"The Real Winners and Losers of Turkey's July 2007 Election
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Electoral Processes in the Mediterranean
Electoral Processes Electoral processes in the Mediterranean This chapter provides information on jority party if it does not manage to Gorazd Drevensek the results of the presidential and leg- obtain an absolute majority in the (New Slovenia Christian Appendices islative elections held between July Chamber. People’s Party, Christian Democrat) 0.9 - 2002 and June 2003. Jure Jurèek Cekuta 0.5 - Parties % Seats Participation: 71.3 % (1st round); 65.2 % (2nd round). Monaco Nationalist Party (PN, conservative) 51.8 35 Legislative elections 2003 Malta Labour Party (MLP, social democrat) 47.5 30 9th February 2003 Bosnia and Herzegovina Med. Previous elections: 1st and 8th Februa- Democratic Alternative (AD, ecologist) 0.7 - ry 1998 Federal parliamentary republic that Parliamentary monarchy with unicam- Participation: 96.2 %. became independent from Yugoslavia eral legislative: the National Council. in 1991, and is formed by two enti- The twenty-four seats of the chamber ties: the Bosnia and Herzegovina Fed- Slovenia are elected for a five-year term; sixteen eration, known as the Croat-Muslim Presidential elections by simple majority and eight through Federation, and the Srpska Republic. 302-303 proportional representation. The voters go to the polls to elect the 10th November 2002 Presidency and the forty-two mem- Previous elections: 24th November bers of the Chamber of Representa- Parties % Seats 1997 tives. Simultaneously, the two entities Union for Monaco (UPM) 58.5 21 Parliamentary republic that became elect their own legislative bodies and National Union for the Future of Monaco (UNAM) independent from Yugoslavia in 1991. the Srpska Republic elects its Presi- Union for the Monegasque Two rounds of elections are held to dent and Vice-President. -
Greco Eval III Rep 2009 5E Final Turkey PF PUBLIC
DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 26 March 2010 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2009) 5E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Turkey on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 46 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 22-26 March 2010) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Turkey joined GRECO in 2004. GRECO adopted the Joint First and Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2005) 3E) in respect of Turkey at its 27 th Plenary Meeting (10 March 2006). The aforementioned Evaluation Report, as well as its corresponding Compliance Report, are available on GRECO’s homepage ( http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173), Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 8, 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . 3. The GRECO Evaluation Team for Theme II (hereafter referred to as -
Dealing with a Rising Power
Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich CREDITS Centre for European Studies Cover design: RARO S.L. Layout: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE – 1000 The Centre for European Studies (CES) is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP) dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.thinkingeurope.eu This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Centre for European Studies 2012 Photos used in this publication: Centre for European Studies 2012 The European Parliament and the Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies on the author of this publication. 2 Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU About the CES The Centre for European Studies (CES), established in 2007, is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP). The CES embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. It serves as a framework for national political foundations linked to member parties of the EPP, with 25 foundations currently members. The CES takes part in the preparation of EPP political platforms and programmes. -
Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu -
Single Party Governments As a Cause and Coalitions As a Consequence of Coups in Turkey
SINGLE PARTY GOVERNMENTS AS A CAUSE AND COALITIONS AS A CONSEQUENCE OF COUPS IN TURKEY Ali T. Akarca Department of Economics University of Illinois at Chicago Abstract Economic performance under coalitions is not as good as under single party governments. Investigating the 1950-2015 period through descriptive statistics and regression analysis it is shown that coalitions in Turkey were created artificially by military coups. The causes and consequences of such interventions are discussed. Keywords: Turkey, coups, coalitions, voter behavior, effective number of parties INTRODUCTION 65 years have passed since the first fairly contested direct election took place in Turkey. The country was ruled by single party governments during 36 of these, by coalition and minority governments (henceforth both referred to as coalitions) during 24.25, and by the military during 4.75.1 As can be seen from Table 1, the growth rate under the latter two types of governments was 1.5 and 2.2 percentage points lower than under single-party governments, and the inflation rate 26.4 and 7.8 percentage points higher, respectively.2 Had the average growth rate of per capita real GDP during 1950-2014 was the same as the rate achieved under single party governments, Turkey’s per capita real income today would be 1.56 times higher.3 If the coalitions were merely reflections of genuine fragmentations in the public opinion and were formed accordingly, probably their economic performance would not be as bad, or their poorness could be justified as a price paid for democracy. However, as will be argued in this paper, such governments were created artificially by military interventions to prevent conservative parties from gaining full power. -
Tarih Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Başlangiçtan Bugüne Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetleri
T.C. KÜLTÜR VE TURİZM BAKANLIĞI TÜRKİYE KÜLTÜR PORTALI PROJESİ TARİH TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ BAŞLANGIÇTAN BUGÜNE TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ HÜKÜMETLERİ Prof. Dr. Abdulhaluk Mehmet ÇAY 2009 ANKARA 6.8. Başlangıçtan Bugüne Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetleri Muvakkat İcra Encümeni (25 Nisan 1920-3 Mayıs 1920) İcra Vekilleri Heyeti Reisi Mustafa Kemal Paşa, TBMM Reisi Celalettin Arif Bey, Erzurum Cami Bey (Baykut), Aydın Bekir Sami Bey (Kunduh), Amasya Hamdullah Suphi Bey (Tanrıöver), Antalya Hakkı Behiç Bey (Bayiç), Denizli İsmet Bey (İnönü), Edirne I. İcra Vekilleri Heyeti “1. TBMM Hükümeti” (Mustafa Kemal Paşa) (3 Mayıs 1920-24 Ocak 1921) Bakanlığı Adı Soyadı Seçim Bölgesi İcra Vekilleri Heyeti Reisi Mustafa Kemal Paşa (Başbakan) Umuru Şeriye Vekili Mustafa Fehmi Efendi Bursa (Diyanet Bakanı) (Gerçeker) Cami Bey (Baykut) Aydın Dahiliye Umuru Vekili Hakkı Behiç Bey (Bayiç) Denizli (İçişleri Bakanı) Nazım Bey (Resmor) Tokat Refet Bey (Bele) İzmir Adliye Vekili Celalettin Arif Bey Erzurum 2 (Adalet Bakanı) Nafıa Vekili İsmail Fazıl Paşa (Cebesoy) Yozgat (Bayındırlık Bakanı) Ömer Lütfü Bey (Argeşo) Amasya Hariciye Vekili Bekir Sami Bey (Kunduh) Amasya (Dışişleri Bakanı) Sıhhiye ve Muavenet-i İçtimaiye Vekili Adnan Bey (Adıvar) İstanbul (Sağlık ve Sosyal Yardım Bakanı) İktisat Vekili Yusuf Kemal Bey (Tengirşenk) Kastamonu (Ekonomi Bakanı) Müdafaa-i Milliye Vekili Fevzi Paşa (Çakmak) Kozan (Milli Savunma Bakanı) Bakanlığı Adı Soyadı Seçim Bölgesi Erkân-ı Harbiye-i Umumiye Vekili İsmet Bey (İnönü) Edirne (Genelkurmay Başkanı) Maliye Vekili Hakkı Behiç Bey -
Intra-Party Democracy and Local Governance
Tamar Bagratia & Medea Badashvili / David Jijelava / Irakli Khmaladze This publication is a combination of three policy papers commissioned by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) in Georgia. The policy papers stem from the extensive research Intra-party democracy and local carried out by professionals of relevant fields and address three critically important challenges of the young democracy in Georgia. Improvements in women’s participation in politics, youths’ involvement governance in political parties, and increased civic engagement in self-government are continuous processes that require long-term commitment and cannot be achieved overnight. This publication attempts to uncover the current state of affairs in the respective fields and shed light on experiences of the past that constructed them. In the end, with careful consideration of international practices and backed up with evidence, every policy paper provides a set of practical suggestions on how to improve the current state. The publication is intended for policy makers, scholars and practitioners of the field, as well as the broad audience. Georgia Representation NIMD Georgia Intra-party democracy and local governance 1 1 Developing intra-party democracy from a gender perspective Tamar Bagratia & Medea Badashvili 2 Youth development in Georgian political parties: Looking for ways to utilise party resources David Jijelava 3 Increasing civic involvement in the budgetary processes of local self-governing units Irakli Khmaladze These policy papers are published -
Explaining Turkish Party and Public Support for the EU Seth Jolly
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Archive of European Integration Explaining Turkish Party and Public Support for the EU Seth Jolly, Syracuse University Sibel Oktay, Syracuse University February 2011 Draft Presented at the Biennial Meeting of the European Union Studies Association, Boston, 3-5 March 2011 Abstract: The three main Turkish political parties, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), each favor Turkish accession to the European Union, with varying degrees of reservations. Turkish public support for EU membership is also divided, with recent surveys showing only 50% of the population views the EU positively. In this paper, we first evaluate the extent of support for European integration among Turkish mainstream and minor parties using Chapel Hill Expert Survey data and case studies. Next, building from the vast literature on public and party support for the EU in western European states, we develop utilitarian and identity hypotheses to explain public support. Using Eurobarometer data, we test these explanations. In this analysis, we compare Turkish parties and public to their counterparts in eastern and western Europe. I. Introduction What explains the levels of mass and elite support toward European integration in Turkey? To what extent do the established theories of public and elite attitudes toward integration explain the Turkish case? Can we integrate our findings to the comparative scope of the literature, or is Turkish exceptionalism a reality? During the era of permissive consensus, European integration was an elite-driven process. But the recent literature on attitudes toward European integration has established that the era of permissive consensus (Lindberg and Scheingold 1970) is over (Carrubba 2001, Hooghe and Marks 2005, De Vries and Edwards 2009); in other words, Euroskepticism should be studied at the mass level along with the elite level. -
The Female Vote and the Rise of AKP in Turkey*
The Female Vote and the Rise of AKP in Turkey* Jan Fidrmuc† and Çiğdem Börke Tunalı‡ December 2016 Abstract We investigate how gender-related differences in voting behavior shaped the rise of the AKP, the moderately Islamic party that has ruled Turkey since 2002. We find that education level and religiosity are the main determinants of voting behavior of both men and women in Turkey. The effect of education on the support for the AKP, however, is dramatically different for men and women in 2002: it is negative for women but hump-shaped for men. We argue that this difference may be driven by expected distributional implications of adopting more conservative religious norms for low-skilled men and women. Key Words: Gender gap; Voting, Turkey, Justice and Development Party (AKP), Democracy; Islam JEL Codes: O15; P48; Z12 * We received helpful comments and suggestions from Charles Grant, Philipp Harms, Arye Hillman, Nicola Maaser, Olga Zaikowska, as well as seminar/conference participants at Brunel University, European Public Choice Society conference in Cambridge, Silvaplana Workshop in Political Economy, and IV International Conference on Political Economy and Institutions in Baiona. † Corresponding author. Department of Economics and Finance and Centre for Economic Development and Institutions (CEDI), Brunel University; Institute of Economic Studies, Charles University; and CESIfo Munich. Contact information: Department of Economics and Finance, Brunel University, Uxbridge, UB8 3PH, United Kingdom. Email: [email protected] or [email protected]. Phone: +44-1895-266-528, Web: http://www.fidrmuc.net/. ‡ Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics, Istanbul University; Le Laboratoire de Recherche en Gestion et Économie (Large), Augustin Cournot Doctoral School, Université de Strasbourg, Contact Information: [email protected], Web: www.borketunali.com. -
Turkey Goes to the Ballot Box: 2014 Municipal
Turkey Goes to the Ballot Box 2014 Municipal Elections and Beyond Ali ÇArkoğlu turkey project policy paper Number 3 • March 2014 policy paper Number 3, March 2014 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-European dia- logue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transformation of the European Union; strategies for en- gaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging com- mon strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. The Turkey Project also produces a range of policy-relevant publications to encourage independent thinking and debate on how the United States should engage this pivotal country. -
Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic
Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic RECEP TAYYIP ERDOĞAN Israeli President, has given him heroic status among the general Middle Eastern public. Recently, at the Council of Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic since 2003 Europe Parliamentary Assembly, Erdoğan responded, with strong and clearly critical remarks to the questions of European Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is originally from Rize, a Black Sea parliamentarians about sensitive issues in Turkey, for example coastal city, was born on 26 February 1954 in Istanbul. In relations with Armenia, freedom of the press, and the ten 1965 he completed his primary education at the Kasımpaşa percent vote barrier. While Erdoğan’s rebukes tend to surprise Piyale Elementary School and, in 1973, graduated from the the international public, Turkish people are accustomed to his Istanbul Religious Vocational High School (İmam Hatip Lisesi). style. Moreover, many people believe that this belligerent style He also received a diploma from Eyüp High School since, at is the key to his success and popularity. the time, it was not possible for the graduates of religious vocational high schools to attend university. He eventually studied Business Administration at the Marmara University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences (which was then known as Aksaray School of Economics and Commercial Complete version of the Biography of Recep Tayyip Sciences) and received his degree in 1981. Erdogan at: In his youth, Erdoğan played amateur football from 1969 www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_ to 1982 in local football clubs. This was also a socially and politicos/europa/turquia/recep_tayyip_erdogan politically active period in his life. -
The Social Democratic Populist Party: Revisiting the Recent Past of Social Democracy in Turkey *
Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, Araştırma Makalesi Cilt 75, No.1, 2020, s. 279 – 314 DOI: 10.33630/ausbf.587411 THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC POPULIST PARTY: REVISITING THE RECENT PAST OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN TURKEY * Uğur Tekiner Cambridge Üniversitesi Siyaset ve Uluslararası Çalışmalar Bölümü Doktora Öğrencisi ORCID: 0000-0002-7478-3891 ● ● ● Abstract This study aims to examine the case of the Social Democratic Populist Party (Sosyaldemokrat Halkçı Parti – SHP) that functioned as the major representative of the social democratic ideology in Turkey under highly extraordinary conditions of the post-1980 coup political atmosphere until 1995. Realizing the necessity of taking this critically important phase in the evolution of Turkish social democratic thought into account, the major argument of this paper is that even if the SHP spent a remarkable amount of effort for achieving its ultimate target of evolving into a European-style, ‘genuine’ social democratic party, it ultimately failed to reach this end due to three interrelated factors, such as changing political realities in the domestic and European contexts during the 1980s, the intra-party turmoil within the SHP, and the poor performance of the SHP in power. In relation to this core argument, the ideological decline of the SHP is claimed to have a direct impact on the successive electoral defeats and ideological drifts of the CHP, as its successor, in the following years. Keywords: Turkish social democracy, Centre left, The Social Democratic Populist Party, The Republican People’s Party, Post-1980 Turkish politics Sosyaldemokrat Halkçı Parti: Türkiye’de Sosyal Demokrasinin Yakın Geçmişi Üzerine Yeniden Düşünmek Öz Bu çalışma, 1980 darbesi sonrası siyasi atmosferin hayli olağanüstü koşulları altında, Türkiye’de sosyal demokrat ideolojinin başlıca temsilcisi olarak ortaya çıkan ve 1995’e kadar varlığını sürdüren Sosyaldemokrat Halkçı Parti (SHP) vakasını incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır.