DOCSLIB.ORG

End of the Islamic Cold War: the Saudi-Iranian Detente and Its Implications

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
End of the Islamic Cold War: the Saudi-Iranian Detente and Its Implications Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2001-06 End of the Islamic Cold War: the Saudi-Iranian Detente and its implications McLean, Charles A. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/11009 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS END OF THE ISLAMIC COLD WAR: THE SAUDI- IRANIAN DETENTE AND ITS IMPLICATIONS by Charles A. McLean II June 2001 Thesis Co-Advisors: Ahmad Ghoreishi Robert J. Looney Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited 20020103 072 REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2001 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Title (Mixed case letters) 5. FUNDING NUMBERS The End of the Islamic Cold War: The Saudi-Iranian Detente and its Implications 6. AUTHOR(S) Major Charles A, McLean USMC 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 3. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING / MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING / MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the US Government. 12a. DISTRIBUTION / AVAILABILITY STATEMENT 12b. DISTRIBUTION CODE Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited A 13. ABSTRACT (maximum 200 words) Saudi Arabia and Iran are not only reconciling their diplomatic differences, but are also cooperating in numerous areas including oil, trade, and domestic security. Given their differences, what forces are lessening tensions and motivating them to pursue this new detente? More importantly, what are the implications of this new relationship? Shifting political sands in Saudi Arabia and Iran in the late 90s, the failure of the US "Dual Containment" policy, and the collapse of the Middle East Peace Accords are bringing the two rivals together. It is, however, Saudi Arabia and Iran's dire economic conditions, worsened by the 1998-99 oil price collapse, that forces them to cooperate. The main vehicle for Saudi-Iranian cooperation is the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. The Saudi-Iranian detente holds vast implications for oil and stability in the region. Their cooperation ensures higher oil prices, which adversely affect the world economy. These higher prices, however, salvage both countries' economies, improving their domestic stability. The reemergence of Iran onto the Gulf political landscape also serves to lessen tensions in the region. The resulting improvement in inter-Gulf relations creates possibilities for establishing a stable regional security framework that may affect the United States' role in the region. 14. SUBJECT TERMS 15. NUMBER OF Saudi Arabia, Iran, Oil, Economics, Stability, OPEC, Persian Gulf, Dual Containment, Middle East PAGES Peace, President Khatami, Crown Prince Abdullah 142 16. PRICE CODE 17. SECURITY 18. SECURITY 19. SECURITY 20. LIMITATION CLASSIFICATION OF CLASSIFICATION OF THIS CLASSIFICATION OF OF ABSTRACT REPORT PAGE ABSTRACT Unclassified Unclassified Unclassified UL NSN 7540-01-280-5500 Standard Form 298 (Rev. 2-89) Prescribed by ANSI Std. 239-18 THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 11 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited END OF THE ISLAMIC COLD WAR: THE SAUDI-IRANIAN DETENTE AND ITS IMPLICATIONS Charles A. McLean II Major, United States Marine Corps B.A., Virginia Military Institute, 1991 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees of MASTER OF ARTS IN NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS and MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL June 2001 Author: /yLJL^M Charles A. McLean II Approved by: THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK IV ABSTRACT Saudi Arabia and Iran are not only reconciling their diplomatic differences, but are also cooperating in numerous areas including oil, trade, and domestic security. Given their differences, what forces are lessening tensions and motivating them to pursue this new detente? More importantly, what are the implications of this new relationship? Shifting political sands in Saudi Arabia and Iran in the late 90s, the failure of the US "Dual Containment" policy, and the collapse of the Middle East Peace Accords are bringing the two rivals together. It is, however, Saudi Arabia and Iran's dire economic conditions, worsened by the 1998-99 oil price collapse, that forces them to cooperate. The main vehicle for Saudi-Iranian cooperation is the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. The Saudi-Iranian detente holds vast implications for oil and stability in the region. Their cooperation ensures higher oil prices, which adversely affect the world economy. These higher prices, however, salvage both countries' economies, improving their domestic stability. The reemergence of Iran onto the Gulf political landscape also serves to lessen tensions in the region. The resulting improvement in inter-Gulf relations creates possibilities for establishing a stable regional security framework that may affect the United States' role in the region. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK VI TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 1 A. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT 1 B. IMPORTANCE OF THE TOPIC 3 C. METHODOLOGY 6 II. SAUDI-IRANIAN PRE-CONDITIONS 9 A. HISTORIC, GEOGRAPHIC, AND RESOURCE FACTORS 9 1. Iran 9 2. Saudi Arabia 12 B. RELIGIOUS, ETHNIC, AND POLITICAL FACTORS 13 1. Iran 13 2. Saudi Arabia 14 C. PAST RELATIONS 15 1. 1979-1989 16 2. 1990-1996 22 D. SUMMARY 26 III. FORCES IN THE RAPPROCHEMENT 29 A. ENABLING FORCES »..29 1. President Khatami 30 2. Crown Prince Abdullah 36 B. DRIVING FORCES...... 39 1. Failure of Dual Containment 39 2. Failure of the Middle East Peace Accords 40 3. "Janus-Faced" Security Dilemmas 42 4. Troubled Economic Situations 43 a. Iran 44 b. Saudi Arabia 49 C. VEHICLE FOR RAPPROCHEMENT: OPEC 54 D. SUMMARY 64 vii IV. IMPLICATIONS 65 A. IMPORTANCE TO THE UNITED STATES 65 B. OIL 67 1. Oil and OPEC's Rebound 67 2. Potential Damage to World Economy 71 C. DOMESTIC STABILITY 75 1. Iran 76 2. Saudi 78 D. REGIONAL STABILITY 86 1. Iran's Reemergence and Reduced Tensions 86 2. Regional Security Framework 92 3. US Presence 95 E. SUMMARY 99 V. CONCLUSIONS 101 APPENDIX 105 LIST OF REFERENCES 111 INITIAL DISTRIBUTION LIST 119 vm LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Map of Iran and Saudi Arabia 10 Figure 2. Iran's Vali-ye Faqih, Ayatollah "Ali Khameini 30 Figure 3. Iranian President, Muhammad Ali Khatami 32 Figure 4. Saudi Crown Prince, Abdullah bin 'Abd al-Aziz 37 Figure 5. Khatami and Abdullah Meet in Riyadh, May 17,1999 62 Figure 6. Monthly OPEC Basket Price, 1997-2001 68 Figure 7. OPEC Basket Prices and the Price Band 72 IX THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Iran's Economic Performance (1998-2000) 77 Table 2. Saudi Arabia's Economic Performance (1998-2000) 79 XI THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Xll LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ABC American Broadcasting Corporation BBC British Broadcasting Company CBS Central Broadcasting Syndicate CIA Central Intelligence Agency CNN Cable News Network CNNfh Cable News Network Financial News CSIS Center for Strategic and International Studies DCP Dual Containment Policy DOE Department of Energy EIA Energy Information Administration FBIS Foreign Broadcast Information Service GCC Gulf Cooperation Council GDP Gross Domestic Product IISS International Institute for Strategic Studies ILSA Iran-Libya Sanctions Act IMF International Monetary Fund ERNA Islamic Republic News Agency MECS Middle East Contemporary Survey MEED Middle East Economic Digest MEES Middle East Economic Survey MEJ Middle East Journal MEP Middle East Policy MERIA Middle East Review of International Affairs OIC Organization of Islamic Conferences OPEC Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries SAMBA Saudi American Bank SPA Saudi Press Agency UAE United Arab Emirates US United States WMD Weapons of Mass Destruction b/d barrels per day mb/d million barrels per day p/b per barrel xin THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK xiv EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Given events over the past four years, it seems the Saudi-Iranian "Cold War" is thawing for the immediate future. The rapprochement is a major step for Saudi Arabia, but especially for Iran given the Islamic revolution's ideological differences with Saudi Arabia's monarchy. Yet, after twenty years of hostile relations, often bordering on open conflict, Saudi Arabia and Iran are not only reconciling their differences, but are also cooperating in numerous areas. The result is an unprecedented series of confidence building measures and agreements between the two countries all but cementing their new relationship. The most recent and important of these being the mutual domestic security agreement signed in April 2001. Given their inherent differences and previous relations, what are the forces driving the rivals to cooperate? What is lessening tensions and motivating Tehran and Riyadh to pursue this new detente? To understand just how far Saudi Arabia and Iran have come in their relations it is essential to know where they began. Saudi Arabia and Iran are vastly different nations who have different histories, geography, and natural resources. Their people practice similar, yet different versions of Islam and they are ethnically and culturally unlike one another. Most importantly, Saudi Arabia and Iran's political systems and ideological principles are quite dissimilar.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Blue State: UNRWA's Transition from Relief to Development in Providing Education to Palestinian Refugees in Jordan
    University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-1-2021 The Blue State: UNRWA's Transition from Relief to Development in Providing Education to Palestinian Refugees in Jordan Alana Mitias University of Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Arabic Studies Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Mitias, Alana, "The Blue State: UNRWA's Transition from Relief to Development in Providing Education to Palestinian Refugees in Jordan" (2021). Honors Theses. 1699. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1699 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BLUE STATE: UNRWA’S TRANSITION FROM RELIEF TO DEVELOPMENT IN PROVIDING EDUCATION TO PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN by Alana Michelle Mitias A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi April 2021 Approved by ____________________________ Advisor: Dr. Lauren Ferry ____________________________ Reader: Dr. Emily Fransee ____________________________ Reader: Professor Ashleen Williams © 2021 Alana Michelle Mitias ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION……………………………………………..…………..1 CHAPTER II: INTERNATIONAL DIMENSION & LEGAL FRAMEWORK………....8 CHAPTER III: JORDAN’S EVOLUTION AS A HOST STATE………………...…….20 CHAPTER IV: UNRWA’S TRANSITION FROM RELIEF TO DEVELOPMENT…...38 CHAPTER V: ANALYSIS……………………………………………………………...50 CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSION………………………………………………………...56 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………….61 iii “An expenditure for education by UNRWA should not be regarded as relief any more than is a similar expenditure by any Government or by UNESCO.
    [Show full text]
  • Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
    Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies.
    [Show full text]
  • Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
    Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Gray Zone Strategy
    Iran’s Gray Zone Strategy Cornerstone of its Asymmetric Way of War By Michael Eisenstadt* ince the creation of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Iran has distinguished itself (along with Russia and China) as one of the world’s foremost “gray zone” actors.1 For nearly four decades, however, the United States has struggled to respond effectively to this asymmetric “way of war.” Washington has often Streated Tehran with caution and granted it significant leeway in the conduct of its gray zone activities due to fears that U.S. pushback would lead to “all-out” war—fears that the Islamic Republic actively encourages. Yet, the very purpose of this modus operandi is to enable Iran to pursue its interests and advance its anti-status quo agenda while avoiding escalation that could lead to a wider conflict. Because of the potentially high costs of war—especially in a proliferated world—gray zone conflicts are likely to become increasingly common in the years to come. For this reason, it is more important than ever for the United States to understand the logic underpinning these types of activities, in all their manifestations. Gray Zone, Asymmetric, and Hybrid “Ways of War” in Iran’s Strategy Gray zone warfare, asymmetric warfare, and hybrid warfare are terms that are often used interchangeably, but they refer neither to discrete forms of warfare, nor should they be used interchangeably—as they often (incor- rectly) are. Rather, these terms refer to that aspect of strategy that concerns how states employ ways and means to achieve national security policy ends.2 Means refer to the diplomatic, informational, military, economic, and cyber instruments of national power; ways describe how these means are employed to achieve the ends of strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution
    The Road to Isolation: Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution Salma Schwartzman Senior Division Historical Paper Word Count: 2, 499 !1 Born of conflicting interests and influences — those ancient tensions deeply rooted in its own society — the Iranian revolution generated numerous and alternating cycles of triumph and tragedy, the one always inextricably resulting from and offsetting the other. This series of vast political shifts saw the nation shudder from a near feudal monarchy to a democratized state, before finally relapsing into an oppressive, religiously based conservatism. The Prelude: The White Revolution Dating from 1960 to 1963, the White Revolution was a period of time in Iran in which modernization, westernization, and industrialization were ambitiously promoted by the the country’s governing royalty: the Pahlavi regime. Yet although many of these changes brought material and social benefit, the country was not ready to embrace such a rapid transition from its traditional structure; thus the White Revolution sowed the seeds that would later blossom into the Iranian Revolution1. Under the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the State of Iran underwent serious industrial expansion. After seizing almost complete political power for himself, the Shah set in motion the land reform law of 1962.2 This law forced landed minorities to surrender vast tracts of lands to the government so that it could be redistributed to small scale agriculturalists. The landowners who experienced losses were compensated through shares of state owned Iranian industries. Cultivators and laborers also received share holdings of Iranian industries and agricultural profits.3 This reform not only helped the agrarian community, but encouraged and supported 1 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia.
    [Show full text]
  • PRISM Syrian Supplemental
    PRISM syria A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS About PRISM PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners Vol. 4, Syria Supplement on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; 2014 relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development Editor Michael Miklaucic Communications Contributing Editors Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Alexa Courtney communications to: David Kilcullen Nate Rosenblatt Editor, PRISM 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Copy Editors Fort Lesley J. McNair Dale Erikson Washington, DC 20319 Rebecca Harper Sara Thannhauser Lesley Warner Telephone: Nathan White (202) 685-3442 FAX: (202) 685-3581 Editorial Assistant Email: [email protected] Ava Cacciolfi Production Supervisor Carib Mendez Contributions PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Advisory Board and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States Dr. Gordon Adams and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to prism@ Dr. Pauline H. Baker ndu.edu with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador James F. Dobbins without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted from or based on its content.
    [Show full text]
  • Surprise, Intelligence Failure, and Mass Casualty Terrorism
    SURPRISE, INTELLIGENCE FAILURE, AND MASS CASUALTY TERRORISM by Thomas E. Copeland B.A. Political Science, Geneva College, 1991 M.P.I.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1992 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2006 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas E. Copeland It was defended on April 12, 2006 and approved by Davis Bobrow, Ph.D. Donald Goldstein, Ph.D. Dennis Gormley Phil Williams, Ph.D. Dissertation Director ii © 2006 Thomas E. Copeland iii SURPRISE, INTELLIGENCE FAILURE, AND MASS CASUALTY TERRORISM Thomas E. Copeland, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2006 This study aims to evaluate whether surprise and intelligence failure leading to mass casualty terrorism are inevitable. It explores the extent to which four factors – failures of public policy leadership, analytical challenges, organizational obstacles, and the inherent problems of warning information – contribute to intelligence failure. This study applies existing theories of surprise and intelligence failure to case studies of five mass casualty terrorism incidents: World Trade Center 1993; Oklahoma City 1995; Khobar Towers 1996; East African Embassies 1998; and September 11, 2001. A structured, focused comparison of the cases is made using a set of thirteen probing questions based on the factors above. The study concludes that while all four factors were influential, failures of public policy leadership contributed directly to surprise. Psychological bias and poor threat assessments prohibited policy makers from anticipating or preventing attacks. Policy makers mistakenly continued to use a law enforcement approach to handling terrorism, and failed to provide adequate funding, guidance, and oversight of the intelligence community.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran, Terrorism, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
    Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 31:169–181, 2008 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1057-610X print / 1521-0731 online DOI: 10.1080/10576100701878424 Iran, Terrorism, and Weapons of Mass Destruction DANIEL BYMAN Center for Peace and Security Studies Georgetown University Washington, DC, USA and Saban Center for Middle East Policy Brookings Institution Washington, DC, USA This article reviews Iran’s past and current use of terrorism and assesses why U.S. attempts to halt Iran’s efforts have met with little success. With this assessment in mind, it argues that Iran is not likely transfer chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons to terrorist groups for several reasons. First, providing terrorists with such unconventional Downloaded By: [Georgetown University] At: 15:20 19 March 2008 weapons offers Iran few tactical advantages as these groups are able to operate effectively with existing methods and weapons. Second, Iran has become more cautious in its backing of terrorists in recent years. And third, Tehran is highly aware that any major escalation in its support for terrorism would incur U.S. wrath and international condemnation. The article concludes by offering recommendations for decreasing Iran’s support for terrorism. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran has been one of the world’s most active sponsors of terrorism. Tehran has armed, trained, financed, inspired, organized, and otherwise supported dozens of violent groups over the years.1 Iran has backed not only groups in its Persian Gulf neighborhood, but also terrorists and radicals in Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Bosnia, the Philippines, and elsewhere.2 This support remains strong even today: the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
    U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9.
    [Show full text]
  • Bowl Round 5 Bowl Round 5 First Quarter
    NHBB B-Set Bowl 2017-2018 Bowl Round 5 Bowl Round 5 First Quarter (1) The remnants of this government established the Republic of Ezo after losing the Boshin War. Two and a half centuries earlier, this government was founded after its leader won the Battle of Sekigahara against the Toyotomi clan. This government's policy of sakoku came to an end when Matthew Perry's Black Ships forced the opening of Japan through the 1854 Convention of Kanagawa. For ten points, name this last Japanese shogunate. ANSWER: Tokugawa Shogunate (or Tokugawa Bakufu) (2) Xenophon's Anabasis describes ten thousand Greek soldiers of this type who fought Artaxerxes II of Persia. A war named for these people was won by Hamilcar Barca and led to his conquest of Spain. Famed soldiers of this type include slingers from Rhodes and archers from Crete. Greeks who fought for Persia were, for ten points, what type of soldier that fought not for national pride, but for money? ANSWER: mercenary (prompt on descriptive answers) (3) The most prominent of the Townshend Acts not to be repealed in 1770 was a tax levied on this commodity. The Dartmouth, the Eleanor, and the Beaver carried this commodity from England to the American colonies. The Intolerable Acts were passed in response to the dumping of this commodity into a Massachusetts Harbor in 1773 by members of the Sons of Liberty. For ten points, identify this commodity destroyed in a namesake Boston party. ANSWER: tea (accept Tea Act; accept Boston Tea Party) (4) This location is the setting of a photo of a boy holding a toy hand grenade by Diane Arbus.
    [Show full text]
  • The Khobar Towers Bombing Incident
    PRESS RELEASE House National Security Committee Floyd D. Spence, Chairman Contact: Maureen Cragin FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Ryan Vaart August 14, 1996 (202) 225-2539 STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN FLOYD D. SPENCE ON THE REPORT ON THE BOMBING OF KHOBAR TOWERS “In the wake of the June 25 bombing of the American compound at Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia, the House Committee on National Security sent a delegation of professional staff members to Saudi Arabia to conduct a preliminary investigation of the incident. “Although the professionalism and courage of the men and women who suffered this terrible disaster is apparent and should be a source of pride for all Americans, the bombing raises issues of intelligence failures and operational deficiencies that at least suggest that military leaders and policymakers were unaware of the potential risks that U.S. service personnel faced in Saudi Arabia. “First, as the report indicates, the performance of the troops living in Khobar Towers and stationed in the Dhahran area was superb. As a result of the rapid reaction of the Air Force Special Police who observed the bomb-laden truck and immediately began to evacuate the building, as well as the efforts of doctors, medical personnel and soldiers to save lives, a much larger tragedy was almost certainly averted. “But individual professionalism and heroism during the bombing cannot obscure larger problems that may have contributed to the unpreparedness of U.S. troops in the face of a serious terrorist threat. Intelligence failures left the military personnel in Khobar Towers, as well as the 4404th wing’s leaders, largely unaware of the magnitude of the threat they faced.
    [Show full text]
  • American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics
    American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Updated July 29, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32492 American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Summary This report provides U.S. war casualty statistics. It includes data tables containing the number of casualties among American military personnel who served in principal wars and combat operations from 1775 to the present. It also includes data on those wounded in action and information such as race and ethnicity, gender, branch of service, and cause of death. The tables are compiled from various Department of Defense (DOD) sources. Wars covered include the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Spanish-American War, World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam Conflict, and the Persian Gulf War. Military operations covered include the Iranian Hostage Rescue Mission; Lebanon Peacekeeping; Urgent Fury in Grenada; Just Cause in Panama; Desert Shield and Desert Storm; Restore Hope in Somalia; Uphold Democracy in Haiti; Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF); Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF); Operation New Dawn (OND); Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR); and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). Starting with the Korean War and the more recent conflicts, this report includes additional detailed information on types of casualties and, when available, demographics. It also cites a number of resources for further information, including sources of historical statistics on active duty military deaths, published lists of military personnel killed in combat actions, data on demographic indicators among U.S. military personnel, related websites, and relevant CRS reports. Congressional Research Service American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]