How Parties Protect Civil Rights of Ukrainians (By Maxym Latsyba, Program Head, UCIPR)
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Svoboda Party – the New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene
OswcOMMentary issue 56 | 04.07.2011 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene NTARy Me Tadeusz A. Olszański ces cOM Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing incre- ase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines tudies participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern s Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it astern refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist move- e ments, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition entre for parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its c independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will beco- me a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. NTARy Me Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, ces cOM it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Polarizing the Country? YANUKOVYCH’S AUTHORITARIAN GAME BETWEEN RUSSIA and the EU on the EVE of UKRAINE’S 2012 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
Polarizing the Country? YANUKOVYCH’S AUTHORITARIAN GAME BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE EU ON THE EVE OF UKRAINE’S 2012 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 204 June 2012 Olexiy Haran University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Ukraine is too regionally and politically diverse to allow a single entity to monopolize power—this “pluralism by default” makes the Ukrainian political system more balanced than the Russian one. The electoral divide between, on the one hand, Ukraine’s south and east and, on the other, its west and center has persisted in every election since 1990. However, in the 2004 presidential election, Ukrainian politics were deliberately and dangerously polarized by former president Leonid Kuchma, who relied on Kremlin support to secure the succession of his prime minister Viktor Yanukovych. By contrast, opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko managed to move beyond traditional voting patterns, whereby national-democrats existed mainly in the geographic west and center. Yushchenko concentrated on slogans common to the whole country—European values, social justice, rule of law, and the struggle with corruption. This proved to be an important factor in his electoral victory and in the Orange Revolution struggle against electoral fraud. Nonetheless, due to polarizing strategies that his opponents employed, including pro-Russian slogans and an anti-Western, anti-American propaganda campaign, the country emerged from the 2004 elections extremely polarized. Polarization Under Yanukovych: A Useful Strategy? To a great extent, President Yushchenko’s policies appeared counterproductive and reinforced polarization. The anti-corruption struggle remained only on paper and reforms stalled. As a result, Yushchenko’s ratings dropped to only 3-5 percent by 2008. -
The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 141 - NOVEMBER 2012 The EU and Ukraine: hapless but not hopeless Natalia Shapovalova and Balazs Jarabik Since his democratic victory in 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor >> Yanukovych has asserted his control over Ukraine’s political system by arresting leaders of the opposition, restricting freedom of assembly and HIGHLIGHTS speech and allegedly enriching himself and his close circle in the process. This has jeopardised Ukraine’s declared goal of European integration and • The October polls exposed has pushed the country into greater isolation from the West. Ukraine's corrupted political Last October’s parliamentary elections were meant to be a litmus test for system, but also the democracy in Ukraine. Amidst allegations of fraud in some districts, the resilience of Ukrainian polls exposed the abuse of power and corruption present in Ukraine's society to an illiberal political political system. However, the results also demonstrated some level of regime. resilience against an illiberal political regime. The opposition did better • The incumbent Party of than expected and must now use its gains wisely to resist further regime consolidation by building on popular discontent with the ruling party. Regions will have to ally with The future is uncertain: the country's further democratisation is in the independent candidates to hands of Ukrainians. As for the EU, it is also facing its own litmus test in form a narrow majority in its relations with Ukraine. Its room for manoeuvre is squeezed between Parliament. the Ukrainian opposition’s calls for sanctions and the need for dialogue with the Yanukovych government. -
Turkey-Ukraine Relations: High Potential, Low Voltage
TURKEY-UKRAINE RELATIONS: HIGH POTENTIAL, LOW VOLTAGE INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Habibe Özdal Center for Eurasian Studies Viktoriia Demydova USAK Policy Brief No: 03 December 2011 TURKEY-UKRAINE RELATIONS: HIGH POTENTIAL, LOW VOLTAGE Center for Eurasian Studies Habibe Özdal Viktoriia Demydova USAK Policy Brief No: 03 December 2011 INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Uluslararası Stratejik Araştırmalar Kurumu CENTER FOR EURASIAN STUDIES Eurasia covers a wide area ranging from the Baltic to the Pacific. The region, with its natural resources and sources of energy, has seen waves of dramatic political change over the centuries. The changing political structure of the region, the presence of never-ending conflicts, and international actors’ interest in the region are aspects of Eurasia’s complexity and dynamism. The Center for Eurasian Studies contributes to area studies conducted within USAK under the assumption that social reality is a very complex phenomenon and can only be dealt with through the use of different methods and disciplines. The main goal of the Center is to carry out a vigorous analysis of Eurasia and offer policy recommendations. To this end, the Center prepares reports and studies on the region as well as risk analyses. By organizing roundtable meetings and conferences, the Center also functions as a platform where different ideas and opinions can be expressed. The Center contributes to academic literature in the field by carrying out studies and publishing the refereedJournal of Central Asian and Caucasian Studies (JCACS) twice a year. The Center’s wide-ranging research benefits from sources written not only in English but also in regional languages. -
Local Networks and Socio-Political Transformations in Ukraine Honorata Mazepus , Antoaneta Dimi
When Business and Politics Mix: Local Networks and Socio-Political Transformations in Ukraine Honorata Mazepusa*, Antoaneta Dimitrovaa, Matthew Frearb, Dimiter Toshkovc, and Nina Onopriychukd a Institute of Security and Global Affairs, Leiden University, Turfmarkt 99, 2511 DP, The Hague; b Institute for History, Leiden University, P.N. van Eyckhof 2, 2311 BV Leiden; c Institute of Public Administration, Leiden University, Turfmarkt 99, 2511 DP, The Hague; d Political Science and Public Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. De Boelelaan 1105, 1081HV Amsterdam; The Netherlands *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] This paper investigates whether and how patronage networks affect the progress of socio-political reforms at the local level in Ukraine. It contributes in three ways to the study of networks and transitions of socio-political orders: first, it provides rich empirical study using primary (interview) and secondary data; second, it focuses on the local rather than national level and analyses three understudied cases of networks (Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, and Ivano-Frankivsk); third, theoretically it relates the studies of patronage networks in post-communist setting to a broader framework of limited access orders. Our findings show that although multiplicity of networks might be a necessary condition for the opening of access to political and economic resources, it is not a sufficient one. Also, the presence of multiple networks is not necessary for high level of citizen satisfaction with public goods provision—a single dominant network might achieve a relatively high level of citizen satisfaction too. Keywords: local networks; Ukraine; patronage; limited access orders; satisfaction with public goods provision 1 1. Introduction Social networks are ubiquitous in social, economic, and political life (Collier 2016, 10). -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
The Future of Ukrainian Oligarchsdownload
Ukrainian Institute for the Future is an independent analytical center that: • forecasts changes and models possible scenarios for events in Ukraine; • makes a competent assessment of the Ukrainian events; • makes specific recommendations for actions; • offers effective solutions; • offers a platform for discussions on current topics. It is a project of representatives of Ukrainian business, politics and the public sector. Founded in summer 2016. AUTHORS Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Oleg Ustenko Executive Director of the Bleyzer Foundation, President of Harvard Club of Ukraine alumni association Yurii Romanenko Co-founder of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, head of the International and Domestic Policy programme, editor-in-chief of the portal Hvylya Ihar Tyshkevich Expert of International and Domestic Politics programme of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future (UIF) © Art-direction D!VANDESIGN © Idea and design INCOGNITA INTRODUCTION. THE BRITISH DISEASE IN UKRAINE Content 05 THEORY AND STRUCTURE OF THE UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHY 06 INFLUENCE OVER ENERGY INDUSTRY 14 INFLUENCE OVER METALLURGY 26 INFLUENCE OVER TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE 38 INFLUENCE OVER MEDIA 50 INFLUENCE OVER POLITICS 62 THREE SCENARIOS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE OLIGARCHS 72 Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Introduction: the British disease in Ukraine After the fall of the Soviet Union, the starting conditions for economic development in Ukraine were advanta- geous. However, after 27 years of independence, we continue to be the most backward country of the post-Sovi- et bloc. -
Ukraine Pre-Election Watch
Ukraine Pre-Election Watch: February 2010 Presidential Runoff Election Since gaining its independence in 1991, Ukraine has achieved certain success in promoting democratic changes, especially in the sphere of creating independent mass media and ensuring open elections. These successes are considered direct, positive results of the Orange Revolution. The Revolution was the result of the Ukrainian people's protest against fraud during the second round of presidential elections in November 2004. This event had a profound impact upon both Ukraine's democratization processes, as well as other countries in the region, in inspiring similar democratization movements. Despite many positive advances after the Orange Revolution, Ukraine's ability to provide effective governance and stability has been hampered by political and constitutional crises. Prior to his election to the presidency, Viktor Yushchenko agreed to a number of measures which reduced presidential powers and expanded those of the Prime Minister and the parliament. This in turn provoked conflicts between legislators, the cabinet of ministers and the President, resulting in Yushchenko's decision to dissolve parliament and call an early vote in September 2007. According to international observers, these parliamentary elections met international standards. However, certain problems remained unsolved, such as the quality of the voter list. Since no political party received enough seats necessary to nominate the prime minister, the political parties had to form a coalition; this shaky 227-seat governing coalition of Yulia Tymoshenko's Bloc (BYuT) and Our Ukraine People's Self-Defense was formed on November 29, 2007. The first round of the presidential election was held on January 17, 2010, with 18 candidates on the ballot. -
Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée Parlementaire
Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and Institutional Affairs Commission du Règlement, des immunités et des affaires institutionnelles Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and Institutional Affairs Commission du Règlement, des immunités et des affaires institutionnelles AS/Pro (2012) 03 def 24 January 2012 ardoc03_2012 Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and Institutional Affairs Challenge on procedural grounds of the still unratified credentials of the Ukrainian parliamentary delegation Report presented by Mr Egidijus Vareikis, Chairperson, on behalf of the committee A. Opinion to the President of the Parliamentary Assembly 1 1. On 23 January 2012, the still unratified credentials of the parliamentary delegation of Ukraine were challenged on procedural grounds, in accordance with Rule 7 of the Assembly’s Rules of Procedure, on the ground that the composition of the delegation did not satisfy the criterion of fair representation of the political parties or groups. 2. At its meeting on 24 January 2012, the Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and Institutional Affairs examined the various objections raised and established that the Ukrainian delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly was appointed in compliance with Article 25 of the Statute of the Council of Europe and Rule 6 of the Assembly's Rules of Procedure, as regards the fair representation of political parties and groups in the delegation. 3. Consequently, the Committee concludes that the credentials of the Ukrainian parliamentary delegation should be ratified. 4. However, the Committee notes that the list of members of the Ukrainian delegation as transmitted to the President of the Parliamentary Assembly contains misleading information in particular as regards the political affiliation of three members: Mr Valeriy Pysarenko, representative, and MM Oleksandr Feldman and Volodymyr Pylypenko, substitutes, listed as members of the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc, actually sit in the parliament under other political labels. -
REGULATION of POLITICAL PARTIES in UKRAINE: the CURRENT STATE and DIRECTION of REFORMS Ce , Political Party Cial Opinion Ght Against Corruption
THE CURRENT STATEREGULATION AND DIRECTION OF POLITICAL OF REFORMSPARTIES IN UKRAINE: Th e reform of political parties legislation and regulation can act as a platform Denys Kovryzhenko from which to consider a wide array of crucial issues in the development of a stable Agency for Legislative Initiatives and lasting democratic party system. Th ese include, inter alia, political party fi nancing, internal party democracy, the participation of women, registration and monitoring of political parties. In partnership with the OSCE’s Offi ce for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and with the fi nancial support of the European Union, REGULATION Denys Kovryzhenko and his colleagues at the Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI), led an in-depth consultative process with key stakeholders in Ukraine T H E C U R R E N T on the issue of political party legislation reform, raising problems and proposing possible solutions. OF POLITICAL Th e result is Regulation of Political Parties in Ukraine: the Current State and Direction of Reforms, a comprehensive report which thoroughly analyses S T A T E A N D the particular problems and issues in Ukraine’s legislative and regulatory framework for political parties. Looking forward, and based on the results ofthe consultations, the report proposes an agenda for reform based PARTIES on international and European standards and best practice. D I R E C T I O N Th e Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI) is one of the leading Ukrainian think tanks. ALI has a 10-year experience in implementing projects aiming I N U K R A I N E at the introduction of policy dialogue practices into the law-making process, ensuring public participation in the legislative process, monitoring ofthe activities O F R E F O R M S of the parliament, studying the principles and problems of Ukrainian parliamentarism, and conducting comparative studies on a variety of subjects, such as election legislation, political parties, and the fi ght against corruption.