DOCSLIB.ORG

Commentaries

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Commentaries COMMENTARY İBRAHİM DALMIŞ COMMENTARIES A Quick Glance at the History of Elections Elections in Iraq: What Does the in Turkey Future Hold? İBRAHİM DALMIŞ RANJ ALAALDIN The AK Party: Dominant Party, New Turkey Hezbollah and Syria: From Regime Proxy and Polarization to Regime Savior E. FUAT KEYMAN RANDA SLIM The Structural Causes of Political Crisis The Impact of the “New” Zero in Turkey Problems Policy and the Arab Spring OSMAN CAN on the Relations Between Turkey and Lebanese Factions Strengths and Constraints of Turkish Policy MUSTAFA YETİM and BILAL HAMADE in the South Caucasus BAYRAM BALCI 6 Insight Turkey COMMENTARY A QUICK GLANCE AT THE HISTORY OF ELECTIONS IN TURKEY A Quick Glance at the History of Elections in Turkey İBRAHİM DALMIŞ* ABSTRACT Generally speaking, two traditions – right-wing politics and the Left – have dominated Turkish politics over the years. This study aims to analyze historic election results in order to deter- mine roughly how much popular support each political movement enjoys in the country. Starting from transition to multi-party sys- tem in Turkey, one can see the emergence of several ideologies, groups and political parties that appeal to various social classes. Although military interventions caused a rupture in the democ- ratization of the country, there has been a lively political environ- ment with dynamic party politics and elections. During the span of Turkish democracy, a number parties were established and closed. This article examines the trajectory of elections and par- ty perfomances with a special emphasis on ideology and electoral base of the parties. n the months leading up to the lo- glorified projections were more in cal elections on March 30, 2014, line with wishful thinking and pipe ITurkey’s political scene set the dreams rather than real-life facts. stage for an unusually intense debate. As soon as the election results start- During this period, various anti-gov- ed flowing in, the opposition began ernment media outlets expressed sharing anecdotes about the late Aziz their firm belief that the country’s po- Nesin, a secularist writer and humor- litical landscape was on the brink of a ist who once famously claimed that major transformation. So strong was 60 percent of Turkish citizens were their conviction that opposition com- idiots. Timeless classics such as how mentators had begun to speculate terribly ignorant the voters were and that the ruling AK Party government that the country indeed was suffering would have no choice but to call for from Stockholm syndrome began to * PollMark early elections and possibly find itself quickly circulate around social media Market and Public Opinion removed from power. The elections, outlets. Research however, yielded unsurprising results as the balance of power between the As a matter of fact, the pre-election Insight Turkey Vol. 16 / No. 2 / political parties remained largely un- overexcitement and post-election 2014, pp. 7-17 altered. Thus, it became clear that the emotions of this nature have tradi- 2014 Sprıng 7 COMMENTARY İBRAHİM DALMIŞ Polling clerks while counting the votes of Turkey’s 2014 local elections. AA / Cem Öksüz tionally been common features of politics, social liberalism and a stat- elections in Turkey. Furthermore, ist economic policy. Having attained there is no indication that the current considerable popularity in the final situation will change in the foresee- years of the Ottoman Empire, this able future. Generally speaking, two political tradition had a serious fol- traditions – right-wing politics and lowing among the elites who founded the Left – have dominated Turkish the Republic in 1923. Their adversar- politics over the years. This study ies, understandably enough, made aims to analyze historic election re- the case for a decentralized admin- sults in order to determine rough- istrative structure that would bolster ly how much popular support each local values, social conservatism and political movement enjoys in the economic liberalism, with a particu- country. lar emphasis on democracy and po- litical liberties. The Ottoman Empire’s gradual dis- integration and its failure to compete From the Republic’s establishment with the West gave rise to two polit- until its transition to a multi-par- ical traditions, which evolved into ty system in 1946, the Republican distinctly opposite camps as a result People’s Party (CHP) single-hand- of numerous developments in the late edly ruled the country as a handful 19th and early 20th century. In gen- of attempts to facilitate opposition eral terms, one of the groups aspired parties proved futile and occasional- to reach the ideal of Western values ly bloody. It was in this context that through a centralized administration, the Democrat Party (DP), which a fundamentally secularist brand of emerged immediately after the adop- 8 Insight Turkey A QUICK GLANCE AT THE HISTORY OF ELECTIONS IN TURKEY tion of multi-party politics, was Before proceeding with our analysis, founded by none other than former a methodological explanation might CHP politicians, including Celal Ba- be necessary: In every given election, yar, Adnan Menderes, Fuad Köprülü the results are calculated with ref- and Refik Koraltan. For the purposes erence to the number of registered of this study, however, we shall ig- voters that participate in the election nore otherwise significant nuances without any procedural mistakes. In and describe the CHP and its succes- other words, election results ignore sors as the Left, while political parties registered voters that do not partici- tracing their heritage to the DP will pate in the election as well as invalid be referred to as the Right. votes. For instance, let us consider that two candidates run for public Figure 1 provides a list of political office in a district with 100 registered parties that participated in parlia- voters and that the top candidate re- mentary elections since 1950 and ceives 40 votes while the runner-up identifies their position within the wins 20 votes, meaning 40 people broader Left-Right dichotomy: did not participate in the election. In Figure 1: A categorization of political parties in parliamentary elections since 19501 2014 Sprıng 9 COMMENTARY İBRAHİM DALMIŞ this case, the official results would in- 1950 and 2011 with reference to the dicate that the winner received 66.7 total number of registered voters. As percent of the vote while their closest such, the figure also identifies the opponent won 33.3 percent. As such, percentage of voters that did not par- 40 percent of all voters would effec- ticipate in the election(reactionary) tively translate into 66.7 percent of as well as the popularity of contend- valid votes, just as the loser’s 20 per- ers, such as independents, whom we cent would show up in the official re- cannot designate as part of either sults as 33 percent. It would be mean- group (uncategorized). ingless, of course, to expect election results to be reported with reference As the data suggests, the Right re- to the total number of registered vot- ceived over 50 percent of the vote ers. In the same spirit, assuming that in the first free and fair elections in failure to participate in the elections 1950 and recorded an approximate- indicates apathy and a lack of interest ly 5-percent gain four years later. In might entail misleading assessments the 1960s and the 1970s, the Right’s of election results. All quantitative share of the total votes remained con- data that this study presents, unless sistently below the 50-percent mark, otherwise stated, reflect the distribu- although the first elections after the tion of votes with reference to the to- 1980 military coup drastically im- tal number of registered voters since proved the movement’s popularity. we conceptualize the decision to not Despite some losses in the 1990s, the participate in elections as a political has been a consistent upward trend in reaction or a lack of viable options as support for the Right since 2000. opposed to a passive stance. Meanwhile, the Left had a slightly Figure 2 demonstrates the popu- different experience. First of all, it lar appeal of the Right and the Left is important to note that the CHP’s in parliamentary elections between share of the vote in the 1950 elections Figure 2: Distribution of all registered voters in parliamentary elections, 1950-2011. 10 Insight Turkey A QUICK GLANCE AT THE HISTORY OF ELECTIONS IN TURKEY represented a historic high for the camp. While the Left’s popular ap- Right-leaning voters have a peal diminished in subsequent elec- tions, the CHP’s increasing popular- tendency to not participate ity under Bülent Ecevit in the 1970s in the elections at times when partially reversed their losses, while contemporary circumstances failing to break the 30-percent mark. In the aftermath of the 1980 military restrict the domain of coup, the Left came close to receiving parliamentary politics 30 percent of the vote in 1987 and 1999, but the overall trend has been downward. While reactionaries could also ac- count for the fluctuations in the Left’s A closer examination would also re- vote, the coefficient (0.33) makes this veal that the Right and the Left fol- explanation less meaningful. Simply lowed similar trends in the 1960s and put, right-leaning voters have a ten- again after 1980, as a decline in the dency to not participate in the elec- former camp’s popularity typically tions at times when contemporary coincided with a drop in the latter’s circumstances restrict the domain of votes, and vice versa. This phenome- parliamentary politics. Furthermore, non would attest to the limited elec- the high number of right-wing par- toral volatility between the Right ties participating in the contest often and the Left.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Electoral Processes in the Mediterranean
    Electoral Processes Electoral processes in the Mediterranean This chapter provides information on jority party if it does not manage to Gorazd Drevensek the results of the presidential and leg- obtain an absolute majority in the (New Slovenia Christian Appendices islative elections held between July Chamber. People’s Party, Christian Democrat) 0.9 - 2002 and June 2003. Jure Jurèek Cekuta 0.5 - Parties % Seats Participation: 71.3 % (1st round); 65.2 % (2nd round). Monaco Nationalist Party (PN, conservative) 51.8 35 Legislative elections 2003 Malta Labour Party (MLP, social democrat) 47.5 30 9th February 2003 Bosnia and Herzegovina Med. Previous elections: 1st and 8th Februa- Democratic Alternative (AD, ecologist) 0.7 - ry 1998 Federal parliamentary republic that Parliamentary monarchy with unicam- Participation: 96.2 %. became independent from Yugoslavia eral legislative: the National Council. in 1991, and is formed by two enti- The twenty-four seats of the chamber ties: the Bosnia and Herzegovina Fed- Slovenia are elected for a five-year term; sixteen eration, known as the Croat-Muslim Presidential elections by simple majority and eight through Federation, and the Srpska Republic. 302-303 proportional representation. The voters go to the polls to elect the 10th November 2002 Presidency and the forty-two mem- Previous elections: 24th November bers of the Chamber of Representa- Parties % Seats 1997 tives. Simultaneously, the two entities Union for Monaco (UPM) 58.5 21 Parliamentary republic that became elect their own legislative bodies and National Union for the Future of Monaco (UNAM) independent from Yugoslavia in 1991. the Srpska Republic elects its Presi- Union for the Monegasque Two rounds of elections are held to dent and Vice-President.
    [Show full text]
  • Greco Eval III Rep 2009 5E Final Turkey PF PUBLIC
    DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 26 March 2010 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2009) 5E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Turkey on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 46 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 22-26 March 2010) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Turkey joined GRECO in 2004. GRECO adopted the Joint First and Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2005) 3E) in respect of Turkey at its 27 th Plenary Meeting (10 March 2006). The aforementioned Evaluation Report, as well as its corresponding Compliance Report, are available on GRECO’s homepage ( http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173), Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 8, 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . 3. The GRECO Evaluation Team for Theme II (hereafter referred to as
    [Show full text]
  • Single Party Governments As a Cause and Coalitions As a Consequence of Coups in Turkey
    SINGLE PARTY GOVERNMENTS AS A CAUSE AND COALITIONS AS A CONSEQUENCE OF COUPS IN TURKEY Ali T. Akarca Department of Economics University of Illinois at Chicago Abstract Economic performance under coalitions is not as good as under single party governments. Investigating the 1950-2015 period through descriptive statistics and regression analysis it is shown that coalitions in Turkey were created artificially by military coups. The causes and consequences of such interventions are discussed. Keywords: Turkey, coups, coalitions, voter behavior, effective number of parties INTRODUCTION 65 years have passed since the first fairly contested direct election took place in Turkey. The country was ruled by single party governments during 36 of these, by coalition and minority governments (henceforth both referred to as coalitions) during 24.25, and by the military during 4.75.1 As can be seen from Table 1, the growth rate under the latter two types of governments was 1.5 and 2.2 percentage points lower than under single-party governments, and the inflation rate 26.4 and 7.8 percentage points higher, respectively.2 Had the average growth rate of per capita real GDP during 1950-2014 was the same as the rate achieved under single party governments, Turkey’s per capita real income today would be 1.56 times higher.3 If the coalitions were merely reflections of genuine fragmentations in the public opinion and were formed accordingly, probably their economic performance would not be as bad, or their poorness could be justified as a price paid for democracy. However, as will be argued in this paper, such governments were created artificially by military interventions to prevent conservative parties from gaining full power.
    [Show full text]
  • Intra-Party Democracy and Local Governance
    Tamar Bagratia & Medea Badashvili / David Jijelava / Irakli Khmaladze This publication is a combination of three policy papers commissioned by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) in Georgia. The policy papers stem from the extensive research Intra-party democracy and local carried out by professionals of relevant fields and address three critically important challenges of the young democracy in Georgia. Improvements in women’s participation in politics, youths’ involvement governance in political parties, and increased civic engagement in self-government are continuous processes that require long-term commitment and cannot be achieved overnight. This publication attempts to uncover the current state of affairs in the respective fields and shed light on experiences of the past that constructed them. In the end, with careful consideration of international practices and backed up with evidence, every policy paper provides a set of practical suggestions on how to improve the current state. The publication is intended for policy makers, scholars and practitioners of the field, as well as the broad audience. Georgia Representation NIMD Georgia Intra-party democracy and local governance 1 1 Developing intra-party democracy from a gender perspective Tamar Bagratia & Medea Badashvili 2 Youth development in Georgian political parties: Looking for ways to utilise party resources David Jijelava 3 Increasing civic involvement in the budgetary processes of local self-governing units Irakli Khmaladze These policy papers are published
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Turkish Party and Public Support for the EU Seth Jolly
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Archive of European Integration Explaining Turkish Party and Public Support for the EU Seth Jolly, Syracuse University Sibel Oktay, Syracuse University February 2011 Draft Presented at the Biennial Meeting of the European Union Studies Association, Boston, 3-5 March 2011 Abstract: The three main Turkish political parties, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), each favor Turkish accession to the European Union, with varying degrees of reservations. Turkish public support for EU membership is also divided, with recent surveys showing only 50% of the population views the EU positively. In this paper, we first evaluate the extent of support for European integration among Turkish mainstream and minor parties using Chapel Hill Expert Survey data and case studies. Next, building from the vast literature on public and party support for the EU in western European states, we develop utilitarian and identity hypotheses to explain public support. Using Eurobarometer data, we test these explanations. In this analysis, we compare Turkish parties and public to their counterparts in eastern and western Europe. I. Introduction What explains the levels of mass and elite support toward European integration in Turkey? To what extent do the established theories of public and elite attitudes toward integration explain the Turkish case? Can we integrate our findings to the comparative scope of the literature, or is Turkish exceptionalism a reality? During the era of permissive consensus, European integration was an elite-driven process. But the recent literature on attitudes toward European integration has established that the era of permissive consensus (Lindberg and Scheingold 1970) is over (Carrubba 2001, Hooghe and Marks 2005, De Vries and Edwards 2009); in other words, Euroskepticism should be studied at the mass level along with the elite level.
    [Show full text]
  • The Female Vote and the Rise of AKP in Turkey*
    The Female Vote and the Rise of AKP in Turkey* Jan Fidrmuc† and Çiğdem Börke Tunalı‡ December 2016 Abstract We investigate how gender-related differences in voting behavior shaped the rise of the AKP, the moderately Islamic party that has ruled Turkey since 2002. We find that education level and religiosity are the main determinants of voting behavior of both men and women in Turkey. The effect of education on the support for the AKP, however, is dramatically different for men and women in 2002: it is negative for women but hump-shaped for men. We argue that this difference may be driven by expected distributional implications of adopting more conservative religious norms for low-skilled men and women. Key Words: Gender gap; Voting, Turkey, Justice and Development Party (AKP), Democracy; Islam JEL Codes: O15; P48; Z12 * We received helpful comments and suggestions from Charles Grant, Philipp Harms, Arye Hillman, Nicola Maaser, Olga Zaikowska, as well as seminar/conference participants at Brunel University, European Public Choice Society conference in Cambridge, Silvaplana Workshop in Political Economy, and IV International Conference on Political Economy and Institutions in Baiona. † Corresponding author. Department of Economics and Finance and Centre for Economic Development and Institutions (CEDI), Brunel University; Institute of Economic Studies, Charles University; and CESIfo Munich. Contact information: Department of Economics and Finance, Brunel University, Uxbridge, UB8 3PH, United Kingdom. Email: [email protected] or [email protected]. Phone: +44-1895-266-528, Web: http://www.fidrmuc.net/. ‡ Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics, Istanbul University; Le Laboratoire de Recherche en Gestion et Économie (Large), Augustin Cournot Doctoral School, Université de Strasbourg, Contact Information: [email protected], Web: www.borketunali.com.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey Goes to the Ballot Box: 2014 Municipal
    Turkey Goes to the Ballot Box 2014 Municipal Elections and Beyond Ali ÇArkoğlu turkey project policy paper Number 3 • March 2014 policy paper Number 3, March 2014 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-European dia- logue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transformation of the European Union; strategies for en- gaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging com- mon strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. The Turkey Project also produces a range of policy-relevant publications to encourage independent thinking and debate on how the United States should engage this pivotal country.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ads Have Become Political Legends
    New Jersey & Its Party System: A Collection of Columns Extolling the Benefits of Political Parties By: Jeff Brindle Election Law Enforcement Commission E EC L 1973 New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission www.elec.nj.gov • August, 2020 Updated September 2021 TOPIC PAGE NO. 1. For State, County Committee A McCain-Feingold Windfall 02/2003 ...................................................... 1 2. The Big Money 06/2003 ............................................................................................................................ 4 3. Requiring Disclosure of Campaign Funding Groups in NJ is in the Public Interest 09/29/2011 .............. 9 4. Decreased Campaign Fundraising in NJ Shows Importance of Reforms 10/28/2011 ............................. 11 5. Strengthening the Political Party System 10/01/2012.............................................................................. 13 6. Democracy Suffers as Political Parties Shrink 01/03/2014 ..................................................................... 15 7. Five Ideas for Strengthening the State’s Political Parties 08/21/2014 ..................................................... 17 8. Waning Parties Across the Pond - Warning Sign for US and NJ? 11/24/2014 ....................................... 19 9. Legislative Reforms Now Could Mean Stronger Parties Later 07/31/2015 ............................................ 21 10. Could Decline of Parties and Turnout be Linked? 11/16/2015 ............................................................... 24 11. Political Parties,
    [Show full text]
  • "The Real Winners and Losers of Turkey's July 2007 Election
    THE REAL WINNERS AND LOSERS OF TURKEY’S JULY 2007 ELECTIONS Heymi Bahar* The July 2007 Turkish parliamentary elections were a major victory for the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP), entrenching it in power. By the same token, the historic center-right parties virtually disappeared, the left stagnated, and the number of nationalist MHP and independent Kurdish members increased. This article lays out the reasons both for the AKP’s success as well as the performance of other forces. Following the Turkish Parliament’s failure to internal politics of both parties prevented select a new president in an April 27, 2007 unification, the DSP decided not to run as a session, the decision was made that early party, though some of its members ran on the elections be held on July 22, 2007 (rather than CHP ticket. in October). The governing Justice and On the center-right, those involved Development Party (AKP) had named Foreign included the True Path (DYP) and the Minister Abdullah Gul as its candidate, Motherland (ANAP) Parties, which attempted rejecting proposals by the opposition to unite under the name “Democrat Party” Republican People’s Party (CHP) to choose a (DP). This effort failed, however, due to non-partisan, mutually accepted figure. factors explained below, with ANAP declaring Following the decision of CHP and other it would not participate in the election. parties to boycott the voting session, the issue The ten percent threshold needed in order was taken to the Turkish Constitutional Court. to win seats in parliament also changed the CHP leader Deniz Baykal argued that there strategy of some of the smaller parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Inter-Party Vote Movements in Turkey Between 1999 and 2002: a Statistical Analysis Using Cross-Provincial Election Data
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Inter-party vote movements in Turkey between 1999 and 2002: A statistical analysis using cross-provincial election data Akarca, Ali T. University of Illinois at Chicago 7 April 2008 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/9627/ MPRA Paper No. 9627, posted 19 Jul 2008 07:55 UTC Inter-party vote movements in Turkey between 1999 and 2002: A statistical analysis using cross-provincial election data Ali T. Akarca * Department of Economics (mc 144), University of Illinois at Chicago, 601 S. Morgan Street, Chicago, Illinois 60607-7121, USA ______________________________________________________________________________ Abstract In the 2002 Turkish parliamentary election, more than half of the voters cast their ballots for a party different than the one they chose in 1999. The outcomes of these elections are analyzed at the provincial level, through a system of regression equations. The results obtained indicate that votes moved from the Virtue, Nationalist Action, Motherland and True Path parties to the Justice and Development Party, from the Democratic Left Party to the Republican People’s and Young parties, and from the Democratic Left, Nationalist Action and Motherland parties to the True Path Party. The Justice and Development Party, the ruling party since 2002, is found to have captured all of the far-right Islamist, about half of the far-right nationalist, and half of the center-right votes. Keywords: Elections; Voter behavior; Party preference; Turkey _______________________________________________________________________ 1. Introduction The outcome of November 3, 2002 parliamentary election in Turkey was such a shock that journalists and academicians who analyze it often refer to it using terms such as landslide, meltdown, earthquake and tsunami.
    [Show full text]
  • Upcoming Turkish Elections: Likely Winners and Implications for Foreign Policy by Soner Cagaptay
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 672 Upcoming Turkish Elections: Likely Winners and Implications for Foreign Policy by Soner Cagaptay Oct 31, 2002 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Soner Cagaptay Soner Cagaptay is the Beyer Family fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis n November 3, the Turks will go to the polls to elect their new government. The elections could usher in a O major realignment of the Turkish political landscape, perhaps bringing a party with Islamist pedigree -- the Justice and Development Party (AKP) -- to power. Should Washington worry about the foreign policy orientation of a new Turkish administration and its willingness to support a military campaign against Iraq? Background The elections of 1995 and 1999 produced a fragmented parliament in Turkey, with the seats distributed among many parties, including Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's Democratic Left Party (DSP), Mesut Yilmaz's center-right Motherland Party (ANAP), the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), former prime minister Tansu Ciller's center-right True Path Party (DYP), and the Islamist Welfare (later Felicity) Party (FP). Consequently, Turkey has been run by a number of coalition governments with mixed results; for instance, although the country passed a fundamental legal reform package this summer, it is also experiencing its worst economic crisis since World War II. How Will the Old Guard Fare? Recent surveys by Stratejik Iletisim of Ankara, a credible polling institution, show that the current governing parties -- DSP, ANAP, and MHP -- may not even be represented in the next parliament; that is, they may fail to obtain 10 percent of the national vote, which is the threshold a party must reach before any of its members may enter the parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies
    Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies Writers Marcin Walecki Kevin Casas-Zamora Omer Genckaya Dina Ammar Chantal Sarkis-Hanna Karma Ekmekji-Boladian Elobaid Ahmed Elobaid. Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies Copyright © IFES. All rights reserved. IFES 1101 15th Street, NW Ste. 300 Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Notice of rights All rights reserved. No part of this report can be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-931459-34-7 P a g e | 1 Table of Contents Foreword .......................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 4 Biographies ....................................................................................... 5 Executive Summary ........................................................................... 7 Introduction .................................................................................... 10 Dr. Kevin Casas-Zamora Part I Public Funding in Established and Transitional Democracies ......... 25 Dr. Marcin Walecki Part II Public Funding of Political Parties: ................................................. 39 The Case of Turkey Omer Faruk Genckaya Public Funding of Political Parties: .................................................. 50 The Case of Egypt Dina Ammar Public Funding for Political Parties: ................................................
    [Show full text]