Presidential Elections Venezuela 2006
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No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Transición Política, Democracia Y Espacio Público En Venezuela (1998-2001)
Cuestiones Políticas No. 28, Junio de 2002, 71-97 lEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ ISSN 0798 -1406 Transición política, democracia y espacio público en Venezuela (1998-2001) José R. Larez Rubio y Juan E. Romero Jiménez* Resumen Desde el triunfo de Hugo Chávez en las elecciones presidenciales en 1998, se experimenta en Venezuela unproceso de transición política dentro del sistema democrático, caracterizado por el cambio de un escenario determinado porelconsensoconstruido entorno a losgrupos de podereconómico ylosparti dos políticos (AD-COPEI) a otro escenario donde lo político adquiere especial expresión en elcampo de lo público, ampliando de esa forma los límites de de senvolvimiento del ciudadano más allá de lo establecido por los partidos. Como nunca antes en la historia de Venezuela, se experimenta una discusión política expresada como ampliación de "lo público" yqueimplícita una creciente dinámi ca que revaloriza el papel del ciudadano. Estetrabajo analiza la expresión de este fenómeno en la sociedad venezolana. Palabras clave: Democracia, poder, transición, Venezuela, Espacio pú blico, ciudadano. Laboratorio de Investigación Transdisciplinario del Espacio Público (Litep). LaUniver sidad del Zulia-Venezuela. Recibido: 22-01-02» Aceptado: 17-05-02 72 Juan E. Romero Jiménez y José R. Larez Rubio Political Transition, Democracy and Public Space in Venezuela (1998-2001) Abstract Since Hugo Chávez' victory in the presidential elections in 1998, political transition inside the democratic system has been experienced in Venezuela, characterized by the change of a scenario determined by consensus built around economic power groups and political parties (AD-COPEI) to a distinct scenario where political matters acquire special expression in the field of the public mat ters, enlarging in this way the limits of citizen participation beyond that estab- lished by political parties. -
La MUD Finiquita Reglamento Para Escoger Presidente De La an Por Consenso
IMPRESO DIGITAL OVACIÓN TODO EN EME DE ARCHIVO LOGIN REGÍSTRATE Buscar DOMINGO MUJER 09:24 AM 16 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2015 • CARACAS (VENEZUELA) TÚ DECIDES 2015 POLÍTICA ECONOMÍA MUNDO SUCESOS PRESOS POLÍTICOS DEPORTES ESCENAS EN TV SUPLEMENTOS MÁS POLÍTICA La MUD finiquita reglamento para escoger presidente de la AN por consenso AL INSTANTE 09:19 Elton John indignado con los precios de El consenso se daría entre los 14 partidos de la MUD que tendrán representantes dentro del reventa para Hemiciclo sus conciertos La alianza se comprometió a que la directiva sea unitaria. 09:14 Henry Ramos Allup y Julio Borges buscan el apoyo de los partidos ÁLEX VÁSQUEZ S. 16 DE DICIEMBRE 2015 - 12:01 AM Tweet 9 Hoy elegirán a 84 son los votos que se necesitan (mayoría las simple) para designar la directiva de la Asamblea Enviar por mail semifinalistas Nacional. De acuerdo con el artículo 7 del del Miss Reglamento de Interior y Debate de la Asamblea Imprimir Nacional, se requiere que cuando se instale el Universo 2015 Rectificar Parlamento, el 5 de enero, las bancadas 09:12 presenten planchas para todos los cargos a elegir: presidente, primer y segundo vicepresidente, secretario y subsecretario. Como ningún partido de la oposición cuenta con la cantidad de diputados necesaria para imponer una plancha, deben negociar. plancha, deben negociar. Publican En este momento, informan fuentes políticas, la Mesa de la Unidad adelanto de la Democrática finiquita un reglamento para escoger la directiva de la cuarta nueva Asamblea Nacional. Algo está definido: la presidencia temporada de corresponderá a un partido por año, y las distintas fuerzas políticas House of tendrán representación en las vicepresidencias y presidencia de las Cards comisiones. -
THE CHAVEZ Pages
Third World Quarterly, Vol 24, No 1, pp 63–76, 2003 The Chávez phenomenon: political change in Venezuela RONALD D SYLVIA & CONSTANTINE P DANOPOULOS ABSTRACT This article focuses on the advent and governing style of, and issues facing colonel-turned politician Hugo Chávez since he became president of Venezuela in 1998 with 58% of the vote. The article begins with a brief account of the nature of the country’s political environment that emerged in 1958, following the demise of the Perez Jimenez dictatorship. Aided by phenomenal increases in oil prices, Venezuela’s political elites reached a pact that governed the country for nearly four decades. Huge increases in education, health and other social services constituted the hallmark of Venezuela’s ‘subsidised democracy’. Pervasive corruption, a decrease in oil revenues and two abortive coups in 1992 challenged the foundations of subsidised democracy. The election of Chávez in 1998 sealed the fate of the 1958 pact. Chávez’s charisma, anti- colonial/Bolivarist rhetoric, and increasing levels of poverty form the basis of his support among the poor and dissatisfied middle classes. The articles then turns its attention to Chávez’s governing style and the problems he faces as he labours to turn around the country’s stagnant economy. Populist initiatives aimed at wealth redistribution, land reform and a more multidimensional and Third World-orientated foreign policy form the main tenets of the Chávez regime. These, coupled with anti-business rhetoric, over-dependence on oil revenues and opposition from Venezuela’s political and economic elites, have polarised the country and threaten its political stability. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Updated June 4, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political and economic crisis under the authoritarian rule of Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Hugo Chávez (president, 1999-2013), began a second term on January 10, 2019, that most Venezuelans and much of the international community consider illegitimate. Since January, Juan Guaidó, president of Venezuela’s democratically elected, opposition-controlled National Assembly, has sought to form an interim government to serve until internationally observed elections can be held. Although the United States and 53 other countries recognize Guaidó as interim president, the military high command, supported by Russia and Cuba, has remained loyal to Maduro. Venezuela is in a political stalemate as conditions in the country deteriorate. Venezuela’s economy has collapsed. It is plagued by hyperinflation, severe shortages of food and medicine, and electricity blackouts that have worsened an already dire humanitarian crisis. In April 2019, United Nations officials estimated that some 90% of Venezuelans are living in poverty and 7 million need humanitarian assistance. Maduro has blamed U.S. sanctions for these problems, but most observers cite economic mismanagement and corruption under Chávez and Maduro for the current crisis. U.N. agencies estimate that 3.7 million Venezuelans had fled the country as of March 2019, primarily to other Latin American and Caribbean countries. U.S. Policy The United States historically had close relations with Venezuela, a major U.S. -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela's Future
CSIS BRIEFS CSIS Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela’s Future By Moises Rendon, Mark Schneider, & Jaime Vazquez NOVEMBER 2019 THE ISSUE Despite stiff sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and internal civil protests, Nicolas Maduro and his inner circle have resisted the pressures to negotiate an exit. Three internationally-sponsored dialogue processes and two efforts at mediated negotiations within the last five years have failed, with Maduro using the time to intensify his hold on power. Different factors are impeding a transition in Venezuela. This brief investigates challenges and opportunities to help support a transition toward democracy. It describes the possible role of a Track II diplomacy initiative to produce a feasible exit ramp for Maduro—essentially the achievement of significant progress outside of the formal negotiation process. The brief also discusses potential roles for chavistas in today’s struggle and for ‘day after’ challenges, the required elements for a transitional justice process, and the basic conditions necessary for holding free and fair elections to elect a new president. BACKGROUND undiminished support from Russia, China, and Cuba, have Amid numerous blackouts, fuel shortages impacting complicated efforts to achieve a political accord leading to a agriculture and food production, and inflation on pace democratic transition. to reach over 10 million percent by the end of 2019, Venezuela’s humanitarian, economic, and political crisis QUICK FACTS has forced more than 4 million citizens to flee their • According to the United Nations, Venezuela will homeland. That number could surge past 5 million by the have over 5.3 million refugees by the end of 2019. end of 2019. -
Elections in Venezuela: Changes in the Rules of the Game
Public Issues Nº 985 October 1st, 2010 www.lyd.org ISSN 0717-1528 Elections in Venezuela: Changes in the Rules of the Game Following the results of the legislative elections The extent of Chávez’s victory is of last Sunday in Venezuela there were no currently conditioned with regard to the celebrations in the Miraflores palace. The electorate’s majority denied Hugo Chávez the application of radical changes in the consent, thus clearly limiting his power following years, since now it has a yearnings. counterweight in the Assembly. According to the last balance, of 165 seats, Nevertheless, the country’s complex President Hugo Chávez did not reach his goal economical and political situation of two thirds (110 seats) which is essential to progress in his project of socialism for the 21st foretells difficult times for Venezuela. If Century and to be strengthened for the there is no open, democratic and free presidential poll of 2012. The opposition, congregated in the Democratic Unity coalition society, it is hard to believe that this (MUD) attained 65 representatives in the country will be able to progress National Assembly, putting an end to the towards true development. officialist supremacy. It is meaningful that, while Chávez obtained a tie in popular voting, the manipulated Venezuelan election system gave him a large victory in the number of seats. What do we understand by democracy? After eleven years of Chávez’s presidency, Venezuela found itself immersed in a series of electoral consultations which started with the call for a Constituent Assembly, that was not stipulated in the current Constitution, and which culminated with his presidential reelection on December 3rd 2006, thus continuing his mandate until December 2012 and being able to reelect himself indefinitely thanks to an amendment in January 2009. -
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-371-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2008 1-56432-371-4 A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................... 1 Political Discrimination ............................................................................................2 The Courts ...............................................................................................................3 -
China-Venezuela Economic Relations: Hedging Venezuelan Bets with Chinese Characteristics1
Latin American Program | Kissinger Institute | February 2019 Chinese President Xi Jinping, right, shakes hands with Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, Sept. 22, 2013. © Lintao Zhang / AP Photo China-Venezuela Economic Relations: 1 Hedging Venezuelan Bets with Chinese Characteristics LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM Stephen B. Kaplan and Michael Penfold KISSINGER INSTITUTE Tens of thousands of Venezuelans raised their hands toward the sky on January 23, 2019, to offer solidarity to legislative leader, Juan Guaidó, who declared himself interim president of LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM Venezuela during a rally demanding President Nicolás Maduro’s resignation. Refusing to rec- ognize the legitimacy of Maduro’s May 2018 re-election, Guaidó cited his constitutional duty as the head of the National Assembly to fill the presidential vacancy until new elections were called. Hand in hand with Guaidó, the United States unequivocally supported his declaration, recognizing him as Venezuela’s head of state. Backed by Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Co- lombia, Israel, and Peru, President Trump said he would “use the full weight of United States economic and diplomatic power to press for the restoration of Venezuelan democracy.” More recently, Spain, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany also recognized Guaidó as interim president after Maduro failed to call new elections. The United States also backed its position with some economic muscle, imposing sanctions on Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PdVSA), saying that all PdVSA assets, including its oil sale pro- ceeds, will be frozen in U.S. jurisdictions. 1 The authors would like to thank Cindy Arnson and Robert Daly for their insightful commentary about China-Latin American relations, Marcin Jerzewski, Beverly Li, and Giorgos Morakis for their superb research assistance, and Orlando Ochoa, Francisco Monaldi, and Francisco Rodríguez for invaluable conversations about the current state of the Venezuelan economy and oil sector. -
Venebarometro-Diciembre-2017
UN PRODUCTO 4/12/17 1 DICIEMBRE 2017 DICIEMBRE 2017 FICHA TÉCNICA COBERTURA Urbana-Rural de todo el País Población mayor de 18 años, de ambos sexos y UNIVERSO todos los estratos socioeconómicos TAMAÑO DE LA MUESTRA 1.200 entrevistas SELECCIÓN DE LOS ENTREVISTADOS En hogares DISEÑO MUESTRAL Polietápico estratificado ERROR MÁXIMO ADMISIBLE +/- 2,37% para un nivel de confianza de 90% TRABAJO DE CAMPO Del 27 de Octubre al 15 de Noviembre de 2017 PROVEEDOR DEL TRABAJO DE Instituto Venezolano de Análisis de Datos (IVAD) CAMPO 4/12/17 2 DICIEMBRE 2017 2 SITUACIÓN DEL PAÍS 4/12/17 3 DICIEMBRE 2017 3 SITUACIÓN DEL PAÍS ¿CÓMO CONSIDERA USTED LA SITUACIÓN EN GENERAL DEL PAÍS, HOY EN DÍA, ES DECIR, DIRÍA USTED QUE ES MUY BUENA, BUENA, REGULAR HACIA BUENA, REGULAR HACIA MALA, MALA O MUY MALA? BASE 1.200 60% 75,3 % NEGATIVA 50.5% 50% 24,5 % POSITIVA 40% 30% 20% 15.6% 17.0% 8.3% 7.8% 10% 0.6% 0.3% 0% MUY BUENA BUENA REGULAR HACIA REGULAR HACIA MALA MUY MALA NS / NR BUENA MALA OFICIALISMO OPOSICIÓN DE NINGUNO A/B C D OCCIDENTE ANDES LLANOS CENTRAL ORIENTE BASE 399 533 243 128 663 409 290 110 110 460 230 POSITIVA 67.4% 1.7% 5.3% 31.2% 22.3% 25.9% 30.7% 8.2% 23.6% 27.4% 19.1% NEGATIVA 32.1% 98.3% 94.7% 68.8% 77.4% 73.8% 69.3% 91.8% 76.4% 72% 80.9% 4/12/17 4 DICIEMBRE 2017 4 SITUACIÓN DEL PAÍS (EVOLUCIÓN) ¿CÓMO CONSIDERA USTED LA SITUACIÓN EN GENERAL DEL PAÍS, HOY EN DÍA, ES DECIR, DIRÍA USTED QUE ES MUY BUENA, BUENA, REGULAR HACIA BUENA, REGULAR HACIA MALA, MALA O MUY MALA? n= 1.500 n= 1.500 100% 92.9%91.9% 89.3% 90.2% 88.3% 87.4% 88.0% 90% 84.1% 83.3% -
Venezuela & Ecuador This Week
VENEZUELA & ECUADOR THIS WEEK Member FINRA/SIPC Monday, February 26, 2018 Maduro’s approval rises to two-year high President Maduro’s approval rating increased government. In fact, the drop has been most to 26.1% in the February Datanálisis survey, a 4.4 precipitous in the approval of the opposition coalition percentage point increase from the last reading in organization, the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD). November 2017 of 21.7%. This is the highest reading in The percentage of respondents that have a positive this series in nearly two years (it stood at 26.8% in view of the MUD has declined from by 28.0 ppt since March of 2016). Maduro’s approval rating has risen by October 2016, from 59.7% to 31.7%. In the meantime, 8.7 percentage points from its low in July of 2017. The support for the governing PSUV party actually rose by survey of 1,000 respondents was conducted through 5.5ppt from November and now stands at 26.2%. The direct interviews between February 01 and 14 of 2018 gap between the support of these two organizations, and has a margin of error of ±3.04%. also of 5.5 points, stands at its lowest level since October 2013. Maduro remains highly unpopular, and the survey indicates that a majority of Venezuelans do not want It is possible that the strengthening of Maduro’s him to remain in the presidency. But the survey also approval may be nothing more than the reflection that shows a sustained decline in the approval rating of all he has emerged stronger from last year’s political opposition leaders, with the result that Maduro’s conflicts.