The Tendilla Lords of T

ORGANIZED BY

WITH THE COLABORATION OF PALACIO DE CARLOS V ALHAMBRA GRANADA INtRODuCtION ARCHItECtuRAL ADAPtAtIONS AND 11 POWER RELAtIONS IN tHE ALHAMBRA OF tHE tENDILLAS EXHIBItION: CONCEPt AND DESIGN MARÍA DEL MAR VILLAFRANCA JIMÉNEZ R A F A E L L Ó P E Z G U Z M Á N JESÚS BERMÚDEZ LÓPEZ 13 59 AN APPROACH tO tHE GENEALOGY NASRID AND CONQuESt WEAPONS OF tHE tENDILLA ON tHE RELIEFS OF tHE PALACE OF M. AMPARO MORENO TRUJILLO CHARLES V OF tHE ALHAMBRA JUAN M. DE LA OBRA SIERRA ÁLVARO SOLER DEL CAMPO MARÍA JOSÉ OSORIO PÉREZ 17 64 tHE MENDOZAS OF CAStILE tHE LADIES OF tHE HOuSE AND ARtIStIC PAtRONAGE OF tENDILLA-MONDÉJAR AND JOSÉ MIGUEL MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ tHE ARtICuLAtION OF tHE POWER 25 OF tHIS LINEAGE ESTHER ALEGRE CARVAJAL DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA 70 2ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR I SHALL HURL MY JUAN M. MARTÍN GARCÍA BOOKS TO THE GROUND RAFAEL G. PEINADO SANTAELLA tHE MENDOZAS, MEN OF LEttERS 30 JUAN VARO ZAFRA 76 DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA: FIRSt CAPtAIN-GENERAL OF MuSIC AND POWER: tHE KINGDOM OF GRANADA ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA Y QuIÑONES (1440-1515) ANTONIO JIMÉNEZ ESTRELLA AND tHE MuSIC OF HIS tIME 39 ANTONIO MARTÍN MORENO 79 DON LuIS HuRtADO DE MENDOZA AND tHE ARCHItECtuRE OF tHE ALHAMBRA GASPAR IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA, F E R N A N D O M A R Í A S tHE DECLINE OF tHE tENDILLAS 44 E N R I Q U E S O R I A M E S A 84 tHE OtHER LORDS OF tHE ALHAMBRA: tHE GOVERNORSHIP OF tHE GENERALIFE tHE RESIDENCE OF tHE COuNt OF CARLOS VÍLCHEZ VÍLCHEZ tENDILLA IN tHE ALHAMBRA 48 ANTONIO ALMAGRO A N T O N I O O R I H U E L A tHE ALHAMBRA IN tHE 86 SEVENtEENtH CENtuRY FRANCISCO SÁNCHEZ-MONTES GONZÁLEZ 51 DAILY LIFE IN tHE ALHAMBRA tHROuGH tHE MAtERIAL CuLtuRE At tHE tIME OF tHE tENDILLA PURIFICACIÓN MARINETTO SÁNCHEZ 54 EXHIBIt ION

1. tHE LINEAGE OF tHE MENDOZA FAMILY: BEtWEEN ARMS, tHE CHuRCH AND LItERAtuRE 87 2. tHE GREAt tENDILLA. DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA Y QuIÑONES (1540-1515) 89 3. tHE MENDOZA FAMILY DuRING tHE RENAISSANCE 91 GALLERY OF PORtRAItS AND tHE ARMOuRY OF LA ALHAMBRA 93 4. LONG-tERM DECAY 95

(Next double page) Panel of tiles with the coat of arms of the Count of Tendilla in the Mexuar of the Alhambra Juan Bautista Espinosa Don Íñigo López de Mendoza, IInd Count of Tendilla and Ist Marquis of Mondéjar 17th century Oil on canvas 145.5 x 136 cm Patronato de la Alhambra y Generalife. Museum DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ and nephew of three outstanding members not extinguished either with the end of the DE MENDOZA, of the Mendoza family, the infuence he War of Granada or with his return from 2 ND COUNT OF TENDILLA received from them proved decisive for Italy. On the contrary, once he had settled ST the makeup of his own personality. His in the Alhambra, where he remained until AND 1 MARQUIS OF grandfather was the Marquis of Santillana, his death, he constantly returned to his MONDÉJAR an illustrious fgure in Castilian letters and books, which on many occasions were to a leading patron of artists and humanists be his principal connection with the world JUAN M. MARTÍN GARCÍA of his time. His uncle, known to his around him. In September 1513, near the RAFAEL G. PEINADO SANTAELLA contemporaries as “the third king of end of his life, he wrote to the Bishop of Spain”, was Pedro González de Mendoza. Málaga that “my pastime is now reading Both built up libraries which were among and writing.”6 His is not merely a case of a the most important of their age, as the taste for books, but also, as José Szmolka A HUMANIST NOBLEMAN studies of various specialists have shown. put it, they played “an active, albeit AND PATRON OF HUMANISTS Of his father, also called Don Íñigo modest, role”.7 López de Mendoza, it was said that he Uppermost in this role is his interesting IN 1917 and 1918, some time after the was outstanding for the “lucidity of his correspondence, valuable not only as a commemoration of the fourth centenary intelligence and the meticulous instruction testimonial and documentary record of of the death of Don Íñigo López de he had received, for he took great pleasure a period but also as a highly polished Mendoza, an interesting essay was in enriching his learning with the study example of Renaissance epistolary published in the Boletín de la Sociedad of Latin, of the classical authors and of literature. Te object of study since Española de Excursiones under the title: philosophy, until he possessed an enviable the early decades of the 20th century “Te emergence of the Renaissance in culture which greatly helped him to by historians like Antonio Paz y Meliá, 30 Spanish monuments and the Mendozas of shine in that court of John II, so given to Manuel Gómez Moreno, Elías Tormo, the 15th century”. In the article, published intellectual manifestations, and to carry Francisco Layna Serrano, Emilio in several instalments, the author, Elías out difcult diplomatic missions with Meneses García and José Cepeda Adán, Tormo, made the following afrmation: success and aplomb.”2 later followed by the research of José the Count of Tendilla was “perhaps the Among the features which help us to Szmolka Clares, María José Osorio best general in the War of Granada (even outline the Count of Tendilla’s humanist Pérez, Juan María de la Obra Sierra and rivalling the Great Captain himself), tendencies, the foremost is his love Amparo Moreno Trujillo, this is a dense perhaps the Catholic Monarch’s most of reading.3 He began in his earliest epistolary corpus made up of the letters glorious ambassador to Italy (certainly the childhood, as one of his frst biographers and documents from his bureau dating most famous), perhaps the fnest political recounts,4 and must have continued from the period between 1504 and 1515. organiser (the frst Captain-General of to indulge the passion throughout the Tey are preserved in several manuscripts Granada for twenty-three years), and military campaigns he took part in during divided between the Biblioteca Nacional above all, the most humanist of Spanish the War of Granada, and especially in Madrid and the Archivo Histórico magnates and the most active patron during his years as ambassador in Italy.5 Nacional, but the intense labour of of humanists, and the frst inspirer of It was there that he acquired a number of transcription and study carried out by the Renaissance among us. Tat is how codices and manuscripts for his library, some of the specialists mentioned above forgetful we are in Spain!”1 such as the History of Bohemia, which has made them generally known. Tey are While his humanism is not directly he later had translated into Spanish, and regarded as of basic importance because “in comparable with that of other the Latin comedy Syrus, written by the ordering his secretaries to record the whole contemporaries who were distinguished humanist Domenico Crespo Ramusio and of his epistolary production, Don Íñigo by it, and have therefore merited special subsequently also translated into Spanish López de Mendoza was ahead of his time, consideration from historians, it was at by his son, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza. since the Register is a magnifcent basis on a level which situates him at least as the Tese two works are a clear testimony to which to construct an integral description initiator of a phenomenon that was to his interest in history and the classical of his dealings and of the period it fell achieve its most extroardinary results world, the “fre that warmed the century”, to him to live in, allowing us to make a in the mid-16th century. As with many as José Cepeda Adán put it, as part of a complete history of it with scarcely any other aspects of his life, it cannot be life model refecting the ideology of the difculty.”8 Rather more modest is his forgotten that he inherited a strong family humanist gentleman that paraded through presence in the Cancionero General of tradition which was to acquire particular the courts of Europe at the start of the Hernando del Castillo (Valencia, 1511), importance in his case. Te son, grandson Modern Era. His passion for reading was where he is attributed with some verses DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

belonging to a compilation that furnished the city of Granada, one of them almost afterwards bought it from the Catholic the writers of the 16th and 17th centuries certainly being the young Luis de Sarria, Monarchs, and by a royal decree of 25 with a poetic past rich in themes and later known as Friar Louis of Granada, September 1512, Queen Joanna granted stylistic resources, and moreover with who took his frst literary steps in the him the title of Marquis of Mondéjar an approach to medieval lyric poetry humanist, learned and erudite circle of the as a reward for his great services, so whose constant infuence was never to Count of Tendilla. that from then on “you may and shall be disengaged from the literature of the entitle yourself, and may and shall Spanish Golden Age. call yourself and sign as Marquis, and As Elías Tormo asserted, the Count PATRON AND CHAMPION OF you may and shall enjoy the said title of Tendilla was also a great patron of THE RENAISSANCE and estate...”. Te foundation of the humanists, and a portrait of him would friary is even earlier than this, since its certainly not be complete without a In another order of things, as Professor construction probably began upon his consideration of his role as a sponsor Díez del Corral Garnica has stated, return from Italy, though certainly not and promoter of humanism and those “the Mendoza family, one of whose before 1489, the date of his frst will, who devoted themselves to it. Even if leading representatives is the Count of where he expresses his wish to construct a his contribution is circumscribed to the Tendilla, became a veritable champion magnifcent building to house the town’s confguration of classicism and humanism in those years of the introduction of community of Franciscan friars. For the in Granada, “it can never be sufciently Renaissance forms to Spain. Teir purpose he was in possession of papal emphasised”, says José González Vázquez, political importance, and the work of indulgences and briefs, as well as many “how important for the incipient many of the family’s members as artistic precious ornaments granted by the King Renaissance of Granada was the Count of patrons, places them in an exceptional of Naples during his diplomatic mission, Tendilla’s patronage of the humanists he position within the panorama of to which, according to the stipulations gathered and protected at his residence in Castile.”10 Exercised at the highest of his will, he added “all the chapel silver 31 the Alhambra. And even if it were only levels, this patronage became the and ornaments I have in my chapel and for his decisive role in the transmission of inspiration, stimulus and guidance for my chamber, including chalices, cross, the Latin works of Peter Martyr, he would a series of personal, family and political candelabra, paxes, monstrance, ampoules, merit a place among the most important commissions that very few people in the altar bells and other things.” Te friary cultural patrons of his age.”9 Don Íñigo reign of the Catholic Monarchs were in a of San Antonio is one of the frst essays López de Mendoza gathered a large group position to undertake at the same level. In in Renaissance architecture in Spain, of humanists around him and gave them all this, once more, the Mendoza lineage at least as regards work carried out on his patronage and protection when he was a decisive factor, for the signifcance structures that are still Gothic but which settled permanently after the conquest of this family for the history of artistic introduce the language of a classicist of Granada in the Islamic fortress, the culture in the Iberian Peninsula, both discourse, superbly interpreted here Illiberitanorum Arcium, where he built up before Don Íñigo’s time, during it, and thanks to the intervention of Lorenzo one of the frst Spanish humanist studios throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, Vázquez de Segovia, 11 opening the way to with personalities who were subsequently is extraordinary. Tey can be said to later developments that were much frmer to play a crucial role in the difusion of have constituted a constant referent and more decisive for the triumph of the humanist and Renaissance culture in the and, frequently, an exponent of a certain new models. In Mondéjar, Don Íñigo was Kingdom of Castile, either in the court way of thinking and acting on culture, further responsible for the foundation or through their teaching and research tinged with a modernity that transformed and patronage of the parish church, in leading universities like Salamanca or their artistic enterprises into genuine which may also have been designed by Alcalá de Henares. Te circle was joined laboratories of the art of their time. Lorenzo Vázquez, now the Mendoza by Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, a Milanese His patronage in La Alcarria, the family’s architect, though the work was humanist who accompanied the Count region where he was born and spent executed by Cristóbal de Adonza and his of Tendilla on his return from Italy, and his childhood and early youth, left son Nicolás. As Layna Serrano says in his together with him came Hernán Núñez major works that in themselves make description of this singular example of de Toledo, who became regidor (mayor) of the Count of Tendilla a true champion Spanish Proto-Renaissance architecture, Granada for a few years, and Hernando of Renaissance art and culture. One is “the architectural proportions correspond Alonso de Herrera. At the Alhambra, these the Franciscan friary of San Antonio in to the Renaissance style, but the Gothic fgures provided instruction not only for Mondéjar, the chief town of his signiory, tradition staunchly held its ground, and Don Íñigo López de Mendoza himself but for which he had litigated so much these vacillations led to such beautiful also for his sons and other young nobles of with the family of his frst wife. He results as those found in this church DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

at Mondéjar, where the majesty of sculptor who worked in Carrara, with as the principal novelty introduced the Renaissance is so well united with whom Don Íñigo López de Mendoza by Fancelli to the traditional pattern the grace and elegance of the Gothic may have came into contact through of medieval funerary monuments, decorative features, noticeable above all the powerful community of Genoese is combined with a decorative and in the exceptionally fne and complicated bankers and merchants in Spain, although ornamental programme with classical ribs of the vaulting.”12 Te Count’s another possibility that cannot be and antique reminiscences, including patronage in this town was completed, discarded is that a link was established garlands, masks, emblems, angels, although little or nothing remains of it between them in the context of the medallions with reliefs, heraldic motifs today, with the foundation of a small Count’s diplomatic mission in Italy. As and a cartouche with an inscription, to chapel consecrated to St Sebastian13 and Professor Alfredo J. Morales has said, the form the base of a sepulchral bed upon a hospital or hospice for the poor,14 for “structural, iconographic and ornamental which Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand which he brought pontifcal bulls and novelties of this tomb, together with its of Aragon lie with their royal habits licences with him from Italy, as well as date of execution, make it one of the and characteristic symbols. Rather less plenary indulgences for those who should capital pieces in the introduction of the clear, however, is the Count’s possible die there. Renaissance to Spain.”16 relationship or direct involvement with While the great importance of his Whatever the truth, Fancelli certainly “the superb mausoleums of his parents, patronage in the town of Mondéjar is did receive the commission for the tomb perhaps carved by Juan Guas, which clear from only two surviving works, of Prince John, which has stood since were destroyed when the convent church the friary of San Antonio and the parish 1513 in the crossing of the convent of of Santa Ana [in the town of Tendilla, church, the Count was also responsible Santo Tomás in Ávila. In this case, there Guadalajara] was set on fre in 1936.”18 for other artistic enterprises that rank as is documentation that confrms not only A lack of documentation prevents us from highly representative steps on the road the authorship but also the involvement reaching any frm conclusions regarding 32 to the introduction of the Renaissance to of the Count of Tendilla, since everything a work which also, like the projects and Spain. Among those we must mention seems to indicate, as Joaquín Yarza Luaces commissions mentioned above, initiates here are his involvement in the creation afrms, that “the King must have made the the long road to Renaissance art, though of the tomb of his brother Diego Hurtado nobleman responsible for the designation to a lesser degree. de Mendoza, archbishop of Seville, for of the artist and the progress of the work, Nor can we omit to mention the traces the Chapel of the Virgin of La Antigua relying on his good taste and sensibility of his activity, or his direct responsibility in Seville Cathedral, as well as the tomb to choose the right person.”17 Here too for commissions, in the Kingdom of Prince John and even the tomb of the is a work of crucial importance in the of Granada. Te Count of Tendilla’s Catholic Monarchs itself for the Royal early development of Spanish Renaissance involvement in the construction of the Chapel in Granada.15 sculpture. Inspired by the tomb of Royal Chapel19 and, to a lesser extent, Te frst of these is a key work of Pope Sixtus IV, it contributes various the city’s Cathedral must be seen within Spanish Renaissance sculpture, to the innovations in both design and decoration the framework of a process of afrmation point where it became the model for a with regard to the tombs of the Gothic of symbolic and representational long series of funerary monuments that period, since the sloped arrangement values that embraced architecture as adhered very closely to its formal and of the planes it comprises breaks up the the expression of a new aesthetic and symbolic innovations, although it is also heavy and solid character of mediaeval political discourse. For this reason, as true that the tradition of the arcosolium mausoleums, adopting instead a pyramidal Earl Rosenthal wrote, it comes as no tomb against a wall had been present structure completed by the recumbent surprise that “the determination to throughout the later Middle Ages. Its fgure at the top, and by a very fne and enlarge the building to make it more composition is very reminiscent of the delicate quattrocentista decoration, of royal [...] reveals the early opposition tomb of Pope Paul II, which the Count which Fancelli was one of the most faithful of the Count of Tendilla and others of Tendilla may have become familiar exponents. to the severely restrictive atmosphere with during his ambassadorial mission. It was probably this excellent result which characterises the last years of the Tis would explain his insistence in some that persuaded King Ferdinand to Queen and her confessor, Cisneros.”20 of his letters on respecting the designs place his trust in the Count of Tendilla Te discrepancies between them, or he says he has provided for execution. once again by putting him in charge between Don Íñigo López de Mendoza Tere is no documentary confrmation of the commission and execution and Enrique Egas, who was appointed of the artist responsible, but the tomb of the mausoleum of the Catholic to design the building and supervise its is traditionally attributed to Domenico Monarchs. As in the previous case, construction, refect not only a debate di Alessandro Fancelli, a Florentine a pyramidal arrangement, regarded over aesthetic preferences but also a DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

confict with political and ideological the reinforcement of gates and walls FROM THE FRONTIER TO THE connotations within the context of a and the construction of towers and ALHAMBRA: THE VICEROY State model. Te correspondence of the bastions to the adaptation of domestic WHO NEVER WAS Count of Tendilla includes a series of and functional spaces to a new form of letters related to the construction of this habitation within the palace-city. Good In the best book yet written about the building and afterwards that of Granada examples of the Count of Tendilla’s Count of Tendilla, José Szmolka devotes Cathedral. Tey provide exceptional contributions in this regard are found in some pages to the sense of abandonment documentary evidence of his personality the memoir he sent to King Ferdinand by the Crown that overcame Don Íñigo and artistic sensibility, as well as clearly to indicate “what has to be done in the in the last years of his life. Here the demonstrating the trust placed by the burial of Our Lady the Queen” when author cites the admonishment that he Aragonese monarch in his intervention Isabella’s body was transferred to what sent at the beginning of March 1514 to in two projects of such enormous was then the high chapel of the convent his confdant at court —or “over yonder importance. of San Francisco de la Alhambra (now a in Christendom”, as he put it himself In the meantime, his status as Captain- state-run hotel, the Parador Nacional de on a certain occasion— for helping to General of the Kingdom of Granada, Tu r i s m o ) , 22 and also in his leading role spread the rumour that he was thinking governor of the Alhambra and one of in what is considered one of the greatest of leaving Granada. He informed him the twenty-four noble councillors of architectural enterprises of that time, that the insinuation was completely false, the City gave him extraordinary scope the construction of the water cistern among other reasons “because when the to implement many other projects with between the Alcazaba (Casbah) and the King, our Lord, and the Queen, our Lady, major artistic implications. “In this Nasrid Palaces.23 Also worthy of note glory be to them, ordered this ofce to respect, there was considerable activity are other projects that made less of an be given to me, they settled me here in from the very frst moments after the impact, but are equally associated with what were like new natural surroundings conquest. Te urban layouts of Granada a model of management, adaptation for me, and I left my own, and emptied 33 and other important cities in the territory and conservation corresponding to a my home there of servants, of my were replanned as a shrewd measure of type of patronage that was modest and grandparents, of my father and all of security, widening streets, demolishing limited where his personal enterprises mine, and made it here in the hope that houses, building markets and initiating were concerned, but of vast importance as the King, our Lord, has indeed begun the construction of monumental new when it came to projects ordered by the to do, these ofces would endure for me civil and religious buildings.”21 Te monarchs. Te Count of Tendilla thus and my successors forever. And my wife, transformation which began in the city in emerges as a singular fgure of whom may God keep her, and myself have built the Count of Tendilla’s time was a prelude Professor Henares Cuéllar said that he up our inheritance here for our children, to the setting which saw the triumphant represented “the most rounded model, for elsewhere I have not even a stick to spread of Renaissance and humanist owing both to his political infuence and leave them, save that entailed estate I have culture from the mid-16th century to the variety of his cultural experience, there for the eldest. And given all these onwards. of this concept of patronage as a great circumstances, if I were to make such a Te principal scenario for his service to the Monarchy. Because of move, it would be a very great frivolity interventions, however, was the this, he appears in our artistic history on my part.”26 A year later, now very Alhambra. It was there that he set up his not only as the introducer of the style close to death, the Marquis confrmed the own residence, and as the governor of the [i.e. the Renaissance] to Spain, but also sincerity of these remarks by changing fortress, he carried out various projects, as one of the frmest supporters of the the desire initially expressed in his will, many of them under his own supervision, Crown’s artistic programmes.”24 Such in the middle of 1489, of being buried in which demonstrate both his own interest was Don Íñigo López de Mendoza, who, the convent of Santa Ana in Tendilla to and that of the Catholic Monarchs in to continue with the words of Professor his defnitive wish to be interred in San preserving this extraordinary monument. Henares, “is generally recognised in Francisco de la Alhambra.27 Te exchange of letters between the historical criticism as one of the principal In fact, though, Granada had entered the monarchs and the nobleman, together generals in the War of Granada, an life of the Count and Marquis long before with the documentation generated by the exceptional diplomat in the Italy of 1486 those twenty-three years he counted in Alhambra in those early years, reveal a by the express appointment of Ferdinand the letter cited above. According to his regal will not only to maintain, preserve the Catholic, and one of the most two most fervent biographers, Granada and restore the emblematic precinct, important men in the administration and appeared on his horizon in the early but also to refurbish it as a Royal Palace. political life of the Kingdom of Granada 1470s, when he was appointed three times Tis necessitated all kinds of work, from after its conquest.”25 by Henry IV as Captain-General against DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

the Nasrid Emirate.28 Tis connection as long as a man’s height, engraved with contents of this charter, the ephemeral was further strengthened at various stages a Latin inscription whose translation validity of which is demonstrated by that of the fnal war of conquest, when he read: “Tis is the sword of the defence of August 1506, lie at the root of the showed an ability to keep discipline and of all Christendom”.32 In the frst codicil hyperbolic interpretation that has long great ingenuity in the face of difculties. of his second and fnal will, Don Íñigo been attached, to the point of becoming a His frst appointment, according to the himself pointed out that it was “such an recurrent cliché, to the Captaincy-General service record contained in the royal outstanding jewel” that the Pope normally of the Kingdom of Granada. It is true that decree granting him the title of Marquis gave it only to “a King or a Prince”, the document invested the Andalusian of Mondéjar, was that of Captain-General and he therefore incorporated it to his nobleman with viceregal powers, though and Governor of Alhama.29 He occupied entailed estate in perpetuity.33 However, this was more through his position of this post for just over a year, from the the will contains no mention of the ring Royal Lieutenant than that of Captain- beginning of the summer of 1483 until which Gabriel Rodríguez de Ardila, in General, for apart from purely military the end of 1484, and during that period, a text which is now lost but was read authority, he was also granted powers of according to contemporary chroniclers,30 and fragmentarily reported by Gaspar a judicial and fscal nature together with he not only managed to “instil good Ibáñez de Segovia, claimed he was given seniority over the other authorities of the customs in the people of his captaincy, by Boabdil upon the surrender of the Castilian Kingdoms, who were instructed and to indoctrinate them in things Alhambra, and which was lost, according to obey all the Duke’s orders, even if they concerning the exercise of chivalry”, to the same author, with the death of the contravened those of “the King of Aragon, but also resorted to such ruses as using last male descendant of the line in 1656.34 our Lord and father”, which were revoked a painted wall to conceal the partial Today, in any case, we know that both by the King and Queen in the same destruction of the defences of the frst authors exaggerated both the participation charter.38 city to fall into Castilian hands, or the of the Mendozas – uncle and nephew – in Until July 1502, Don Íñigo was in any 34 invention of paper money, which allowed the events of 2 January 1492, and that of case only the Governor and Captain, him to act as guarantor of the pay owed the Count of Tendilla in particular in the or Governor and Captain-General, of to the soldiers. Years later, in the fnal fnal stages of the War of Granada,35 when the Alhambra and the City of Granada, phases of the conquest, he gave another he was in charge of the northern frontier a post he held from the very moment example of his military prowess that was at Alcalá la Real as “Captain-General of of the conquest according to various afterwards related in a letter by his friend four captaincies which he had there”. chronicles and to the plaque of 1599 and protégé Peter Martyr d’Anghiera. Don Íñigo was not appointed Captain- inside the Gate of Justice, although While besieging the town of Freila, he General of the Kingdom of Granada there is no documentary evidence of gave orders to “mix the muleteers together until 10 July 1502.36 Four years later, the appointment in the form of a royal with the armed soldiers, and the horses the Chapter Act Books of the Council charter.39 An essentially military post, with the mules” so that the defenders, of Málaga inform us that the Granadine as laid out in the so-called Alhambra terrifed at the prospect of being attacked juror Domingo Pérez presented the Ordinances signed by the monarchs on by such a vast horde, pacted their council members on 14 September 25 May 1492, it also included the exercise surrender.31 1506 with a letter from Tendilla stating of civil and criminal justice “within Te Italian parenthesis which occupied that in the face of rumours that he the gates” of the “acrópolis iliberitana”, him between February 1486 and August had lost the power he enjoyed under as Tendilla liked to call the Alhambra. 1487 was not entirely unrelated to King Ferdinand, King Philip I had In this way, the right of sanctuary was Granada, either. On the one hand, confrmed him as Captain-General of expressly quashed within the Alhambra one of the substantial achievements of the Kingdom of Granada and Province itself in order to uphold the jurisdiction his embassy to the Holy See was the of Andalusia on 28 August 1506.37 Tis of the corregidor (chief magistrate) of concession to the Catholic Monarchs clarifcation probably bears some relation Granada, who was obliged in return to of royal patronage over the churches to the charter dispatched by Philip I hand over to the Count all those who that would be built in the Kingdom of and Joan I from Brussels on 29 October took refuge in the city after committing Granada. On the other, Pope Innocent 1505, in the midst of the succession a crime in the fortress.40 Tendilla’s VIII saw ft to express his gratitude to crisis, to inform all the authorities and appointment in 1502 as Captain- him for his services to the Holy See, dignitaries of the Crown of Castile General of the whole Kingdom did not and for “the great damage he inficted of the appointment of the Duke of enlarge the judicial faculties of the title’s on the enemies of the Holy Catholic Medina Sidonia as Captain-General holder, since his power, according to the Faith”, by presenting him during the and “our Lieutenant” in the Kingdoms document in question and its subsequent Christmas Mass of 1486 with a sword of Granada and “all of Andalusia”. Te confrmations, was strictly limited to DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

the military sphere, with the mission of regis comissariusque”, and King Ferdinand culminated, that the Inquisition started coordinating the coastal defences of the himself ratifed it in the decree issued to to act sporadically but forcefully, that the Kingdom of Granada and the “province of the regidores of Granada at the start of Royal Chancellery was established, that Andalusia” against attacks by the “Moors October 1498, where he gave instructions the division of signiories was concluded, from overseas”. However, the monarchs that “you shall communicate the things of and that manifest problems started to also ordered the authorities of both importance which occur or may occur in appear for a Church that was more territories to furnish the Captain-General that city to the said Archbishop, since he determined to savour the triumph of the with horses, arms and troops when so will certainly watch over my best interests victor than to care for the new fock that required, to billet the troops whenever and the good, proft and ennoblement of the sword had delivered to it at the start necessary, and to obey any order he might that city.”48 of the 16th century. Tendilla was a leading issue in a military capacity.41 Other testimonies add two further names actor in these tensions and contradictions, Te fact that the Captain-General was the to that frst nucleus of power in Christian which he summed up in a quasi- chief military authority in the Kingdom Granada. Tese were the Royal Secretary, theological expression: “this sinner of a is no reason at all for supposing he had Fernando de Zafra, and the frst corregidor, Kingdom” (“este pecador de reyno”).51 viceregal powers. Te misapprehension Andrés Calderón, who completed the Te greatest friction with the Inquisition that Don Íñigo was the Viceroy of team of the “four great men” of whom took place in mid-1505, when the Granada stems from Peter Martyr Miguel Ángel Ladero spoke.49 Diego inquisitor Diego Rodríguez Lucero, d’Anghiera, who was followed by Gabriel Hurtado de Mendoza, the younger son described by Peter Martyr d’Anghiera as Rodríguez de Ardila, always ready to heap of Don Íñigo, was probably referring to “the Tenebrous” (tenebrero or tenebrario), praise on the Count,42 and in our own them when years later he nostalgically arrived in Granada, which he and his time by José Cepeda Adán.43 Te Italian recalled the time “of the old ones”, which henchmen called “the little Judaea”. One cleric, who came to hold a canonry at ended with them to give way to a spiral of of Lucero’s objectives, leaving aside the Granada Cathedral, always attributed dissent. In the frst book of his Guerra de harassment sufered by Friar Hernando 35 the status of prorex whenever it seemed Granada, we read: “Te city and Kingdom de Talavera, was the persecution of applicable, whether to the Captains- were governed with a form of arbitrary the local bureacracy of Jewish converts General of the frontier on the Castilian justice administered among companions directed by Tendilla, whose cooperation side, or to the Nasrid commander who led in settlement, united in thought, with was an essential piece in the system that the defence of Baza during the Castilian resolutions aimed in common at the guaranteed the soldiers’ pay, and whose siege of the city.44 Prorex was the Latin public good; but this came to an end ruin therefore seriously compromised the term used from the start to designate the with the lives of the old ones. Jealousy security of the Kingdom. For this reason, post of Viceroy in the Crown of Aragon, made its entrance, with divisions between the Captain-General was severely critical where he was a true ‘alter nos’ of the King, the ministers of justice and war on the of the methods used by the Inquisition, and also when the ofce spread afterwards most trivial grounds, written agreements which he went so far as to accuse of through America with the lesser sense confrmed by decrees whose interpretation “destroying everyone in general and in of ‘governor’.45 Te confusion between was twisted by each party to its own particular”.52 Don Íñigo was to express his a Viceroy and a Captain-General is very opinion, and ambitions on one side to wariness of the Inquisition again in the well illustrated by a passage of the letter sufer less, and on the other to retain last days of his life, although his fear in sent by Martyr “to his Count” on 28 June superiority, treated with dissimulation this case was that it would act against the 1507: “You lament that the soldiers you rather than modesty.”50 Moriscos (Moors in Christian territory), were given as Viceroy for the government and so provoke a full-blown uprising.53 of the city do not receive their pay [...]”.46 Without any doubt, Tendilla was the In some of the letters he wrote in the TENDILLA AND THE GRANADINE governor of Granada who called most six months following the surrender of OLIGARCHY consistently for moderation in the Granada, however, he makes it clear that exploitation of the Moriscos, especially Friar Hernando Talavera and the Count From this eloquent passage, it would that resulting from outrages committed of Tendilla were the men who held power appear that the institutional consolidation by soldiers against the new Christians in the new Castilian city,47 and we know that became patent in Granada with (and the old ones too). Where fscal that the Hieronymite friar in fact attained the turn of the century accelerated the discrimination was concerned, however, a position of pre-eminence, at least in the confict between those vying for power, he participated actively from the start last years of the 15th century. He boasted especially after the death of Queen with the absolutely essential connivence of this pre-eminence by signing some of Isabella. It was from then on that the of various fgures from the Morisco his letters as “Archiepiscopus Granatensis development of the municipal regime was community, though this did not prevent DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

him from occasionally denouncing of Mondéjar on 12 August 1512.57 He NOTES the unjust treatment by landlords of had quarrels with Archbishop Antonio de 1. TORMO, E., “El brote del Renacimiento en los 54 Moriscos in the Alpujarras. In many Rojas, whom he accused of committing monumentos españoles y los Mendoza del siglo XV”, of his letters, he referred to himself as a “acts of civil malice” against him; he had in Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Excursiones father to the Moriscos and an upholder brushes with the Royal Chancellery, with (Madrid), 25 (1917), p. 54. 2. LAYNA SERRANO, F., Historia de Guadalajara of the divisive strategy of the carrot and which his dealings in those years were not y sus Mendoza. Madrid: Instituto Jerónimo Zurita, the stick, meaning rewarding those who so much institutional as those of a private 1942, p. 240. behaved well (which led him to boast that individual or patron; and he had open 3. MARTÍN GARCÍA, J. M., “Ocio, cultura y mecenazgo en los inicios del Renacimiento español”, he knew how to win over the Moorish confrontations with his cousin Rodrigo in NÚÑEZ ROLDÁN, F. (Coord.), Ocio y vida cotidiana bailifs with ridiculous gifts rather than Díaz de Vivar, with the fractious Marquis en el mundo hispánico moderno. Seville: Universidad “through lawsuits”) and punishing those of El Cenete, and with Gonzalo Fernández de Sevilla, 2007, pp. 391-402. who behaved badly. Te intention was de Córdoba, an old friend whom he ended 4. In this respect, Ibáñez de Segovia writes that “although nothing is recalled of the earliest education to sow discord and enmity among the up accusing of protecting the Morisco and upbringing of Don Íñigo, it must be supposed Morisco community, as he recognised “miscreants” —that is, the resistance— to have been in keeping with the rank and esteem explicitly: “My pleasure is that they in his signiory of Órgiva. Such rivalries in which his father was held, and with the felicitous results later produced by his wise and constant should fall out among themselves”, he among the oligarchy illustrated the truth discipline, giving us reason to believe that he would th declared unabashedly in one of the many of the verses which another 14 century have spent his earliest youth in the exercise of letters he wrote to his brother-in-law, Granadine, the prolifc writer Ibn al- both arms and letters, since we find he was equally the Licentiate Francisco de Vargas.55 It Khatib, had addressed to a Nasrid Sultan celebrated in both.” (IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA Y PERALTA, G., Marqués de Mondéjar. Historia de is true that the Count of Tendilla never as a warning of the risks intrinsic to power: la Casa de Mondéjar escrita para el Marqués de ceased to appeal to reason in an attempt “Te lion does not savour life except when Valhermoso por el de Mondéjar su abuelo. Biblioteca to soothe tempers, which were frayed by he chases the other lions from the jungle.”58 Nacional de España, Mss/3315, fol. 170). 36 5. MARTÍN GARCÍA, J. M., “La aventura italiana the fear of guerrilla violence and by the Te factionalism was soon transferred to de don Íñigo López de Mendoza: emblemática y indiscriminate anti-Muslim hatred, forged the City Council of Granada, where Don ceremonial de un embajador de los Reyes Católicos”, in the ideological workshop of the Crown, Íñigo and three of his sons occupied four in REDONDO VEINTEMILLAS, G., MONTANER which the settlers took any opportunity seats, some of them bought. Tis climate FRUTOS, A. and GARCÍA LÓPEZ, M. C., (eds.). Actas del I Congreso Internacional de Emblemática to display towards the Moriscos. However, of political deterioration fnally led him General. Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, he never wavered in his pure and cynical to write at the beginning of 1513, when 2005, vol. III, pp. 1597-1607. fdelity to the Ciceronian dictum “verba he was already Marquis of Mondéjar, 6. Correspondencia del Conde de Tendilla (1508- 1513). Biography, study and transcript by Emilio volant, scripta manent”, as he showed that upon his return to Granada, he had Meneses García. Madrid: Real Academia de la clearly in his warning to his eldest son on found “things here [...] to be quite the Historia, 1973-1974, vol. II, p. 577. the inadvisability of giving arms to the reverse of what we thought them to be 7. SZMOLKA CLARES, J., “La preocupación por la Moriscos: “I should not like you to write there, since our eforts to resist the Moors cultura de un capitán general granadino” in Estudios sobre literatura y arte dedicados al profesor Emilio to him with what we said about feeding had become anxiety to protect ourselves Orozco Díaz. Granada: Universidad de Granada, the wolves, because he will show the letter from the Christians”. As he explained 1979, p. 408. to the new converts and they will turn afterwards in another letter, this was all the 8. SZMOLKA CLARES, J., Epistolario del Conde de Tendilla (1504-1506); edition and transcript: María against me, for there are many things more dangerous and irresponsible because Amparo Moreno Trujillo and María José Osorio Pérez. which, even if well said, should not be “Granada is not of the quality of other Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1996, vol. I, p. 19. written down or spoken where they will settlements [...], for most of those who are 9. GONZÁLEZ VÁZQUEZ, J., “Valoración de la be made known.”56 greatest in number would love nothing producción latina del Renacimiento granadino” in 59 GONZÁLEZ VÁZQUEZ, J., LÓPEZ MUÑOZ, M. In his military capacity as Captain- better than to see upheavals and revolts”. and VALVERDE ABRIL, J. J. (eds.). Clasicismo y General, as he noted himself, Tendilla Despite this warning, however, the power humanismo en el Renacimiento granadino. Granada: was responsible for suppressing the struggles did not disappear with his death, Universidad de Granada, 1996, pp. 321-322. 10. MARTÍN GARCÍA, J. M., “Arquitectos y mecenas Morisco resistance. Tis repression was not but continued to shake all the institutions del Renacimiento en España” in Cuadernos de Arte unconnected with the power struggles in of Granada after 1515. de la Universidad de Granada (Granada), 36 (2005), which he was engaged for the last three pp. 29-47. years of his life with other members of 11. DÍEZ DEL CORRAL GARNICA, M. R., “Lorenzo Vázquez y la casa del Cardenal don Pedro González the Granadine oligarchy, during which de Mendoza”. Goya (Madrid), 155 (1980), p. 76. he sufered what José Szmolka described 12. LAYNA SERRANO, F., “La Parroquia de as a veritable “complex” of having been Mondéjar, sus retablos y el del convento de Almonacid de Zorita” in Boletín de la Sociedad abandoned by the Crown, even though Española de Excursiones (Madrid), 43 (1937), p. 270 he had been granted the title of Marquis 13. One of the stipulations of his will is that the DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

“chapel of Saint Sebastian in my town of Mondéjar” Editorial Universidad de Granada, 2014, pp. 123-155. del Concejo de Málaga (1489-1516). Granada: should be completed at the expense of his estate. 24. HENARES CUÉLLAR, I. “Arquitectura y Universidad de Granada y Ayuntamiento de Málaga, He had previously mentioned the chapel in a letter mecenazgo: Ideal aristocrático, reforma religiosa y 2004, p. 643, acuerdo 3.075. to the Marquis of Villena dated October 1509, where utopía política en el Renacimiento andaluz” in La 38. “Carta de Felipe I y Juana I de 29 de octubre de he explains his reasons for travelling to La Alcarria arquitectura del Renacimiento en Andalucía: Andrés 1505”, CODOIN, VIII, Madrid, 1846, pp. 355-360, and makes the following affirmation: “This, my lord, de Vandelvira y su época [exh. cat.]. Seville: Junta de and SZMOLKA CLARES, J. El Conde de Tendilla... and some discourtesies and mischief that the Duke Andalucía, Consejería de Cultura y Medio Ambiente, Op. cit., pp. 119-120. of El Infantado has had done in my lands, and some 1992, p. 60. 39. MORENO OLMEDO, M. A., “Un documento lawsuits he has had them bring there; and I also wish 25. Ibidem. del Archivo de la Alhambra, pieza básica sobre los to see and furnish a little chapel I have had built in 26. SZMOLKA CLARES, J., El Conde de Tendilla, Mendoza de Granada” in Cuadernos de la Alhambra Mondéjar. They have driven me out of my wits by primer capitán general de Granada. Granada: (Granada), 4 (1968), pp. 89-98. making me come at such an age and such a time Universidad de Granada-MADOC, (2011), pp. 324- 40. GRIMA CERVANTES, J., “Gobierno y to these parts...” (Correspondencia del Conde de 325 [1st edition: Granada, 1985]. Our translation is administración tras la conquista de Granada: las Tendilla... Op. cit., vol. I, p. 809). based on the more recent transcript by MORENO Ordenanzas de la Alhambra de 1492” in Cuadernos 14. With regard to this foundation, Ibáñez de Segovia TRUJILLO, M. A., OSORIO PÉREZ, M. J. and OBRA de la Alhambra (Granada), 26 (1990), pp. 169-184. writes as follows: “in the same town he began to SIERRA, J. M., Escribir y gobernar: el último registro 41. GARCÍA VALVERDE, M. L., MORENO TRUJILLO, build a very capacious house to serve as a hospital, de correspondencia del conde de Tendilla (1513- M. A. and OBRA SIERRA, J. M., Diplomatario... Op. with a chapel so spacious that on many occasions 1515). Granada: Universidad de Granada, (2007), cit., doc. 137. In the deed of entail of his estate, it has served as a church for the neighbours, p. 125. executed in the Alhambra on 20 February 1503, he leaving various annuities in his will so that it could 27. HERNÁNDEZ CASTELLÓ, M. C., Don Íñigo already presented himself as “Capitán General del be finished, and which would serve afterwards as López de Mendoza, II conde de Tendilla, y las Artes: Reino de Granada y de la provincia de Andaluzía, an endowment for the sustenance of the paupers ¿entre España e Italia? Doctoral thesis, Universidad primero allcaide de la dicha çibdad e su Alhambra who had to be cured there, as recorded in a deed de Valladolid, 2014, p. 190 (http://uvadoc.uva.es/ e fortalezas” (Correspondencia... Op. cit., tomo I, p. executed in the same town on 3 March of the year handle/10324/4902). 251). The appointment was confirmed by Queen 1511, in which by order of the Marquis Don Íñigo, his 28. RODRÍGUEZ DE ARDILA, G., “Historia de los Joanna on 12 August 1512, although the charter grandson, the persons named in it by him to fulfil the condes de Tendilla”, ed. Raymond Foulché-Delbosc. does not use the term ‘confirmation’. On the same provisions of the Marquis, his grandfather, resolved Revue Hispanique (New York and París), 21 (1914), date, the King simply informed several captains and the manner in which these were to be executed” pp. 72-73; and IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA, G., Historia de other authorities of Andalusia that he had ordered (IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA Y PERALTA, G., Historia de la Casa de Mondéjar... Op. cit., fols. 170-171. Don Íñigo to go and take up his appointment as 37 la Casa de Mondéjar... Op. cit., fols. 242-243). 29. Correspondencia... Op. cit., vol. I, p. 32. Captain-General. See ARROYAL ESPIGARES, P. 15. On the introduction of the Renaissance to Spain 30. To abbreviate references to the chronicles, J., CRUCES BLANCO, E. and MARTÍN PALMA, M. through these commissions for funerary monuments, the reader is referred to the extensive and fully T., Cedulario del Reino de Granada (1511-1514), see MARTÍN GARCÍA, J. M., “Diplomacia y cultura documented account of the war by Juan de Mata with an “Introductory study” by Ángel Galán Sánchez, en la Edad Moderna: Italia, España y la difusión Carriazo (CARRIAZO Y ARROQUIA, J. M., “Historia Málaga: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad del Renacimiento” in CAMACHO MARTÍNEZ, R., de la Guerra de Granada” in La España de los Reyes de Málaga, 2008, pp. 225-226, 228-230-232, docs. ASENJO RUBIO, E. and CALDERÓN ROCA, B., Católicos (1474-1516), tomo XVII, vol. I of Historia 155, 156, 157, 158, 161, 163 and 164. (coord. and eds.). Creación artística y mecenazgo en de España dirigida por Ramón Menéndez Pidal, 42. Gaspar Ibáñez de Segovia cites the lost work el desarrollo cultural del Mediterráneo en la Edad Madrid, 41989, passim [1st edition: Madrid, 1969]. by Rodríguez de Ardila as his authority for claiming Moderna. Málaga: Universidad de Málaga, 2011, pp. 31. MÁRTIR DE ANGLERÍA, P., Epistolario, I, that the Catholic Monarchs appointed Don Íñigo 597-616. introduction and translation by José López de Toro. “capitán general de Granada y su reyno, y virrey de la 16. MORALES, A. J. “Italia, los italianos y la Tomo IX of Documentos inéditos para la Historia de Andaluzía con absoluto poder en el gobierno” before introducción del Renacimiento en España” in Reyes España. Madrid: Imprenta Góngora, 1953, pp. 114- his departure for Granada in June 1492 (IBÁÑEZ y Mecenas. Los Reyes Católicos, Maximiliano I y 115. Cited by HERNÁNDEZ CASTELLÓ, M. C., Don DE SEGOVIA, Gaspar. Historia de la Casa de los inicios de la Casa de Austria en España. Toledo: Íñigo... Op. cit., p. 164. Mondéjar... Op. cit., fols. 220). Ministerio de Cultura, 1992, p. 187. 32. RODRÍGUEZ DE ARDILA, G., “Historia de los 43. CEPEDA ADÁN, J., “Andalucía en 1508. Un 17. YARZA LUACES, J., Los Reyes Católicos. Paisaje condes...”, op. cit., p. 75 of IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA, G., aspecto de la correspondencia del virrey Tendilla”, in artístico de una monarquía. Madrid: Nerea, 1993, Historia de la Casa... Op. cit., fol. 75. Hispania (Madrid), 22/85 (1962), pp. 38-80. p. 136. 33. See Correspondencia, op. cit., tomo I, pp. 287- 44. MÁRTIR DE ANGLERÍA, P., Epistolario. Op. cit., 18. LAYNA SERRANO, F., Historia de Guadalajara... 288, HERNÁNDEZ CASTELLÓ, M. C., Don Íñigo... tomo I, pp. 58, 134-135, 139-140, 146, 149 and Op. cit., p. 231. Op. cit., p. 482. 167. 19. Part of this involvement can be followed in some 34. IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA, G., Historia de la Casa... 45. See LALINDE ABADÍA, J., La institución virreinal letters among his correspondence. See Epistolario... Op. cit., fol. 216. en Cataluña (1471-1716). Barcelona: Instituto Op. cit., vol. I, pp. 569-755. 35. See PESCADOR DEL HOYO, M. C., “Como Español de Estudios Mediterráneos, 1964, pp. 71-91, 20. ROSENTHAL, E. E., “El primer contrato de la fue de verdad la toma de Granada, a la luz de un 101-111 and 143-147; RIVERO RODRÍGUEZ, M., Capilla Real” in Cuadernos de Arte de la Universidad documento inédito”. Al-Andalus (Madrid), XX (1955), “Doctrina y práctica política en la monarquía hispana; de Granada (Granada), 9 (1973-1974), p. 18. pp. 283-344; CARRIAZO Y ARROQUIA, J. M., las instrucciones dadas a los virreyes y gobernadores 21. Ibidem. “Historia de la Guerra...” op. cit., pp. 790-791 and de Italia en los siglos XVI y XVII” in Investigaciones 22. SMOLKA CLARES, J., “El traslado del cadáver 875-899; and SZMOLKA CLARES, J., El Conde de históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea de la Reina Isabel y su primitivo enterramiento a Tendilla... Op. cit., pp. 47-53. (Madrid), 9 (1989), pp. 197-214; and BELCHÍ través del Epistolario del Conde de Tendilla” in 36. GARCÍA VALVERDE, M. L., MORENO NAVARRO, P., Felipe II y el virreinato valenciano Cuadernos de la Alhambra (Granada), 5 (1969), pp. TRUJILLO, M. A. and OBRA SIERRA, J. M., (1567-1578). La Apuesta por la eficacia gubernativa, 43-53. Diplomatario del reino de Granada. Documentos Valencia, 2006, págs. 23. MARTÍN GARCÍA, J. M., “Los inicios de la procedentes de la sección Registro General del Sello 46. MÁRTIR DE ANGLERÍA, P., Epistolario, II, op. cit. Alhambra cristiana: la alcaidía del conde de Tendilla del Archivo General de Simancas. Año de 1502. Madrid: Imprenta Góngora, 1955, p. 198. (1492-1515)” in CRUZ CABRERA, J. P. (Coord.). Granada: Universidad de Granada, doc. 137. 47. On 11 March 1492, he wrote to Juan Arte y cultura en la Granada renacentista y barroca: 37. CRUCES BLANCO, E., RUIZ POVEDANO, J. Arcimboldi, cardinal and archbishop of Milan, that la construcción de una imagen clasicista. Granada: M., Inventario de acuerdos de las actas capitulares the Catholic Monarchs had left “the heavy burden of DON ÍÑIGO LÓPEZ DE MENDOZA, 2 ND COuNt OF tENDILLA AND 1St MARQuIS OF MONDÉJAR

the care of Granada in the hands of these two old 52. See PEINADO SANTAELLA, R. G., “La oligarquía 57. SZMOLKA CLARES, J., El Conde de Tendilla... gentlemen with the benefit of long experience, the granadina y las Cortes de Castilla; el memorial Op. cit., pp. 320-323. Archbishop and the Count”, and three months later, de 1510” in Cuadernos de Estudios Medievales 58. DAMAJ, A., “Poema político exhortativo de Ibn al- in another letter to the Hieronymite friar himself, (Granada), 10-11 (1982-1983), pp. 207-230, now Jatíb en tiempo de crisis” in MORAL C., VELAZQUEZ he talks of the “illustrious Count – the Viceroy and in Aristócratas nazaríes y principales castellanos. BASANTA F. N., (eds.). Ibn al-Jatib y su tiempo. Governor of the Kingdom along with you – who Málaga: CEDMA, 208, pp.. 123-124; and MORENO Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2012, p. 46. brought me to Spain” (Comitem Pro-Regem, TRUJILLO, M. A., “Las actuaciones de la Inquisición 59. One of the current authors has addressed all tecumque Regni moderatorem): see MÁRTIR y los escribanos judeo conversos del entorno these questions in detail in various essays: PEINADO DE ANGLERÍA, P., Epistolario, I, op. cit., pp. 173 del conde de Tendilla”, Historia. Instituciones. SANTAELLA, R. G. “La oligarquía granadina y las and 205, and CEPEDA ADÁN, J., “Un caballero Documentos (Sevilla), 37 (2010), pp. 181-210, Cortes...”, op. cit., passim; Los inicios de la resistencia... y un humanista en el siglo XV” in Cuadernos passim. Op. cit., ch. 3, pp. 169 ff.; “Como disfrutan los Hispanoamericanos (Madrid), 238-240 (1969), 53. MORENO TRUJILLO, M. A., “Las actuaciones de vencedores cuando se reparten el botín”. El reino p. 496. la Inquisición...”, op. cit., pp. 195-199. de Granada tras la conquista castellana. Granada: 48. See PEINADO SANTAELLA, Rafael G. “ ‘Entre 54. On this question, see PEINADO SANTAELLA, Comares, 2011, pp. 89-91 and 92-93; and “La paz y guerra’: la Granada mudéjar (1492-1501)” R. G., “Los moriscos y las élites dirigentes del reino oligarquía municipal de Granada en los albores in GONZÁLEZ ALCANTUD, J. A., PEINADO de Granada a comienzos del siglo XVI”, in Mundos del dominio castellano” in Edad Media. Revista de SANTAELLA, R. G. (eds.). Granada la andaluza. medievales: espacios, sociedades y poder: homenaje Historia (Valladolid), 14 (2013), pp. 213-237. The Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2008, p. 98. al profesor José Ángel García de Cortázar y Ruiz de problems with the Chancellery, also viewed from the 49. LADERO QUESADA, M. A., Granada después Aguirre. Santander: Universidad de Cantabria, 2012, perspective of factionalism, are surveyed in GALÁN de la conquista: repobladores y mudéjares. Granada: vol. 2, 2012, pp. 1721-1730. On his participation SÁNCHEZ, A., PEINADO SANTAELLA, R. G., “Los Diputación Provincial, 1993, p. 60. in the fiscal pressure on the Moriscos, see GÁLAN jueces del Rey y el coste de la justicia: prosopografía 50. HURTADO DE MENDOZA, D., Guerra de SÁNCHEZ, A., and PEINADO SANTAELLA, R. G., y presupuesto de la Real Chancillería de Granada Granada, ed. B. Blanco González. Madrid: Castalia, Hacienda regia y población en el Reino de Granada: (1505-1525)” in Tomás Quesada Quesada. 1970, p. 101. La geografía morisca a comienzos del siglo XVI. Homenaje. Granada: Universidad de Granada, 51. See PEINADO SANTAELLA, R. G., Los inicios de la Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1997, passim. 1998, pp. 271-303, shortly to be made available resistencia musulmana en el reino de Granada (1490- 55. Correspondencia... Op. cit., II, p. 339. for consultation by the Spanish Society of Medieval 1515). Granada: El legado andalusí, 2011, p. 145. 56. Ibidem, p. 45. Studies (http://www.medievalistas.es/?q=node/48).