international sanctions. We shall continue to maintain this position at international fora, so that the South African Government enters into meaningful negotiations with the representatives of the people with the objective of ushering in an era of genuine democracy. There is no doubt that you, Dr. Mandela, and your compatriots will soon see the realisation of the destiny enshrined in the following words contained in the Freedom Charter: That South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all people. Distinguished guests, On behalf of the Government and people of India, I invite all of you to join me in a toast to: - the victory of the people of South Africa over the system of Apartheid; - to friendship and solidarity between the peoples of India and South Africa; - and, to the health and long life of our friend and brother, Dr. Nelson Mandela. (ii) Speech of Dr. Nelson Mandela at the banquet hosted by the President of the Republic of India; New Delhi, October 15, 1990. First of all, I would like to thank you most sincerely, Mr President, for your kind and gracious words about me and your worm welcome to our delegation. What you have said will remain in our hearts and minds for many a long year. We are especially pleased to be in India. This country is, to us, like a home away from home. Since we had arrived this morning we have been overwhelmed by the friendship of everybody we have met. We have been struck by the strength of the feelings of oneness and solidarity with us which seem so deeply in the consciousness of your people. We had, of course, imagined that we would be received as friends. But the actual experience has gone beyond anything we could have visualised. Indeed when we depart these shores, we shall leave greatly strengthened to continue the common struggle in which both our peoples are involved until victory is won. It must surely have inflicted great pain on those of your compatriots who were wrenched from their country in the last century, and exported as indentured labour to South Africa. There they were called coolies, a pejorative term which unfortunately persists to this day, and subjected to all manner of indignities and degradation, since the white settlers viewed them as subhuman, in the same way they saw and treated the African people. But, at the end of the day, Mr President, when we have got the better of our feelings of anger and wiped off our tears of pity at the recollection, we as South Africans must admit that what the British colonialists exported as disposable beasts of burden, our country has inherited as a remarkable component part of the one South African nation which is in the process of formation. For in the wake of the indentured labourers came an ancient culture from the East which has already become an indelible part of what today we call South African, and when I speak of culture, I use this word in its broad meaning, to encompass the very mode of existence of the human person. In the continuing process of the intermingling of the peoples of African, Asian and European origin, there is emerging a people that is uniquely South African, talented, friendly, inspired by the humane objectives, and civilised in the best meaning of the word. The indentured labourers and their offspring have made no mean contribution to this outcome. They are today African and have helped to form this both South African by the positive values and practices they have contributed to the making of our nation.

The indentured labourers also served to establish an umbilical cord that ties together the peoples of our respective countries. As much as India is a particle of our country, so are we too a particle of India. History had condemned us to seek each other out, to deal with each other as members of the same family. It is that history which makes it possible for each one of us to claim the immoral Mahatma Gandhi as our own national hero. It is that history which drove us and drives us still to look to the examples he set to decide what we should make of our own destiny. It is that history which brought Jawaharlal Nehru's daughter, the late Indira Gandhi, to our country, which she visited as a young woman. It is that history which brings us here today and brings us to a country with an unequalled record of struggle against the criminal system of apartheid. Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen. The common struggle which we have waged to uproot this system and to free all the people of South Africa, is approaching its successful conclusion. We have not got there yet but victory day is not far off. In the end, the weight of the internal and international struggle has produced the situation in which the architects of the apartheid system have been obliged to admit that their policy has failed and that this system can no longer be maintained. It is our firm and honest view that you should rejoice in this victory as your very own. It is not for us to lecture you about India's contribution to the impending success of the struggle for the emancipation of all the people of South Africa. All we need to do is to reaffirm that we would not be talking of victory today if the example set by the young Republic of India had not been followed by the rest of the world. That, today, even school children in all countries know what apartheid is and are engaged in action to end this criminal system, is testimony to that fact. We still need to walk the last mile together, to achieve the common objective of the transformation of South Africa into a united, democratic, non-racial and non- sexist country. We are strengthened by the knowledge, confirmed by you this evening, Mr President, that the Government and the people of this great country remain loyal to the commitment made a number of decades ago to fight on until not only South Africa but the entire African continent is liberated. Mr President, As the struggle advances, so do the demands of the ANC increase. We look forward to your assistance to help us elaborate a detailed view of the democratic South Africa we seek to build, as well as generate the resources which will enable us to rebuild the ANC as a legal organisation, resettle the released political prisoners and the repatriated exiles, and mobilise the masses of our people to participate in the political process which must lead to the adoption of a democratic constitution. We also carry special message of greetings to you, Mr President, the Government and the people of India, from our President, my brother, friend and colleague, Oliver Tambo, who has had the honour to visit India in the past. We also bring the warm greetings of the rest of the ANC and the millions of our people, of all races, who value India as a proven and dependable ally. I would also like to take this opportunity to convey my own thanks to you for the determined fight you waged for our release from prison. We heard your voices even through the thick prison walls. And when we heard that demand wafting across the vast expanses of the Indian Ocean, we know that there was no possibility that the apartheid regime could hold us in jail for ever, as it intended. And so we are here in New Delhi today because you refused to forget us. Tomorrow we will receive diplomatic representatives of the Indian Government and people, because you would not accept the argument that the issue of apartheid was a matter domestic to the racist Pretoria regime. As we further break down the walls which continue to separate the people of South Africa, because of the apartheid system, both now and in a free South Africa so will the contribution of the original indentured labourers to blossom to its fullness so that all South Africans can enjoy free and unfettered access to everything which makes this country a jewel in the combination of things which combine to make human civilisation.

146 In the midst of all of that must surely be the certain eventuality of relations between our two countries and peoples when we shall cooperate to mutual benefit, for the advancement of the common objectives of freedom, democracy, independence, social progress and peace. Thank you. (iii) Prime Minister V. P. Singh's speech at the People's Reception to Dr. Nelson Mandela and the ANC Delegation, 15 October 1990. Dr. Nelson Mandela, Distinguished Members of the ANC Delegation, Ladies and Gentlemen. We have been waiting since that joyous moment on 1 1th February, 1990, when Dr. Nelson Mandela stepped out of the Victor Verster prison near Cape Town, South Africa, after nearly three decades behind bars, to have the honour and pleasure of receiving you here in India. You as a legendary freedom fighter have shown the world that the human desire for freedom can never be denied, not even by brutal oppression or inhuman isolation for decades together behind prison walls. We also extend a very hearty welcome to the members of the National Executive Committee and other leading members of the African National Congress, who are accompanying you. Dr. Mandela, we formed the Nelson Mandela National Reception Committee seven months ago with distinguished representatives from all walks of life and all regions of India, cutting across divisions of political affiliation, in order to prepare a fitting welcome for you. The Committee includes Chief Ministers of the various States of India and other political leaders, Members of Parliament, eminent men of letters, intellectuals, educationists and artists, united in the desire to welcome you, Sir, and your group to India. The Committee received hundreds of requests from organisations and individuals from all over India for a chance to honour and derive inspiration form Dr. Mandela. The esteem and affection they expressed for you and their solidarity with your cause were remarkable. Not all of their wishes could be met due to very legitimate constraints on your time. The task you face is a phenomenon in itself-of realising a democratic, unitary and non-racial South Africa. In your historic struggle you have remained undaunted by the severest of challenges. You electrified the activities of the African National Congress by establishing the ANC Youth League in 1943 and you have remained at the very centre of that struggle since then. The relations between Indian and South African people have a deep emotional foundation. The first batch of Indian indentured labour, meant for the sugarcane plantations of Natal, reached Durban as early as 1860. These and subsequent groups of indentured labour, and, to a slightly lesser extent, the free Indians who followed them suffered greatly from the racial discrimination of the rulers. The nearly one million South Africans of Indian origin who are now in your country, Sir, are a constant reminder of the interwining of our destinies. Gandhiji, the Father of our Nation, always considered himself an Indian as well as a South African. Not only did he spend 21 years of his adult life in South Africa but he served four of his ten terms of imprisonment in the prisons of Johannesburg, Volksrust and Dundee. It was in South Africa that he developed his philosophy of Satyagraha as a means of non-violent political action, an instrument he used in India to such telling purpose against the might of the largest colonial empire of the time. The precepts and practice of Mahatma Gandhi later found expression and emulation in South Africa in political and social action by Gandhians like Nana Sita and Dr. G.M. Naicker and, above all, in the Passive Resistance Campaign against the "Pegging Act", banning acquisition of land by persons of Indian origin. During this campaign which Dr. G.M. Naicker of the Natal Indian Congress and Dr. Y.M. Dadoo of the Transvaal Indian Congress conducted from 1946 to 1948, more than 2,000 persons of Indian origin went to jail and suffered much brutality. Other communities also participated in the campaign in varying degrees. This Campaign was the precursor of the pact between African National Congress and the two Indian Congresses in 1947 and the great non-violent resistance movement, the Campaign of Defiance against Unjust Laws, launched in June 1952 under the leadership of yourself, Dr. Mandela, and Maulvi Cachalia. More than 8000 people went to jail, defying dis- criminatiory laws. The heritage of Gandhiji and of Satyagraha is, thus, a common heritage of South Africa and India. In 1946 the Interim Government of India led by Jawaharlal Nehru brought the question of racial discrimination in South Africa to the United Nations, withdrew the Indian High Commissioner from Pretoria, and imposed a total ban on trade with South Africa. A beginning was thus made for international economic sanctions against South Africa. In 1954 Diplomatic relations between the two countries were severed. Between 1946 and 1962, the UN General Assembly passed 26 resolutions against the racial policies of South Africa. This was the period, when most of our brothers in Africa had not attained independence and had, therefore no active presence at the United Nations. India, conscious of her moral obligation and her duty to the Father of the Nation, persevered with the international struggle against Apartheid. Both within the country in the Indian Parliament and at international fora, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, highlighted the danger inherent in the racist policies of South Africa. The Afro-Asian conference in Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955 called upon the countries of Asia and Africa to mobilise forces for peace and freedom. A little known fact is that it was on Pandit Nehru's insistence that South Africa was kept out of the Bandung Conference, and instead, two delegates of the African National Congress attended the Conference as observers. After the Sharpeville massacre and the total war declared by the Pretoria regime on the democratic opposition in South Africa, the anti-racism call by India at the 1961 Commonwealth Conference in London led to South Africa being forced out of the Commonwealth. As reiterated at last year's conference of the Commonwealth Committee of Foreign Ministers on South Africa in Abuja, Nigeria-which Dr. Mandela, you had attended-India extends full support to your stand for the continuation of international sanctions against South Africa, untill such time as irreversible steps have been taken for the dismantlement of Apartheid. It is for us a matter of great pride that the people, who left our shores more than a century ago, have in your moment of trial identified themselves with your objectives and stood shoulder to shoulder with you. Their ranks included such stalwarts as G.M. Naicker, Yusuf Dadoo, Debi Singh, M.P.

Naicker, Nana Sita, Maulvi Cachalia and his brother, and your comrades in arms like Ahmed Kathrada and Billy Nair, who were incarcerated in the Robben Island Maximum Security Prison along with you, and indeed many other graduates of the "Robben Island University"! The tribute to these people is as much as tribute to the leadership of the African National Congress, which has attempted to keep all racial groups with it, in a multi-racial and unified struggle against Apartheid. The 3000 delegates, who met in the Congress of the People on June 25, 1955, included, in addition to 2000 Africans, two or three hundreds each from the Indian, the Coloured and the White communities. The Charter, adopted by this South Africa in miniature, represented-as you put it-a renunciation of racialism in all its ramifications by the democratic forces in South Africa, irrespective of race, ideology, party affiliation or religious belief, and a definition of their aims in a common programme of action. You, Dr. Mandela, have waged a long and historic struggle. As you said from the dock in April 1964-and I quoteDuring my life-time, I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony, with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for, and to see realized. But, my Lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die. Like India during the first half of this century, South Africa faces the task of forging a Nation out of different ethnic and cultural groups. Parochial nationalism and sectarian interests have caused immense suffering, loss of life and destruction in the Indian sub-continent. The policy of secularism, respect for cultural diversity, and the upliftment of the down-trodden, enunciated by our founding fathers has, to a considerable extent, blunted the sharp edges of intolerance and communal strife. Still, even after 43 years of independence, we have a fair distance to travel- in the direction of a nationalism based on

150 universal brotherhood. In accordance with the Indian Constitution, the Indian State has always used its instruments and resources to eliminate social distinctions. As opposed to that, a small minority in South Africa has arrogated to itself the power and the apparatus of the State to perpetuate the pernicious and exclusivist doctrine of racism. You, Sir, are inheriting a situation where the ownership of productive assets, educational and vocational skills, social prerogatives-the right to life itself-are based exclusively on colour and race, where 87% of land, for example, is owned by 14% of the population. Against such injustice, such gross violation of fundamental human rights, the world would have understood if the deprived majority had cried out for retribution and revenge. It is a measure of your statesmanship and humanity, Dr. Mandela, that your heart, though wounded by the suffering of millions, harbours neither malice nor antagonism. Who will forget your famous words at your trial in 1961, and I quote: We were inspired by the idea of bringing into being a democratic republic, where all South Africans will enjoy human rights without the slightest discrimination, where Africans and non-Africans would be able to live together in peace, sharing a common nationality and a common loyalty to this country, which is our homeland. This lofty concept of nationalism inspires millions of us in India, as it does the champions of peace all over. I take the pleasure to announce the setting up of a Mandela Chair of African Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. A Gandhi-Mandela scholarship will also be instituted for studies on world peace and social justice to commemorate your visit, Sir. Dr. Mandela, I would like to recall here that, at their meeting in Lusaka last May, the Senior Officials of the AFRICA Fund Committee welcomed the recent positive developments in Southern Africa, though they recognised, at the same time, that much more had to be done to achieve the eradication of Apartheid. Noting that the African National Congress was currently engaged in building up its mass-based organisation and in arranging for the return from exile of its valiant freedom fighters, the Committee decided to assist in this task by allo- cating to the ANC a sum of US$ 800,000 out of the cash resources contributed to the Fund by various donor countries. Accordingly, as Chairman of the Non- Aligned Movement's AFRICA Fund Committee it is now my privilege to present to you a cheqe for this amount on behalf of the Committee. You are probably aware that we have also set aside a sum of Rs. 20 million out of India's contribution to the AFRICA Fund and out of the contributions made by the public of India to the Fund. As both these contributions are in kind, they will be translated into goods and services of Indian origin as soon as the ANC indicates its requirements. Amandla! (Power to the People) Jai Hind! (iv) Press release by the Government of India on the visit of Dr. Nelson Mandela to India, 19 October 1990. Dr. Nelson Mandela, the Deputy president of the African National Congress, on a 5-day visit to India, was given a warm welcome on arrival in New Delhi on October 15, 1990. is being honoured as a visiting Head of State. His engagements in New Delhi included a State banquet by the President, a civic reception by the Mayor and people of Delhi, official discussions with the Prime Minister and meetings with leaders of various political parties. At a special investiture ceremony, the President of India conferred on Dr. Mandela India's highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna. After New Delhi, Dr. Mandela visited a number of other Indian cities, viz. Agra, Varanasi and Calcutta where several engagements had been planned. Dr. Mandela described his visit to India as fulfilment of his long-cherished ambition to see the land where Mahatma Gandhi applied his ideas. He referred to the strong ties that existed between the peoples of his country and India and recalled that it was Mahatma Gandhi who had started the first organised and disciplined political struggle in South Africa when he established the Natal Indian Congress in 1894. He added that since then, the people of South Africa has been influenced by Mahatma Gandhi's precepts and practice of non-violent struggle. In his discussions with the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Vishwanath Pratap Singh, and other leaders, Dr. Mandela expressed the appreciation of the African National Congress for the support given by India to the struggle by the majority to regain their rights in South Africa. He also noted with appreciation the invaluable contributions made by large segments of the Indian community in South Africa, especially the Transvaal Indian Congress and the Natal Indian Congress. These groups had played a stellar role in uniting Soufh Africans and in leading the movement for democracy and freedom. Dr. Mandela briefed Indian leaders about the on-going discussions with the South African government. He narrated his first and subsequent meetings with the South African Government leaders as being constructive. He expressed optimism about the outcome of these talks, which he described as being on course. He said that as a result of his discussions, he had been able to remove several obstacles which were standing in the way of further cooperation between the ANC and the government. Addressing a Press Conference in New Delhi, Dr. Mandela reiterated that there can be no solution to the South African problem other than the complete dismantling of apartheid and the installation of a truly democratic government on the basis of universal adult franchise without any discrimination of colour or race. Answering a question, he said that the decision of the Pretoria regime to scrap the Separate Amenities Act was welcome, inasmuch as the removal of any iners of apartheid was a step forward. Indian leaders assured Dr. Mandela of India's continuing support for the valiant struggle of the South African people. President R. Venkataraman, speaking at the banquet hosted by him in honour of Dr. Mandela's described the latter as an emblem of the world's struggles in the service of humanity. He said that the people of India welcomed him as a man who had conquered fear, despair and hate. India would continue to fully support the position of the ANC on international sanctions so that the Pretoria regime enters into meaningful negotiations with representatives of the people for ushering in a new era of genuine democracy. Dr. Mandela was presented with a cheque for US $5 million as a token of the solidarity of the people and Government of India in the struggle of the people of South Africa against apartheid.

40. INDIAN CULTURAL CENTRE IN SOUTH AFRICA STATEMENT OF THE OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN OF THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS 23 OCTOBER 1992, NEW DELHI. The Spokesman stated that Mr. L. L. Mehrotra, Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs had a meeting with the ANC's Chief representative in India Mr. M. Mphele and views were exchanged on the situation in South Africa and the approach of the Government of India in the evolving scenario. Recalling the unstinted Indian support to the liberation movements in South Africa in the struggle against Apartheid and white-minority rule, it was agreed that in view of the positive developments in South Africa relating to the progress towards the establishment of an all representative interim government of national unity, the time has now come to help the process towards a post-apartheid South Africa by establishing an Indian presence there. India is heartened at the resumption of dialogue between the South African Government and the ANC. This has raised hopes of an early return to multi-party negotiations to bring about a non-racial undivided and democratic South Africa. In view of the above, India has now felt that the time has come to help the political process towards a post-apartheid South Africa from within by establishing an Indian presence there. It is, therefore, proposed to set-up an Indian Cultural Centre in South Africa to promote "people-to-people" contacts with the power to perform Consular and Visa functions. This is also the demand of the Indian community there. It is also felt that, in anticipation of the lifting of trade and economic boycott of South Africa in the event an agreement for the setting up of an all representative interim government is arrived at between the parties concerned, we must encourage exploratory visits by Indian trade delegations through organisations such as FICCI* and ASSOCHAM* to South Africa to prepare for trade and investment flows once the existing sanctions in this field are lifted. India had, earlier, in consonance with the decision of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting at Harare in October 1991, lifted the ban on people-to- people contacts including cultural, scientific and a selective sports boycott. The proposal to set-up direct air links is also being processed. Mr. M. Mphele has confirmed to Secretary (East) that ANC would welcome these moves on India's part. * Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industries, Associated Chmabers of Commerce and Industries.

41. ANC DIPLOMATS TRAINED IN INDIA PRESS RELEASE ISSUED IN NEW DELHI ON 18 JANUARY, 1993 ON THE TRAINING OF FOREIGN DIPLOMATS BY INDIA UNDER THE ITEC PROGRAMME AND THE AFRICA FUND 16 diplomats from the African National Congress "including some who are at a very senior level" and 11 more from Romania, Hungary, Egypt, Vietnam, Zambia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kirghizstan are participating in the second Professional Course exclusively for foreign Diplomats beginning on 18th January. The programme will run for 10 weeks, and is being conducted by the Foreign Service Training Institute of India (FSTI). The objective of the specially designed course is to orient the participants to the needs, functions & responsibilities of diplomatic service. The Course is being organised by the Foreign Service Institute of the Ministry of External Affairs and financed by the Government of India under the Indian Technical & Economic Co- operation (ITEC) programme and the Africa Fund. The request for training the ANC Diplomats came from Dr. Nelson Mandela, President of the ANC. The participants from East Europe and North Africa are coming for the first time, along with countries that have traditionally sent their Diplomats to this Institute for training. The training will be conducted by the in-house faculty of FSTI, serving officers from the Ministry of External Affairs, and eminent persons from different fields. The programme includes the study of Diplomatic practice and Protocol, International Relations, International Law, Formulation and Implementation of foreign Policy, Training in the use of Computers, Representational Skills and Effective Communications.

42. VISIT OF ANC DELEGATION TO INDIA STATEMENT OF THE OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN 17 AUGUST, 1993 ON THE VISIT OF AN AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS DELEGATION TO NEW DELHI. A High-level Delegation from the African National Congress (ANC) is visiting India. They arrived here on the 14th of August and will be leaving day after tomorrow. The Delegation is led by Mr. Thomas Nkobi, the Treasurer General of the ANC and a member of the National Executive Committee. The other members of the Delegation include Mr. Yusuf Cachalia. He is one among the heroes against Apartheid. His brother Maulvi Cachalia was once a representative of the ANC in New Delhi, and is now living in Surat. The delegation has been sent by the President of the ANC Mr. Nelson Mandela to brief the Government of India on developments in South Africa especially on the current situation with regard to the talks on the Constitution. Mr. Nkobi met the Minister of State for External Affairs, Shri Salman Khurshid yesterday (16 August, 1993). This morning he had a meeting with the External Affairs Minister, Shri Dinesh Singh, and in the evenining, he has a meeting with the Prime Minister. Mr. Nkobi assured the External Affairs Minister that in spite of efforts to disrupt the talks that are being made by some groups the talks will continue towards a successful conclusion. He expressed the hope that an agreement on setting up of a Transitional Executive Council (an interim structure that will be formed before elections) will come about soon. Mr. Nkobi also mentioned that the ANC felt that it should be possible to lift trade sanctions within the next two weeks. He stressed that they would then like to see a full-fledged Indian

Embassy in South Africa. Dwelling on developments within South Africa Mr. Nkobi underlined the excellent co-operation between the South Africans of Indian origin and the black population. The oppressed people of South Africa had forged a unity that would be maintained in the future. Mr. Nkobi said that the Indian business community should be ready to move and pursue trading opportunities as soon as sanctions were lifted. He welcomed the setting up of an Indian Cultural Centre and also stated ANC's desire to expand its representation in New Delhi so that there could be more exchanges in political and other areas. He thanked India for all the assistance that this country had provided right from the beginning of the struggle against the Apartheid. In the immediate future, he mentioned that a priority area for them would be to seek Indian assistance for increased educational facilities for their people. The External Affairs Minister thanked Mr. Nkobi for his detailed briefing. He mentioned that wide publicity would be given to motivate the Indian businessmen to develop trade with South Africa as soon as sanctions have been lifted. He also promised that India would continue to make available whatever facilities it could within its resources in the education as well as other fields.

43. INDIA LIFTS SANCTIONS AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA STATEMENT ISSUED BY THE OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN OF THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS IN NEW DELHI ON 25 SEPTEMBER, 1993 ON THE LIFTING OF SANCTIONS AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA. The Government of India welcomes Dr. Nelson Mandela's announcement at the United Nations General Assembly on 24 September that irreversible progress towards a non-racial, democratic South Africa has been made. Simultaneously, the Commonwealth Secretary-General, after consulting MemberStates, has determined that the conditons set out at the Harare Summit of 1991 have been fulfilled and trade and investment sanctions should now be lifted. In view of these encouraging developments, steps are being taken by the Government so that commercial and economic relations with South Africa are normalised. All sides involved in the negotiation process have made their contribution, especially Dr. Mandela and President F. W. de Klerk, whose vision and perseverance have been crucial to the present outcome. India recalls the long struggle of the people of South Africa to achieve human dignity and freedom. India has always stood firmly with them. India was the first to impose trade sanctions against South Africa, way back in 1946. Over the years, India has extended full support to the ANC and other liberation movements in South Africa. As South Africa moves towards elections based on universal suffrage, India looks forward to a positive expansion in our mutual relations which have been interrupted for so long and which have great prospects for the future.

44. MINISTER OF STATE FOR EXTERNAL AFFAIRS VISIT TO SOUTH AFRICA EXTRACTS FROM PRESS NOTE ISSUED BY THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS IN NEW DELHI ON 27 JANUARY 1994. The Minister of State for External Affairs, Mr. Salman Khurshid, visited four countries of Southern Africa from 11 to 24 January, 1994, namely, South Africa (Durban), Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Botswana. He was accompanied by OSD (Africa), Mrs. Chokila Iyer, and Mr. A. Ramesh, Director (Economic division) in the Ministry of External Affairs. A small business delegation also accompanied the Minister of State during the visit. South Africa 2. during his visit to Durban from 12 to 24 January, 1994 the Minister of State was warmly received by the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa Mr. R. Schoeman. The Minister of State had meetings with leaders of all the major parties across the political spectrum of South Africa, including National Party (NP), African National Congress (ANC), Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), Natal Indian Congress (NIC) etc. The meetings helped to strengthen existing ties and to establish new links with the various parties at a time when the country's historic first ever all racial elections are only three months away. In a keynote address at a large gathering of community leaders of the ethnic Indian population of the port city of Durban at a function to mark Swami Vivekananda's birthday, Minister of State stressed the relevance of the messages of Vivekananda

160 and Mahatma Gandhi particularly in the current historical context in South Africa and hoped that reconciliation between different parties would result in a peaceful transition to a truly democratic South Africa. The Minister of State also met members of the business community of Durban and expressed confidence that economic relations between the two countries would grow.

45. PRIME MINISTER FELICITATES DR. NELSON MANDELA MESSAGE FROM PRIME MINISTER, MR. P. V. NARASIMHA RAO TO DR. NELSON MANDELA, 4 MAY 1994. We learn with great pleasure that the African National Congress, under your inspiring leadership, has secured a majority of the votes caste in last week's elections in South Africa. This is a triumphant culmination of the long and arduous struggle of the people of South Africa for equality, justice and dignity in their own land. It is a historic moment for the people of South Africa, whose struggle aroused the conscience of the whole world. The ANC's victory is testimony to your able leadership of the organisation. Your sacrifices and dedication consecrate the courageous and ultimately successful struggle of the people you now lead into the dawn of a new South Africa. Ever since the time of Mahatma Gandhi a century ago, India has considered the struggle of the oppressed in South Africa her own struggle. Our long history of support for the campaign to secure the rights of all South Africans now makes us rejoice at the success of this righteous campaign. The Government and people of India join me, Excellency, in felicitating you and your colleagues for your historic victory. We wish you the valiant people of South Africa success in all the important nation-building task that lie ahead, and we will, as always, stand by you in your efforts to build a prosperous multiracial South Africa. We also look forward to working with you to further strengthening the relations between our two countries. With assurances of my highest consideration and my warmest personal regards.

46. OPENING OF INDIAN EMBASSY IN PRETORIA PRESS RELEASE ISSUED IN NEW DELHI ON 6 MAY, 1994. The Embassy of India in South Africa has started functioning in Pretoria as of today. Mr. Talmiz Ahmed has taken over as Charge d'Affaires. It will be recalled that India has already established a Consulate Geheral in Johannesburg, where Mr. Harsh Bhasin has been stationed for some time as Consul General.

47. INDIA GREETS NEW DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF INDIA TO DR. NELSON MANDELA, PRESIDENT OF SOUTH AFRICA 6 MAY 1994. PRESIDENT REPUBLIC OF INDIA 6 May 1994 Excellency, It gives me immense pleasure, on behalf of the Government and the people of India, to convey our warmest felicitations and greetings to you, Excellency, at this historic and long-awaited juncture following the first all-race elections in South Africa. The abolition of Apartheid and the ushering in of Democracy, after decades of suffering and sacrifice under Your Excellency's leadership, represent the glorious triumph of Nonviolence, Truth and Humanism. We in India hail this great victory of the human spirit in a cause deeply cherished by us. We rejoice in the emergence of a new vision of peace, synthesis, growth and prosperity for the people of South Africa, whom we view as our brethren and neighbours across the seas. Just as the Government and the people of India had been of one heart and mind with the people of South Africa in their arduous and heroic struggle for freedom and equality, so do we stand with you, Excellency, with the perspective before us of the future and the many dimensions of friendship and cooperation that we can build between our two countries for mutual benefit of our peoples in the years ahead.

Reiterating, Excellency, India's solidarity with South Africa, may I also invite you to make a State visit to India as we are eager to welcome you in our midst at an early convenient date. The Vice-President of the Republic of India, His Excellency Shri K. R. Narayanan, a thinker and statesman of rare brilliance and great distinction, is representing the Government and the people of my country, on this momentous occasion, as South Africa, with your wise and far-sighted helmsmanship, embarks upon a new era: an era of hope and fulfilment, reconciliation and reconstruction, prosperity and happiness. We welcome South Africa in the comity of democratic nations and look forward to ever-increasing friendship and cooperation between our two countries. Kindly accept, Excellency, my heartiest congratulations and best wishes for your personal health and well-being. With assurances of my highest consideration. (Shanker Dayal Sharma) His Excellency Dr. Nelson Mandela President Republic of South Africa.

48. INDIA WELCOMES NEW SOUTH AFRICA MESSAGES OF FELICITATION ON THE INAUGURATION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY, 10 MAY 1994. (i) Statement by Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao, Prime Minister of India, on the occasion of the inauguration of the Government of National Unity in South Africa on 10 May, 1994. Today is a special day for South Africa, for the whole world and for people of India. A new Government, elected on the basis of the first ever multi-racial elections in South Africa, assumed office today, and Nelson Mandela has been elected as South Africa's first democratic President. As the people of South Africa celebrate the dawn of freedom, we join them with joy, happiness and pride for what they have achieved and for what their achievement signifies for humanity. The South African people have succeeded in overthrowing decades of domination and exploitation based on the dark aspects of human existence; the belief that one man is superior to another because of the colour of his skin, because he can force his will on the majority. All this has been relegated to history. The South African people have achieved what is rightfully theirs, a country that belongs to all who live in it, and a Government that they can claim as their own based on the will of the people. The South African struggle has shown that the strength of the human spirit, the strength of values of moral conviction, and the strength of uncompromising struggle against domination and exploitation are indeed formidable forces for change.

166 The achievements of the South African struggle are a homage to Mahatma Gandhi. It was in South Africa 101 years ago that the Father of our nation saw a link between the struggles for freedom in that country and ours. Gandhiji said "truly speaking, it was after I went to South Africa that I became what I am now. My love for South Africa and my concern for her problems are no less than for India." By history, circumstance or choice, about one million people of Indian origin now live in South Africa. Most of them have lived there for generations and have toiled with their South African compatriots, and contributed to the prosperity of that country. Many have also struggled shoulder to shoulder against the minority racist domination. Today, they are a vibrant part of the family of the South African people. We will endeavour to reinforce the closest cultural and social links with them and with the people of all races in South Africa. We welcome post-apartheid South Africa to the comity of nations. The ties we have forged in the long years of being in the forefront of the struggle against apartheid will stand us in good stead in developing mutual cooperation. India was in the vanguard of the anti-apartheid struggle, the first to raise the issue at the United Nations, and we have done this because we felt it was our cause, and not that of a distant neighbour. On this very happy occasion, I would like to extend our congratulations and felicitations to one of the great men of our times, the Father of the South African nation, whom we honoured in 1979 with the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding and in 1990 with the Bharat Ratna award, President Nelson Mandela, as he takes up his responsibilities as Head of State of South Africa. We pay tribute to his role as a great reconciler and wish him success in leading South Africa through the interim period towards a peaceful, democratic and prosperous future. (ii) Statement of Mr. Dinesh Singh, Minister of External Affairs, on the Occasion of Swearing in of the New National Government in South Africa, New Delhi, 10 May 1994. A National Government consisting of the elected representatives of all the people of South Africa was sworn in today. The Government and people of India greet this historic occasion with joy that comes from a sense of fulfilment along with all those in South Africa, the African continent, the Commonwealth, the United Nations and others who carried the torch of freedom and equality these long years of struggle against the Apartheid system. The destinies of the people of India and South Africa have been closely interwoven. The crucible of South Africa had a formative influence on Mahatma Gandhi. His ideals of peace, tolerance and -non-violence and their use as instruments of fundamental political and social change had inspired generations who fought non-violently for a non-racial and democratic South Africa. While saluting the people of South Africa we highlight the vision and perseverance of one of the great men of this century-Nelson Mandela, who stood in the forefront of the struggle against Apartheid. History will also mark the contribution of those who, in the spirit of reconcilation and compromise for the greater good, made possible the peaceful emergence of a democratic, united South Africa. Many people from India have made South Africa their home and country. The fight against minority domination has also been their struggle and cause. We are confident that they will contribute to and partake in equal measure with all the peoples of South Africa in the challenges of development and in the road to prosperity. With the emergence of a new South Africa, history has put behind itself an era marked by colonial exploitation and racial domination. The release of the spirit and genius of millions long suppressed would contribute to the emergence of an invigorated South African Nation that would not only make its contribution to international peace, security and development but also to further human progress. It is with this hope that we look forward to relations of friendship and cooperation with South Africa that we contribute to the betterment of the lives of our peoples.

49. WELCOME HOME, PRESIDENT MANDELA STATEMENTS, ADDRESSES AND SPEECHES DURING THE VISIT OF DR. NELSON MANDELA, PRESIDENT OF SOUTH AFRICA 25-27 JANUARY 1995. (i) Speech by the President of India Dr. Shanker Dayal Sharma at the banquet in honour of the President of the Republic of South Africa, Dr. Nelson R. Mandela, New Delhi, 25 January 1995. Your Excellency President Mandela; Distinguished Members of the South African Delegation; Excellencies; Ladies and Gentlemen. It gives me great happiness to welcome in our midst today the First Head of State of free, democratic and multi-racial South Africa. On behalf of the people of India, I extend a very warm and cordial welcome to Your Excellency and to your Delegation. We had the pleasure of welcoming you, President Mandela, in this country in 1990. You had just been freed from 27 years of incarceration. Your uncompromising opposition, all these years, to apartheid evoked great admiration. It symbolised the inevitable destruction of a system which denied people their most basic rights. Our support for your just cause was reiterated through the conferment of India's highest award, the 'Bharat Ratna', which you were gracious enough to accept. Today, Excellency, we welcome you as the leader of a victorious struggle which marks the end of an era begun by the independence of India. We have long recognised that our freedom movement was part of the global struggle of oppressed humanity against colonialism. The Father of our Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, had his political baptism in South Africa. Noncooperation, as a form of political struggle, was born in your homeland and culminated in ours. It is appropriate that freedom and democracy in South Africa dawned on the 125th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. Our bonds, Excellency, have been forged in those years when you struggled for your freedom, while we mobilised international opinion in your support. We raised the issue of apartheid in the United Nations and broke off diplomatic relations with racist South Africa because we sincerely believed that your cause was ours too. This belief we reaffirm today, as we support your efforts at reconciliation and reconstruction. Jawaharlal Nehru said in March 1947: "We of Asia have a special responsibility to the people of Africa. We must help them to their rightful place in the human family. The freedom that we envisage is not to be confined to this nation or that, or to a particular people, but must be spread out over the whole human race." To you, our neighbours across the ocean, we extend our hand in solidarity, friendship and cooperation once again. We look forward to building a strong bilateral relationship which will reflect our common heritage and our shared aspirations. It is a matter of satisfaction that our two Governments have decided to establish a Joint Commission which will provide the frame-work for this cooperation. Our ties in various fields have made substantial progress recently. Our bilateral trade agreement will accelerate this trend. The direct air link between our two countries must now be followed by the expansion of shipping links as well. Our cooperation in the field of defence is also promising. As we move to a new era of friendship, the Indian Community in South Africa serves as an important bridge. As nations linked by the Indian Ocean, we look forward to close regional cooperation which can develop into an institutionalised arrangements. We have noted the progress made by the South African Development Community and see in it a significant force for the furtherance of democracy and stability in the region. Excellency, we have been following with deep interest the debate in South Africa on the Reconstruction and Development

170 Programme. Your endeavours in evolving a national consensus on vital issues facing South Africa is widely respected. As a society which values pluralism and diversity, we support your vision of the new South Africa. Excellency, your visit is a landmark in the ties between our two countries. We have shared both the tragedy of colonialism and triumph of the free human spirit. Today, we stand together, united in our determination to realise common goals. May I request you, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, to join me in a toast: - to the health and happiness of His Excellency President Nelson Mandela, - to the eternal friendship of India and South Africa, and - to the triumph of human dignity and freedom. (ii) Address by President Nelson Mandela at the banquet hosted by President Sharma, 25 January 1995. President Shanker Dayal Sharma; Prime Minister Rao; Honourable Ministers; Your excellencies, Ambassadors and members of the diplomatic corps; Distinguished guests; Ladies and Gentlemen. May I express my heartfelt appreciation of the splendid welcome you have afforded our delegation today. This excellent banquet, this gathering of distinguished guests, the warmth we have encountered at every step; all these things remind us that we are among very special friends. Not that anyone could ever have doubted India's concern for the people of South Africa. With an unfaltering belief in justice and a recognition that none could be truly free while others were oppressed, India came to our aid when the rest of the world stood by or gave succour to our oppressors. Even before India had gained its own independence, you identified with our cause and insisted that all the nations of the world should make it their cause too. When the doors of international councils were closed to us, India opened the way. You took up our battle as your own battle. Now that we have been victorious, it cannot be said too often that our victory is also India's victory.

When we drew from India was practical aid when it was sorely needed; the inspiration of successful resistance to a powerful oppressor; the example if defiance and forms of struggle that enriched our own traditions of struggle; a clearsighted internationalism. I consequently speak for all South African when I say that our victory would have been less complete without your unfaltering support. Humanity has been enriched through your efforts. And now it is possible for the very first time for the Heads of State of our two countries to meet, with out peoples united in peace and truly free, with the prospect of a future rich with potential for cooperation in pursuit of peace and prosperity for all. To the partnership which we seek to establish with you, we bring a nation which; in the very short time in which it has known peace and freedom, has shown a remarkable deter-mination to leave behind its history of division and conflict. It has displayed resolution in seeking out the most realistic and effective ways of addressing the central task it has set itself, that of transforming society in order to improve the lives of especially the poor. This requires mobilisation of all the sectors of our population, including workers and business, in the effort to eradicate the legacy of apartheid. In these efforts, we have benefited from the profound experiences of India, not least from the facilities you have offered us for the training of our cadres. The agreements signed this morning are a profound expression of the possibilities that exist for us to speed up the strengthening of our relations, including the critical areas of transfer of relevant technology, trade and investment. I am convinced, Your Excellency, that we are poised to build a unique and special partnership-a partnership forged in the crucible of history, common cultural attributes and common struggle. But it is, above all, a partnership promised on building a future that will benefit our peoples and the nations of the Indian Ocean Rim. At last, a natural relationship which was held captive by the dictates of apartheid can come of its own: flourishing in the fertile ground of the best values humanity can offer.

, should also take this opportunity to thank you, Mr. President, for the high-level delegation that you sent to our inauguration. Since then, we have laid the basis for us to move forward together into an era of co-operation. What has been forged in a common fight for freedom can now flourish in a time of peace. Ladies and Gentlemen. Allow me to propose a toast to the health of the President Sharma, to peace and cooperation between our great nations. (iii) Speech by Prime Minister Narasimha Rao at the lunch in honour of the President of the Republic of South Africa Dr. Nelson R. Mandela on 25 January 1995. Mr. President, I need hardly say how gratified and privileged we feel to have you in our midst again. This time you come as South Africa's President, symbolizing your country's revolutionary transition to majority rule. You come as a freedom fighter and statesman who has a special place in the hearts of the Indian people. In welcoming you as the Chief Guest at our Republic Day celebrations this year, we welcome a great hero of humankind. May I also say how happy we are to welcome the members of your delegation? As you know so well, Mr. President, India's ties with South Africa go back a long time, and have a special, indeed seminal, quality. The links that Mahatma Gandhi forged between the dispossessed and underprivileged of our two countries were noble and inspiring in character. We strive to draw sustenance from such links. Our people travelled to your country over a hundred years ago and found a home in South Africa. They constitute a further vital link between our two nations. Under your leadership, South Africa looks to the world with clear and confident eyes. On our part, Mr. President, we wish to be your partners as you take your country away from the ravages of apartheid into a national endeavour that aims at a common, not sectarian, good. South Africa is a major player on both the regional and global stages. India and South Africa, as Indian Ocean countries, having a certain regional commonality of perspective.

Our attachment to our independence, our commitment to equity and justice, and our dedication to social and economic development reinforces this commonality. And along with commonality is also complementarity, whether it is in industry, or trade, or science and technology or culture. I am convince that there need be no limits to our cooperation. I am happy that we have signed a Treaty that will lay the groundwork for our future cooperation. And we will also be establishing a bilateral Joint Commission to provide the mechanism for the purpose. I would like our two countries to work together in concentrated form and raise our bilateral cooperation to new heights. Mr. President, we have just had a very fruitful session of talks. I am confident that your visit will be a landmark in the growing friendship & cooperation between India & South Africa. I am particularly pleased that you have accepted our invitation to visit Sabarmati Ashram. We would have liked you to spend more time in our country and travelled around, but I understand that you are pressed for time and must return. We hope to have you with us for a longer period the next time. Ladies & Gentlemen, please join me in a toast to President Mandela, a hero of humankind and a friend of India. (iv) Address by President Nelson Mandela at the Lunch hosted by Prime Minister Narasimha Rao of India. New Delhi, 25 January 1995. Prime Minister Rao; Honourable Ministers; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen. May I express my heartfelt appreciation at the very warm and moving welcome which the Government of India has extended to us as representatives of the South African Government. For those who did not know history it might seem strange indeed that there should only now be a meeting of the heads of the governments of two countries held so closely by bonds of sentiment, common values and shared experience, by affinity of cultures and traditions, and by geography. But history decreed that our peoples should be kept apart by the very same tyranny which divided South Africa and

174 oppressed the greater part of its people. Now that we are free at last, and with your help, there is much that our governments must urgently attend to so that relations between our peoples can flourish as they always should have done. The way is now open for our countries to enter without constraint and to the full extent of their potential into mutually beneficial cooperation. The agreements which we signed this morning have established an intergovernmental framework within which the full range of relations can be developed. We regard the mutual adoption of fundamental principles governing cooperation and relations between our states, as being of the utmost importance as a joint commitment to the values and goals which we share. These principles commit us jointly to strive for peace, democracy and non- racialism and they point us towards a Nuclear Weapons-free and Non-Violent World. In so doing they commit the resources and the political energies of our two great countries to furthering peace and international security throughout the world and in particular Africa and Asia. The Joint Commission of our two governments which was established by one of the agreements signed this morning, will play a key role in promoting close cooperation in the political, trade, economic, cultural, scientific and technical fields. Detailed discussions in all these fields, as well as in the combatting of the international drugs trade, are well advanced, and we look forward to an early signing of agreements. A Trade Agreement signed in August last year laid the groundwork for one of the objectives of our visit to your country, namely the promotion of trade and investment links between our two business communities. An expansion of economic activity on a spectacular scale is within our reach. If achieved it will contribute to the development of our countries and to the upliftment of the quality of life of our peoples. As countries at similar stages of development, we have much to offer one other in the way of relevant technology and exchange of skills. I believe that we can look to the future not only with enthusiasm, but with confidence. Circumstances are extremely propitious.

175 May our countries prosper through mutually beneficial cooperation and may relations between our peoples flourish. I thank you.

50. PARTNERSHIP IN DEVELOPMENT AGREEMENT SIGNED DURING THE VISIT OF PRESIDENT MANDELA TO INDIA 25-27 JANUARY 1995. (i) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Republic of South Africa on the Inter-governmental Juint Commission for Political, Trade, Economic, Cultural, Scientific and technical Cooperation New Delhi, 25 January 1995. The Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Republic of South Africa (Hereinafter referred to as the "Contracting Parties"). Desirous of advancing close cooperation and to implement this inter- governmental Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Republic of South Africa on political, trade, economic, cultural, scientific and technical cooperation, signed on 25 January 1995, Have agreed as follows: Article-1 The Contracting Parties hereby set up the Indo-South Africa inter-governmental Joint Commissions on Political, Trade, Economic, Cultural, Scientific and Technical Cooperation, (hereinafter referred to as the "Joint Commission"). Article-2 The tasks of the Joint Commission are: - To consider questions arising in the course of implementation of this Agreement between the Government of India and the Government of South Africa on Political, Trade, Economic, Cultural, Scientific and Technical Cooperation and other Indo-South African agreements to be concluded in

177 the fields of political, .trade, economic, cultural, scientific and technical cooperation. - To study possibilities for further development of political, trade, economic, scientific and technical and cultural cooperation. - To prepare recommendations for successful implementation of the above- mentioned agreements and proposals on possible ways of enhancing cooperation in these spheres, for approval by the Contracting Parties as well as to settle other questions pertaining to political, trade, economic, cultural, scientific and technical cooperation. - To include any other area of Cooperation as may be agreed by the Contracting Parties. Article-3 The Joint Commission shall comprise of an equal number of Indian and South African members. India and South African Co-Chairmen and members of the Joint Commission would be appointed by the Corresponding Contracting Party. Article-4 The Joint Commissions shall convene for meetings at least once every two years on agreed dates. Meetings of the Joint Commission shall be conducted alternatively in India and South Africa and shall be chaired by the Chairman of the host country. The Joint Commission shall conduct its meetings as per the approved working schedule and on agreement between the Chairmen. Meetings of the Commission may be attended by the necessary number of Counsellors and experts of each side. Article-5 The schedule of regular meetings and the preliminary agenda shall be settled by the Chairmen through consultations at least 30 days before the meeting date. The meeting shall consider predetermined agenda items as well as the items that, subject to the Chairmen's consent, may be included in the agenda at the beginning of the meeting.

178 Article-6 On request of one of the Chairmen, special meetings of the Joint Commission may be convened. At the initiative of a Contracting Party, additional meetings between the Chairmen of their deputies shall be arranged as promptly as possible. Article-7 At the Joint Commission meetings decisions shall be made by consensus. In urgent matters the Chairmen shall have the right, with mutual consent, to take decisions in the period between meetings of the Joint Commissions. The decisions of the Chairmen shall be included in the Protocol minutes of the next meeting of the Joint Commission. Decisions of the Joint Commission shall come into force on the date of their signing, if not provided otherwise. Those decisions that, according to the statement of one of the Chairmen, have to be approved by authorised bodies of its respective country, shall come into force on the date of notification by the corresponding Chairman about their approval. Article-8 Results and decisions of the Joint Commission meetings shall be reflected in the Protocols which shall be signed by the Chairmen. Article-9 In order to fulfil its tasks the Joint Commission may set up permanent and provisional bodies, i.e., subcommissions or working groups. The Joint Commission shall determine the tasks, scope of reference and commission of permanent and provisional bodies which shall carry out their work as per the plan and decisions approved by the Joint Commissions. Article- 10 The Indian and South African Executive Secretaries of the Joint Commission shall be responsible for organising the activity of the respective side, coordination of the work of its executive bodies, preparation of documents for the

Joint Commission meetings, as well as for other organisational questions with respect to the activities of the Joint Commission. Article-I 1I Expenses for organising the Joint Commission meetings and the work of its permanent and provisional bodies shall be borne by the country hosting a meeting. Travel and living expenses, including hotel accommodation of the Joint Commission meeting participants and members of its permanent and provisional bodies, shall be borne by the country deputing its representatives to these meetings. Article- 12 The Contracting Parties shall strive to settle any problems, disputes or differences arising out of the interpretation or application of the agreement through mutual consultations. Article- 13 This Agreement may be amended with the mutual consent in writing of the Contracting Parties. Article- 14 This Agreement shall enter into force on the date of its signing and shall be valid for a period of five years. The validity period of this Agreement shall be automatically extended for subsequent period of five years, at a time unless either of the two Contracting Parties gives a written notice to the other six months in advance, of its intention to terminate it before the date of its cxpiry. The termination of this agreement shall not affect the programmes and projects already commenced or in progress till their completion. Once at New Delhi on this 25th day of January 1995 in two originals each in Hindi and English languages, all the texts being equally authentic. In case of any doubt, the English text shall prevail. For the Government of For the Government of the the Republic of India Republic of South Africa P.V. Narasimha Rao N.R. Mandela Prime Minister President 180 (ii) Treaty on the Principles of Inter-State Relations and Cooperation between the Republic of India and the Republic of South Africa New Delhi, 25 January 1995. The Republic of India and the Republic of South Africa (hereinafter referred to as the "High Contracting Parties"); ATTACHING the utmost importance to the further strengthening of the traditional bonds of friendship between the peoples of both countries; RECALLING the historical affinity of the cultures and traditions of their peoples; STRIVING to develop multi-faceted and mutually beneficial cooperation between them; RECOGNISING that they share the ideals of peace, democracy and secular governance; HAVING resolved to fight against apartheid, racial discrimination and religious fundamentalism; STRIVING to achieve a Nuclear Weapon-Free and NonViolent world; and CONVINCED that cooperation between the High Contracting Parties would further the cause of peace and international security globally, particularly in Asia and Africa; HAVE agreed as follows: Article-i The High Contracting Parties confirm their adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. Their relations shall be governed by respect for each other's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, inviolability of their existing state borders and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Article-2 The High Contracting Parties shall develop equal and mutually beneficial cooperation in the political, economic, trade and scientific spheres as well as in the fields of technology, industry, transport, energy, culture, public health, ecology, education, tourism, sports and exchange of information. The High Contracting Parties shall conclude separate Agreements to formalize this cooperation.

Article-3 The High Contracting Parties have accorded to each other Most Favoured Nation treatment in their trade and economic cooperation. A Trade Treaty has already been signed between them in this regard. Article-4 The High Contracting Parties shall develop and deepen cooperation in the field of transportation by sea, air, rail and road. Separate agreements in respect thereof and regarding the facilitation of the unhindered transit of passengers and cargoes shall be concluded. Article-5 The High Contracting Parties shall cooperate in the fight against international crime, terrorism in all its forms, crimes against civil aviation security, shipping and other forms of transport, illegal international trade in narcotics and arms and in cultural and historical objects. For this purpose separate agreements, where necessary, will be concluded. Article-6 The High Contracting Parties condemn all forms of hatred, violence, fundamentalism and religious extremism. Article-7 Each High Contracting Party shall refrain from participating or supporting any action directed against the other High Contracting Party. Article-8 This Treaty does not prejudice the rights and obligations of the High Contracting Parties under any existing bilateral and multilateral Treaties to which they are Parties and is not at the expense of their relations with any third country. Article-9 Regular contact will be maintained between the Governments of the High Contracting Parties at different levels on issues of mutual concern with the aim of realising the objectives of this Treaty.

Article-10 Additions and amendments to the present Treaty mutually agreed to by the High Contracting Parties shall be effected in writing. Disputes regarding the interpretation of the Treaty shall be settled through consultations and negotiations. Article-I 1I This Treaty shall enter into force from the date of the exchange of instruments of ratification, and will be valid for a period of ten years and shall be automatically extended for a further period of ten years unless either High Contracting Party informs the other in writing six months in advance of its intention to terminate the Treaty. Done at New Delhi on the 25th Day of January 1995 in two originals each in Hindi and English languages, all texts being equally authentic. In case of disagreement, the English text shall prevail. For the Government of For the Government of the the Republic of India Republic of South Africa P.V. Narasimha Rao N.R. Mandela Prime Minister President (iii) Protocol on Cooperation between the Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India and the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa New Delhi, 25 January 1995. The Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India and the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa (hereinafter referred to as Sides); Desirous of promoting political, economic and cultural cooperation between the two sides and on this basis further development and 'strengthening of friendly relations between Indian and South African peoples; Considering as useful consultations as well as exchange of opinions at different levels on bilateral relations and international problems of mutual interest; and Wishing to facilitate operational decisions on questions of mutually beneficial cooperation, agreed on the following: Article-i The two sides shall regularly have talks and consultations at the level of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and other levels on international and regional problems of mutual interest as well as questions relating to bilateral relations. By mutual agreement, expert working groups shall be formed to consider the proposals. Article-2 The two sides shall decide on the basis of mutual agreement the agenda, date and place of talks and consultations and these would be held at appropriate levels, at least once a year alternatively in Delhi and Pretoria. Article-3 The two sides shall facilitate further widening and deepening of bilateral cooperation in the political, trade, economic, scientific, ecological, cultural, humanitarian, information and other spheres. Article-4 The two sides shall establish favourable conditions for direct contacts and meetings with each other by organising training, consultations, mutual exchange of delegations and experts. Article-5 Delegations of both sides participating in the work of international organisation and fora, shall, where appropriate, enter into consultations in a spirit of constructive cooperation on different questions of mutual interest. Article-6 The two sides shall cooperate in training highly qualified members of the diplomatic service. The Indian side shall render assistance, the details of which shall be defined through mutual consultations, in training South African diplomats in specialized training centres in India.

184 Article-7 Additions and amendments to the present Protocol, acceptable to both sides, shall be affected in writing. Article-8 The Protocol shall enter into force from the moment of its signing and will be valid for a period of five years. The Protocol shall be automatically extended for a further period of five years unless the other side informs in writing six months in advance of its intention to terminate the Protocol. For the Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India Salman Khurshid Minister of State for External Affairs For the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa Alfred Nzo Minister for Foreign Affairs New Delhi 25 January 1995 51. MANDELA THANKS INDIA ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT NELSON MANDELA AT THE RAJIV GANDHI FOUNDATION NEW DELHI, 25 JANUARY 1995. Madame Chairperson, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Just over four years ago, when I landed on these shores, I was greatly humbled by the sense of occasion and the great symbolism of the event. For me, it was an opportunity, at last, to retrace the footsteps of Gandhiji between our two countries and continents. It was an opportunity to pay tribute to Pandit Nehru, first Prime Minister of Independent India, and one of the great world leaders whose ideas and force of example profoundly influenced my own political outlook. Among the memories indelibly etched in my heart are the touching welcoming words of then Congress Party leader, Rajiv Gandhi: The freedom of India strated in South Africa; and our freedom will not be complete till South Africa is free. Profound in their simplicity, moving in their sincerity and immortal in their accuracy, these sentiments came flashing back when I was informed of the invitation to address this august gathering. Grief, consolation and fulfilment, wrapped in one, is what enveloped me: * grief in remembering the tragic fact of a young life cut down in its prime; * consolation in knowing that it is his strength and the frailty of the assassins which will live on for generations; and

* fulfilment in the realisation that those welcoming words can today come to life in their full bloom. On behalf of the people of South Africa, I have come on this occasion to say to Rajiv, Pandit and Mahatma-indeed to the people of India: Your freedom can now reach its zenith because the people of South Africa are free! Over the years, our peoples have extolled the many issues that bind us: the cold facts of geography and history; the shared passion in pursuit of justice and happiness; and the golden trail of principled actions in aid of the struggling people of our country. All this, and much more, are the solid foundation upon which our new relations are taking shape. They are at the root of our emotion when we say: to come to India is for us a homecoming; a pilgrimage to the shrines of great leaders and a great people we shall always admire. I bring you greetings from the people of South Africa. In their multitudes and diversity they extend their hands across the miles and oceans to profoundly thank the people of India for helping set them free. They are deeply conscious of the sentiments Rajiv Gandhi expressed: that you did so knowing that you were, by your actions, also helping to set yourselves free. For you saw our tears as reason enough for your own sorrow; the blood that we shed as a loss to your own selves. Today we come with a new confidence that both our nations have met their tryst with destiny. Tomorrow, as we join you to celebrate the independence of India, we shall in a sense be celebrating our own victory. For without India's victory, ours would have been that much more difficult to attain. This is the spirit that infused our earlier engagements today: the joyous welcome by President Sharma and the signing of agreements with Prime Minister Narasimha Rao. What these agreements represent is the beginning of a new epoch in relations between India and South Africa. But they also signify a challenge whose meeting we can no longer postpone. For as the dust of the rhythm of celebration settles and the beat of drums and cymbals die down, standing starkly before us are the tasks bequeathed us by Mahatma and Panditji. If we have reached an exalted summit in our joint march to freedom, the wider view that this affords us in South Africa is littered with the destruction of apartheid that we never fully appreciated: the collapse of the social fabric and infrastructure; the immorality and wastefulness in the corridors of apartheid power; and the warping of the collective mind of slave and slave-master alike. And as we awaken to the profundity of these realities, our appreciation of the daunting tasks ahead of us become clearer. We in South Africa are convinced that it is both possible and practicable to reach our goal of a better life for all in the shortest possible time. We derive our confidence from the knowledge that this is a vision shared by the overwhelming majority of South Africans across the colour and political divides. And we fully appreciate the role of the international community in making this happen-not only in the form of material support. If we are able today to speak proudly of a rainbow nation, united in its diversity of culture, religion, race, language and ethnicity, it is in part because the world set us a moral example which we dared to follow. This achievement is bound to last because it is founded on the realisation that reconciliation and nation-building mean, among other things, that we should set out to know the truth about the terrible past and ensure it does not recur. Ours must therefore not be merely a respite before the bitterness of the past once more reasserts itself. We recognise too, that reconciliation and nation-building would remain pious words if they were not promised on a concerted effort to remove the real roots of past conflict and injustice. Our national security and the survival of our young democracy depend, above everything else on the programme to meet the basic needs of the people. Reconstruction and development will ensure that all South Africans have a stake in life; that they share an interest in the well-being of the country as a whole. Jawaharlal Nehru taught us that the right to a roof over one's head and affordable services, a job and reasonable income, education and health facilities is more than just a bonus to democracy. It is the essence of democracy itself; the essence of human rights. This requires economic growth and investment; rational utilisation of the resources at our disposal; human resources development; rural and urban renewal.. .to quote but a few examples. We state all these principles not because they are novel. Rather it is so underline the fact that we have keenly followed the experiences of India and other developing countries, and we seek to learn from you. It is also to emphasise that India has a crucial role to play in our endeavours, in as much as we have an important role to play in your efforts. Our discussions this morning with President Sharma and Prime Minister Rao have laid a firm basis for this. The Joint Commission which has been established and the Principles of Inter-State Relations which have been signed are certain to lead to a rapid development of all-round bilateral relations. This is because we are rectifying an anomaly, so that our two nations, bound together by history, geography, politics and economic attributes, can develop the special relationship that these factors dictate. This is crucial for us in South Africa because we know we shall benefit from the rich tapestry of your experience in areas of socio-economic development such as housing, education and health; from your indigenous technology conducive for developing nations; from the possibilities of training in many areas, including management of the state apparatus. As South Africans, we are also examining the question, how we can follow India's example to become an important part of the international effort for peace, development and cooperation, especially now, in a world that is abandoning equations of the past. Certainly, this new reality has its own potentially negative effects. But to help change the world requires that we start from the point of view of the positive elements and possibilities that exist. Firstly, International relations today can be conducted without the aberration of military and ideological blocs which tended to cloud the fundamental issues at hand, including human rights and political freedom. Secondly, this has made it possible for the crucial questions that have plagued humanity for centuries, to come to the fore: the fact of the social disparity among and within nations and the need to raise the global quality of life.

Thirdly, international bodies, particularly the United Nations, are re-examining their role to take on board, as a central theme, the issues of socio-political rights on a global scale. Lastly, social and political renaissance in many developing countries is helping set the tone for renewed confidence, mutual cooperation and a more effective voice. The times might have been different and the setting somewhat skewed. But when the leaders of the previous epoch, of the calibre of Pandit Nehru, Abdul Nasser, Nkwame Nkurumah, Sukarno, Albert Luthuli, Allende and others initiated and sought to build on the spirit of Bandung, their prime concern was not merely military non-alignment. They had as their prime objective political freedom and socio-economic development. The conditions under which we operates today make it even more necessary and practicable for us to pursue this cause. Thus in seeking to strengthen indo-South African relations, we do so also motivated by the need to forge a partnership whose significance should outstrip the narrow confines of our own self-interest. While we should seek to exploit one another's lucrative markets; take maximum advantage of trade and investment opportunities; expand cultural, sporting and tourist relations; cooperate on security matters, including the combating of drug trafficking, we would be less than equal to the tasks at hand if we did not realise the broader canvass within which this has to take place. The "natural urge of the facts of history and geography" that Nehru spoke of, should broaden itself to include exploring the concept of an Indian Ocean Rim of socioeconomic cooperation and other peaceful endeavours; of a special relationship that should help improve the lot of the developing nations in multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, Commonwealth, and Non- Aligned Movement. Therefore, if there is any central challenge that this occasion of the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation presents us with, it is to develop the tenacity required to pursue goals that are old and familiar, yet new and not fully explored in the current world milieu. For that, we require creative, bold and innovative minds; the kind of mind which, in Rajiv's own words, is "probing,

190 restless" and "takes nothing for granted... a mind that refuses to acquiesce to anything shoddy... that insists on bettering even the very best.'" I wish the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation all the best, and I am confident that in death, as in life, Rajiv will continue to cement the unity of the people of India and their various organisations, as well as the bonds of cooperation between India and South Africa. May our relations grow from strength to strength and bring a better life to all our peoples! Thank you.

52. MANDELA'S TRIBUTE TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU SPEECH BY PRESIDENT MANDELA AT PARLIAMENT ON THE OCCASION OF UNVEILING OF STATUE OF PANDIT JAWAHARLAL NEHRU ON 26 JANUARY 1995. Your Excellency President Sharma, Hon. Prime Minister, Mr. Rao, Hon. Speaker, Hon. Ministers and Members of Parliament, It is an honour of the highest order and a profound joy for us, as representatives of one of the world's youngest democracies, to share today's commemoration of the founding of the Republic of India with you, who are the elected representatives of the Indian nation, in this Parliament which embodies your democracy, one of the world's largest. For those who love freedom and hate oppression and poverty, this occasion is rich with meaning and emotion. Our two countries are united by strong bonds of history and geography. It is a history of shared commitment to freedom and democracy, to non-racialism and tolerance, to social equity and the eradication of poverty. It is a history of common experience of oppression and struggle for independence and freedom. It is a history of independence in struggle and mutual support. If the fight for the rights of people of Indian origin in South Africa was one of the fires which tempered Mahatma Gandhi's leadership of the struggle for freedom in India, then the constant support and counsel which the people and Government of India gave to all the oppressed people of South Africa, has done much of chart out our direction and to make the victory of democratic forces possible. Our victory is the victory of India as well.

The India must go much of the credit for the fact that our aspiration for freedom and justice became one of the pre-eminent concerns of the international community for close on five decades. The World's commitment to freedom in South Africa is something which future historians will surely judge to be one of the hallmarks of the twentieth century's march towards democracy. This occasion is given added poignancy by the fact that we have also been able to share today in honouring the memory of Pandit Nehru, the first Prime Minister of an independent India and a person whose influence upon the thinking of our liberation movement, and upon my own thinking, was profound and lasting. Panditji taught that narrow forms of nationalism, intense and powerful as they may be in awakening people to struggle, are inadequate as a basis for achieving victory or for lasting peace. Our experience has shown us the truth of this lesson that exclusiveness must give way to cooperation and interdependence. It is a lesson, forged in struggle and inscribed in the rapidly changing world order, which we have taken to heart both in our task of addressing the legacy of apartheid in our country, and in our approach to the international community. One of the greatest achievements of the people of South Africa, in the short history of our democracy, is the capacity that has been demonstrated in the past year to stand together, united, as we make our way from division and conflict to peace and common striving for a better life for all South Africans. It is understandable, given our history, that people often speak of this as a miracle. Be that as it may, it is built upon a solid and lasting foundation. Our Government of National Unity, with the support of virtually every sector of society, has embarked on a path of sustainable reconstruction and development. This, despite the fact that the resources available to end the scourges of poverty, ill-health and inadequate education are limited. Our Programme of Reconstruction and Development involves the transformation of our society with the purpose of addressing the needs of especially the poorest. In order to achieve this, we have adopted policies for shifting national priorities, and for the prudent and efficient use of our country's resources.

These are combined with measures to create an environment for growth, in which business, large and small, can thrive. It has led us to participate in the process of lowering barriers to world trade. The consensus around that goals and policies provides a secure basis from which we can address the tasks facing us. Amongst the most urgent of these tasks are, consolidating our newly won democracy, by extending it from the national level to democratically elected local authorities, and by replacing our interim Constitution with a permanent democratic Constitution, translating the plans and policies for transformation into visible change in the conditions in which people live and work. Achieving these objectives can only secure and deepen the peace and stability which have allowed us as a nation, at last, to address the needs of our people. For a nation as diverse as ours, the consensus we have achieved around these issues confirms the strength that lies in diversity. That strength, in our situation, is also profoundly expressed by the seminal role played by South Africans of Indian origin in our history of struggle through all its phases. And we dare say that our achievements in reconciliation draw their inspiration is part from Mahatma's philosophy of satyagraha. Our visit to India, is, therefore, in a sense, also a goodwill mission in respect of our Indian compatriots back home, a reaffirmation of the bonds our nation as a whole has with their roots. If there was at any stage a concern about the position of minorities in South Africa, that concern was challenged by facts of history and struggle. Today, it is evaporating like dew under a clear morning sky, as the nation forges itself into one entity with all its diverse components, not as threatened minorities but as part of the majority. If I have dwelt on what might seem internal matters, it is because these policies and achievements lay the basis for transforming the heritage of mutual respect, support and solidarity which exists between the peoples of South Africa and India into a new era of partnership and cooperation between our Government and nations. I will be speaking later today to a gathering of your country's business leaders, about the challenging and exciting possibilities that exist, now that the apartheid barriers to trade and invest- ment have been removed. Many other areas for cooperation are being discussed between our two Governments. But it would be proper in this gathering, and on this day, to ask ourselves if our shared heritage does not confer upon our two countries a special responsibility, to jointly commit ourselves to contributing to the emergence of a new world order in which democracy, peace and prosperity prevail everywhere. That would be a fitting tribute to the memory of an Indian leader whose contribution to the world was as great as his contribution to his own country, one who understood ahead of his time the essential interdependence of nations and who taught that no people in any one part of the world could really be free while their brothers and sisters in other parts were not. That is the fundamental lesson we derive from the teachings of Pandit Nehru. Thank you. Note: The President of India later presented a bust of Mahatma Gandhi to His Excellency, Dr. Nelson Mandela, the President of the Republic of South Africa. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Africa Fund: Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid, New Delhi, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, 1987 African National Congress of South Africa, Asia Office, New Delhi, Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding: Presentation to Nelson Mandela on 14 November 1980, New Delhi, 1980 Africa Quarterly, South Africa and the World: A Select bibliography, by Sharmila S. Karnik, Vol 30, No. 1-2, Indian Council for Cultural Relations, Azad Bhavan, New Delhi, 1990 , Special Issue on Post-Apartheid South Africa, Vol. 32, No. 1-4, 1992-93, Indian Council for Cultural Relations, Azad Bhavan, New Delhi, 1993 Banerjee, Aninda, "Revolution in South Africa and Nelson Mandela" Socialist Perspectives, 18 (40), Mar. 1991 Chhabra, Hari Sharan, Struggle Against Apartheid: India's Contribution, Africa Publications, New Delhi, 1979 , India and Africa: Saga of Friendship, Africa Publications, New Delhi, 1986 , Nehru and Resurgent Africa, Africa Publications, New Delhi, 1989 , (Ed), South Africa: Hopeful Signs, World FOCUS, New Delhi, No. 162, June 1993 Charvak, "Mandela in Delhi", Mainstream, 28 (2), 20 Oct. 1990 Damodaran, A.K., "Anti Apartheid Struggle: Indians and India" in Ali, Shanti Sadiq and Gupta, Anirudha, (Eds), Africa: Dimensions of the Economic Crisis, London, O.U.P.

196 Dharampal, "South African Indians, India and 'New' South Africa", Economic and Political WEEKLY, 24-31 October 1992, Bombay Dubey, A.K., Indo-African Relations in the Post-Nehru Era, 1965-1985, Kalinga Publications, Delhi, 1990 India, Ministry of External Affairs, India Condemns Apartheid, External Publicity Division, New Delhi, 1982 , Resolutions on Apartheid and Racial discrimination: Two Decades of Non-alignment, 1961-1982, New Delhi, 1983 , India and the African Liberation Movements by Veena Sharma, External Publicity Division, New Delhi, 1986 , Rajiv Gandhi on Africa, External Publicity Division, New Delhi, 1987 Indian Council for Africa, Nehru and Africa: Extracts from Jawaharlal Nehru's Speeches on Africa, 1946-1963, New Delhi, 1963 (Second Edition) Indian Youth Congress (I), Struggle Against Apartheid, New Delhi, 1987 Lok Sabha Secretariat, South Africa and Apartheid, New Delhi, 1987 NAMEDIA Foundation, report of the Seminar on Media and the Struggle against Apartheid, 26-27 May 1987, Namedia Foundation, New Delhi, 1987 Parliamentarians for Action against Apartheid (PARA), Report of the National Seminar of Parliamentarians on Apartheid, 24-25 July, 1986, New Delhi, 1986 Ramamurthi T.G., Fight against Apartheid: India's Pioneering Role in the world Campaign against Racial Discrimination in South Africa, New Delhi, ABC Pubg. House, 1984 , Non-Violence and Nationalism: A Study of Gandhian Mass Resistance in South Africa, New Delhi, Amar Prakasan, 1993 , Apartheid and Indian South Africans, New Delhi, Reliance Publishing House, 1995 Reddy, E.S., India and the Struggle against Apartheid, London, Hansib Publishing House, 1985

197 , Gandhi, Nehru and Freedom Struggle in South Africa, New Delhi, Mainstream, 1988 , United Nations, India and Boycott of Apartheid Sport, New Delhi, Sports Authority of India, 1988 , India and South Africa: A Collection of Papers, Occasional Papers Series No. 1, University of Durban -Westville, 1991 Sawant, Ankush B., "India's Policy towards South Africa", Africa Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 1-2, 1991 Sechaba (Voice of ANC of South Africa), First ANC Office opened in Asia: South Africa's Vanguard Organisation for Liberation, January 1968 From Gandhi to Mandela, May 1969 Indira Gandhi: Friend of Our People, Dec. 1984 United Nations Centre against Apartheid, Solidarity with the Struggle for Freedom in South Africa: A Tribute to India (Record of a Special Meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid, 5 October 1976), New York, 1976 , Nehru and South Africa: Extracts from statements by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, late Prime Minister of India, New York, 1982 , Notes and Documents: No, 17/76, "Significance of the Contribution of India to the Struggle against Apartheid", by Moolla, M., July 1976 , "India's Contribution to the Struggle against Apartheid" by E.S. Reddy

INDEX (Numbers refer to Documents) Abdullah Abdurrahman Int. Afghanistan 7 Africa Fund Int., 33, 38 African Mine workers Int. African National Congress ANC (of South Africa) Int., 15, 22, 23, 29, 34, 39, 41, 42, 45 African Students' Assn. Int. Africans Int., 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11 Afro-Asian Conference Int., 19, 39 Anti-Apartheid (U.N. Convention) Act, 1981 20 Apartheid Int., 6, 7, 8, 12, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 31, 34, 36, 39, 43, 44, 47 Archbishop of York 8 Asiatic Bill 3 Asiatic Land Tenure & Indian Representation Act, 1946 Int., 1, 3, 6, 9 Asiatics 3, 4 Asian Relations Conference 19 Bahamas 26 Bandung Int., 19, 39 Bantu Authorities Act 8 Bedi, Bishan Singh 21 Bharat Ratna Int. Botswana 44 Boycott by India Airlines 13, 14 Diplomatic Int., 1, 13, 14 Shipping 13, 14 Sports Int., 21, 30 Trade 2, 13, 14 British Trade Union Congress 8 Burma 7 Cacchalia, Ismail/Moulvi Int., 15, 42 , Yusuf 42 Cape Colony/Province 3, 7, 8 Cape Town Agreement Int., 1, 9 Chettur, K.K. 2 Christ, Jesus 3 Christian Civilization 3 Collins, Canon 8 Coloureds Int., 6, 7, 23, 27 Commission (U.N.) on Racial Situation Int. Commonwealth 12, 26, 39 Games 30 Consulate General of India 46 Cultural Center, Indian 46 Dadoo, Dr. Y.M. Int., 15, 39 Davis Cup Int. De Klerk F.W. 43 Defiance Campaign Int., 7, 8, 9, 39 Dinesh Singh 48 Dube, John Int. Dulles, John Foster 6 Durban Riots 5 Eduardo Faleiro 30 Embassy of India 46 Gandhi, Mahatma Int., 3, 4, 6, 8, 19, 22, 29, 34, 39, 44, 48 Gandhi-Mandela Scholarship 39 Gandhi-Smuts Agreement Int. Gitanjali 19 Group Areas Act, 1950 6, 7, 8 Gumede, Josiah Int. Harare Int., 33, 38 Harsh Bhasin 46 Heaton Nicholls 3 Hemant Shameem 33 Hitler, Adolf 6 Human Rights, Declaration of 6, 7, 8 Indentured labourers/Indian Settlers Int., 1, 3, 6, 10, 11 Indian High Commission Int., 4, 5, 9 Indian National Congress Int. Indian Technical & Economic Cooperation (ITEC) Program 41 Indira Gandhi Int., 15, 16, 19, 26 Inkatha Freedom Party 44 International Defence & Aid Int. Iran 7 Iraq 7 Jalianwala Bagh Int. Jawaharlal Nehru University (Nelson Mandela Chair) 39 Jesus Christ 3 Joint Commission, Indo-South African 50 Joint Declaration 1947 (ANC-NIC/ TIC) Int. Kotane, Moses Int. Labour Party (U.K.) 8 Lebanon 8 Lewin, Julius 8 Lok Sabha Int., 11, 25, 32 Lutuli, Chief Albert J. Int. Malan D. 8 Mandela, Nelson (also Dr./ President) Int., 19, 22, 24, 29, 34, 35, 36, 37, 42, 43, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52 Mandela Chair (JNU) 39 Mandela-Gandhi Scholarship 39 Mehrotra L.L. 40 Menon, V.K. Krishna Int., 10 Moola, M. 23 Mpehle, M 40 Mudaliar, Ramaswami 1 Naicker, G.M. Int., 26, 28, 33, 39 Nana Sita 39 Narasimha Rao, P.V. Int., 18, 19, 22, 23, 45, 48, 49 Narayanan K.R. 47 Natal Int., 1, 3, 8, 10 Natal Indian Congress 3, 39, 44 National Party (NP) Int. Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru Int., 1, 11, 17, 20, 21, 24 New York Times 8 Non-violence Int., 3, 4, 8 Non-Aligned Movement Int., 25, 33 Summit 33 Nzo, Alfred Int., 15, 50 Organisation of African Unity Int. Assistance Fund Int. Pathak, G.S. 8 Pandit, Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Int., 1, 3, 6, 8, 19 Pakistan 6, 7 Parliament of India 11, 25, 32 Parliamentarians for Removal of Apartheid (PARA) 31 Passive Resistance Int., 3, 8 Population Registration Act 8 Political prisoners 18 Rabbi Rabinovitch 8 Racial Conflict 7 Racial Discrimination 1, 3, 6, 7, 8, 10, 16 Rajiv Gandhi 24, 26, 29, 31, 33, 34, 35 Rajiv Gandhi Foundation 51 Rajya Sabha 12, 25, 32 Republic of South Africa under apartheid 12 Rubusana, Walter Int. Salman Kurshid 44, 50 Sanctions by India 13, 14

200 lifted 43 Sarojini Naidu Int. Satyagraha Int., 4, 8, 39 Saudi Arabia 7 Segregation Int., 3, 6 Separate Representation of Voters Act 8 Singh, V.P. 36, 37, 39 Shah, Prakash 37 35, 47, 49 Sharpeville Int., 11, 16, 39 Shiv Shankar P. 29 Smuts, General/Field Marshal Int., 1, 3, 4 South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) Int. South African Indian Congress Int. South African Indian Council Int. South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) 29 Suppression of Communism Act 7, 8 Surender Pal Singh 15 Tagore, Rabindranath Int., 19 Talmiz Ahmad 46 Tambo, Oliver R. Int., 15, 19, 22 Trade Embargo by India Int., 1, 2 Transvaal Indian Congress Int., 39 Treaty, Indo-South African Int., 50 Tricameral Parliament Int., 23, 27 Trygve Lie 1 United Nations Charter Int., 1, 3, 6,7, 8, 10, 12 _ _ Ad Hoc Committee 6, 8 _ _ General Assembly Int., 1, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10 Resolution 1761 (XVII) 13, 14 Secretary General 1, 7 Security Council Int. Special Committee Int., 26 Uniting for Peace Resolution 8 Vajpayee A.B. 17 Vivekananda 44 Xuma Dr. A.B. Int. Yemen 7 Zimbabwe 18, 44

DR. T.G. RAMAMURTHI, currently Editor of the Africa Quarterly, is a former diplomat who retired from the Research Cadre of the Ministry of External Affairs. He has travelled widely in Africa and has written extensively on African affairs in a number of learned journals. He is author of Fight Against Apartheid (1984); Non-violence and Nationalism (1993) and Apartheid and Indian South Africans (1995). He has also edited the Special Issues of the Africa Quarterly focussing on PostApartheid South Africa and the Horn of Africa. INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTUAL REATIONS was established in April 1950. Its objectives, as defined in the Memorandum of Association, are: " to participate in the formulation and implementation of policies and programmes relating to India's external cultural relations; " to foster and strengthen cultural relations and mutual understanding between India and other countries; " to promote cultural exchange with other countries and peoples; " to establish and develop relations with national and international organizations in the field of culture; * to take such measures as may be required to further these objectives. The publication activity in the Council is as old as the ICCR itself. The Council has published over 200 titles in English, Hindi and many foreign languages. Among the recent publications are: India's Maulana; Contemporary Relevance of Sufism; The Divine Peaoock: Understanding Contemporary India; Gandhi: 125 years; Mightier than Machete; Indian Music; Handicrafts of India; Tierras Lejanas Voces Cercanas (Spanish); TellingTales: Children's Literature in India and NamibiaIndia: Five Decades of Solidarity.

INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS NEW DELHI & NEW AGE INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS LIMITED (FORMER WILEY EASTERN LIMITED) NEW DELHI e BANGALORE 9 BOMBAY o CALCUTTA o GUWAHATI HYDERABAD o LUCKNOW * MADRAS * PUNE o LONDON