Crossing Phonetics-Phonology Lines
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Begus Gasper
Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of Phonological Typology Gašper Beguš [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: the derivation of phonological typology. The phenomenon of post-nasal devoicing brings new insights into the standard typological discussion. This alternation — “unnatural” in the sense that it operates against a universal phonetic tendency — has been reported to exist both as a sound change and as synchronic phonological process. I bring together eight identified cases of post-nasal devoicing and point to common patterns among them. Based on these patterns, I argue that post-nasal devoicing does not derive from a single atypical sound change, but rather from a set of two or three separate sounds changes, each of which is natural and well- motivated. When these sound changes occur in combination, they give rise to apparent post-nasal devoicing. Evidence from both historical and dialectal data is brought to bear to create a model for explaining future instances of apparent unnatural alternations. By showing that sound change does not operate against universal phonetic tendency, I strengthen the empirical case for the generalization that any single instance of sound change is always phonetically motivated and natural, but that a combination of such sound changes can lead to unnatural alternations in a language’s synchronic grammar. Based on these findings, I propose a new probabilistic model for explaining phonological typology within the channel bias approach: on this model, unnatural alternations will always be rare, because the relative probability that a combination of sound changes will occur collectively is always smaller than the probability that a single sound change will occur. -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
Exceptions to Rhotacism Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a Grammatical Rule Are of Interest Only If
Proceedings of CLS 48 (2012), 279-293 © Chicago Linguistic Society 2014. All rights reserved. 279 Exceptions to rhotacism* Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a grammatical rule are of interest only if they lead to the construction of a new grammar of even greater generality or if they show some underlying principle is fallacious or misformulated. (Chomsky & Halle 1968:ix) 1 Introduction With sporadic exceptions (Saussure 1877), intervocalic s merges with r in Old Latin. (1) The sound change: s > r = V V Earlier intervocalic s is found in archaic inscriptions (e.g., Lases for later Lares ‘local deities’; Baldi 2002:213f.) and implicated by comparative reconstruction (e.g., Latin flōrale ‘floral’ vs. Vestinian flusare; Watkins 1970). This change was actuated no later than the 4th century BCE, as indicated by Cicero’s comment that L. Papirius Crassus, consul in 336 BCE and dictator in 339 BCE, was the first of his line to spell his cōgnōmen as Papirius rather than the ancestral Papisius. Numerous s-r alternations in Classical Latin derive from this sound change. For instance, many nouns have nominative and vocative singulars ending in s, but an intervocalic r in the singular obliques and throughout the plural. (2) Paradigm of ‘honor’: nom. gen. dat. acc. abl. voc. sg. honōs honōris honōrī honōrem honōre honōs pl. honōrēs honōrum honōribus honōrēs honōribus honōrēs These s-r alternations—and their ultimate demise in late Latin (see §5)—are widely cited as examples of non-derived environment blocking and of intraparadig- matic leveling. Nearly all discussions of these alternations assume that the underly- ing representation of ‘honor’ is /hono:s/, so that the oblique r is the intervocalic allophone of /s/ (e.g., Albright 2005:19, Foley 1965:62, Gruber 2006:142, Hes- lin 1987:134, Kenstowicz 1996:377, Kiparsky In press, Klausenburger 1976:314, Matthews 1972:19, Roberts 2012:88, Touratier 1975:264, Watkins 1970:526). -
The Sound Patterns of Camuno: Description and Explanation in Evolutionary Phonology
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2014 The Sound Patterns Of Camuno: Description And Explanation In Evolutionary Phonology Michela Cresci Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/191 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY by MICHELA CRESCI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City Universtiy of New York 2014 i 2014 MICHELA CRESCI All rights reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. JULIETTE BLEVINS ____________________ __________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee GITA MARTOHARDJONO ____________________ ___________________________________ Date Executive Officer KATHLEEN CURRIE HALL DOUGLAS H. WHALEN GIOVANNI BONFADINI Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY By Michela Cresci Advisor: Professor Juliette Blevins This dissertation presents a linguistic study of the sound patterns of Camuno framed within Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins, 2004, 2006, to appear). Camuno is a variety of Eastern Lombard, a Romance language of northern Italy, spoken in Valcamonica. Camuno is not a local variety of Italian, but a sister of Italian, a local divergent development of the Latin originally spoken in Italy (Maiden & Perry, 1997, p. -
Theme 4. Old English Spelling. Old English Phonology Aims
Theme 4. Old English Spelling. Old English Phonology Aims: perceive phonetic irregularities between spelling and pronunciation; be able to account for major vowels and consonants changes that occurred in Old English Points for Discussion: Introduction 4. Consonants Changes in Old English 1. Spelling Irregularities 4.1. Voicing of fricatives in 2. The Phonetic Alphabet intervocal position 3. Vowel changes in Old 4.2. Palatalization of the English Sounds (cÂ, sc, cӡ) 3.1. Breaking (Fracture) 4.3. Assimilation before t 3.2. Palatal Mutation (i- 4.4. Loss of consonants in umlaut) certain positions 3.3. Diphthongization after 4.5. Metathesis of r Palatal Consonants 4.6. West Germanic 3.4. Back, or Velar Mutation gemination of consonants 3.5. Mutation before h. Conclusion 3.6. Contraction Key Terms to Know monophthongs Back/Velar Mutation diphthongs Mutation before h Assimilation Contraction Breaking (fracture) Voicing of Fricatives Palatalization Palatalization of j Palatal mutation (i- Assimilation before t umlaut) Gemination of Diphthongization Consonants Recommended Literature Obligatory David Crystal. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language.– Cambridge, 1994.— PP. 16-19 Elly van Gelderen.A History of the English Language.- Amsterdam/ Philadelphia, 2006. -PP. 13-23 Valery V. Mykhailenko. Paradigmatics in the evolution of English. - Chernivtsi, - 1999. PP. 22-25; 30-35 T.A. Rastorguyeva. A History of English. - Moscow, 1983. - PP. 71- 92 L.Verba. History of the English language. - Vinnitsa, 2004. - PP. 30- 38 Additional: Аракин В. Д. История английского языка. - М., 1985. - C. 31-45 Introduction “The English have no respect for their language, and will not teach their children to speak it. -
Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: a Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /L
Brigham Young University BYU ScholarsArchive Theses and Dissertations 2013-03-18 Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/ Ariel Rebekah Bean Brigham Young University - Provo Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd Part of the Spanish and Portuguese Language and Literature Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Bean, Ariel Rebekah, "Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/" (2013). Theses and Dissertations. 3415. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3415 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/ Ariel R. Bean A thesis submitted to the faculty of Brigham Young University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Willis C. Fails, Chair Scott M. Alvord Rob A. Martinsen Department of Spanish and Portuguese Brigham Young University March 2013 Copyright © 2013 Ariel R. Bean All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/ Ariel R. Bean Department of Spanish and Portuguese, BYU Master of Arts Second language acquisition (SLA) research is rich in possibilities for examining language-specific phonetics and phonology in the cross-linguistic context of acquisition. However, much of the existing English-Spanish research focuses on the acquisition of voice onset time (VOT) of /p, t, k, b, d, ɡ/ or rhotics, or on acquisition in relation to factors such as task type, time abroad, and motivational intensity (e.g. -
A Typological Study of the Role of Syllable Contact in Romance Languages*
It is all downhill from here: a typological study of the role of Syllable Contact in Romance languages* 1 Introduction It is a well-known fact that there is a cross-linguistic preference to avoid coda-onset clusters with sonority rise, a tendency known as the Syllable Contact Law after the work by Murray & Vennemann (1983) and Vennemann (1988). This law has been adduced to explain certain diachronic changes (Hooper 1976, Murray & Vennemann 1983, Vennemann 1988, Ham 1998, Martínez-Gil 2003, Holt 2004, Wheeler 2007, among others), but also synchronic phenomena such as epenthesis and epenthesis positioning (Bonet & Mascaró 1997, Rose 2000, Gouskova 2001), consonant strengthening (Colina 1995, Shin 1997, Bonet & Mascaró 1997, Jiménez 1997, 1999, Davis & Shin 1999, Gouskova 2002, 2004), syncope blocking (Urbanczyk 1996, Miglio 1998, Gouskova 2002), word order and subtraction regulation in blend formation (Bat-El 1996), allomorph selection (Hargus 1997, 2007), metathesis (Gouskova 2001), and regressive manner assimilation (Shin 1997, Davis & Shin 1999, the author 2003 [2006], Wheeler 2005).1 The main purpose of this paper is to show that Syllable Contact is responsible for the application of an extensive set of processes drawn from Romance languages and to explore the nature and effects of this constraint within Optimality Theory (OT) on the basis of the analysis of these phenomena. The processes under examination are the following: a) regressive manner assimilation in some varieties of Catalan and in Languedocian Occitan, b) onset strengthening and epenthesis in Catalan, c) alveolar fricative rhotacism in Majorcan Catalan, dialects of Sardinian and dialects of Galician, d) alveolar fricative gliding in Languedocian Occitan, e) strategy selection in word-initial consonant clusters which violate the minimum sonority distance constraints in Catalan, and, finally, f) allomorph selection in Catalan and Spanish. -
Latin Rhotacism for Real
To appear in BLS 37; comments welcome ([email protected]) Latin Rhotacism for Real KYLE GORMAN University of Pennsylvania Introduction By regular sound change, Proto-Italic intervocalic *s became Old Latin [r]. (1) *s > Old Latin [r] / V V This change is thought to have gone to completion in the 4th century BCE (Sommer 1902:210, Safarewicz 1932:18), and in 312 BCE, censor Appius Caecus Claudius eliminated the hZi character (once used to spell intervocalic *s) from the Latin al- phabet. This *s is the source of s ∼ r patterns in classical Latin (e.g., honos¯ /honoris¯ ‘honor’ in the writings of Plautus, c. 200 BCE).1 It is generally thought that the sound change introduced a parallel synchronic rule of RHOTACISM (e.g., Foley 1965:62, Matthews 1972:19, Touratier 1975:264f., Klausenburger 1976:314, Kiparsky 1982:64f., Heslin 1987:134, Kenstowicz 1996:377). (2) RHOTACISM (to be rejected): s ! r / V V However, this description of the honos¯ /honoris¯ grammar merits reconsideration, as the s ∼ r pattern can in many cases derive from another independently-motivated rule (§1). Deriving these alternations in this way is a potential solution to the deca- dence of RHOTACISM (§2), and makes it possible to understand the later leveling of s ∼ r patterns (e.g., honor/honoris¯ in the writings of authors such as Apuleius, c. 180 CE) as a change in nom.sg. suffix allomorphy, an account which predicts the direction and scope of this leveling (§3). The final section concludes (§4). 1 This paper was inspired by a conversation with Elan Dresher and an unpublished manuscript by Charles Yang (Yang 2006). -
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction in OT-CC John J
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series Linguistics January 2007 Slouching toward optimality: Coda reduction in OT-CC John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts, Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs Part of the Morphology Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Phonetics and Phonology Commons Recommended Citation McCarthy, John J., "Slouching toward optimality: Coda reduction in OT-CC" (2007). Phonological Studies (Journal of the Phonological Society of Japan). 74. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs/74 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Linguistics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Slouching Towards Optimality: Coda Reduction in OT-CC* John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts Amherst Abstract. There is a well-established asymmetry in the behavior of medial consonant clusters: the first consonant in the cluster can undergo assimilation or deletion, but the second consonant in the cluster cannot. This article presents an explanation for that asymmetry based on a version of Optimality Theory with candidate chains (McCarthy (2006a)). The key idea is that a consonant can only assimilate or delete if it first loses its place features by debuccalizing, and debuccalization is only possible in coda position. Keywords: OT, coda, assimilation, candidate chain. 1. Introduction Medial consonant clusters are often simplified or assimilated: /patka/ → [paka], /pamka/ → [paŋka]. There is an interesting asymmetry in these processes: they always target the first member of the cluster for deletion or assimilation. -
Chapter X Positional Factors in Lenition and Fortition
Chapter X Positional factors in Lenition and Fortition 1. Introduction This chapter sets out to identify the bearing that the linear position of a segment may have on its lenition or fortition.1 We take for granted the defi- nition of lenition that has been provided in chapter XXX (Szigetvári): Put- ting aside stress-related lenition (see chapter XXX de Lacy-Bye), the refer- ence to the position of a segment in the linear string is another way of identifying syllabic causality. Something is a lenition iff the effect ob- served is triggered by the specific syllabic status of the segment at hand. The melodic environment thus is irrelevant, and no melodic prime is trans- mitted between segments. Lenition thereby contrasts with the other family of processes that is found in phonology, i.e. adjacency effects. Adjacency may be defined physically (e.g. palatalisation of a consonant by a following vowel) or in more abstract terms (e.g. vowel harmony): in any event, as- similations will transmit a melodic prime from one segment to another, and only a melodically defined subset of items will qualify as a trigger. Posi- tional factors, on the other hand, are unheard of in assimilatory processes: there is no palatalisation that demands, say, "palatalise velars before front vowels, but only in word-initial position". Based on an empirical record that we have tried to make as cross- linguistically relevant as possible, the purpose of this chapter is to establish appropriate empirical generalisations. These are then designed to serve as the input to theories of lenition: here are the challenges, this is what any theory needs to be able to explain. -
Developments of the Lateral in Occitan Dialects and Their Romance and Cross-Linguistic Context Daniela Müller
Developments of the lateral in occitan dialects and their romance and cross-linguistic context Daniela Müller To cite this version: Daniela Müller. Developments of the lateral in occitan dialects and their romance and cross- linguistic context. Linguistics. Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2011. English. NNT : 2011TOU20122. tel-00674530 HAL Id: tel-00674530 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00674530 Submitted on 27 Feb 2012 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. en vue de l’obtention du DOCTORATDEL’UNIVERSITÉDETOULOUSE délivré par l’université de toulouse 2 - le mirail discipline: sciences du langage zur erlangung der doktorwürde DERNEUPHILOLOGISCHENFAKULTÄT DERRUPRECHT-KARLS-UNIVERSITÄTHEIDELBERG présentée et soutenue par vorgelegt von DANIELAMÜLLER DEVELOPMENTS OF THE LATERAL IN OCCITAN DIALECTS ANDTHEIRROMANCEANDCROSS-LINGUISTICCONTEXT JURY Jonathan Harrington (Professor, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München) Francesc Xavier Lamuela (Catedràtic, Universitat de Girona) Jean-Léonard Léonard (Maître de conférences HDR, Paris