I Had Gone to Lahore with a Message of Goodwill but in Return We Got Kargil
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The Lahore Declaration
The Lahore Declaration The following is the text of the Lahore Declaration signed by the Prime Minister, Mr. A. B. Vajpayee, and the Pakistan Prime Minister, Mr. Nawaz Sharif, in Lahore on Sunday: The Prime Ministers of the Republic of India and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Sharing a vision of peace and stability between their countries, and of progress and prosperity for their peoples; Convinced that durable peace and development of harmonious relations and friendly cooperation will serve the vital interests of the peoples of the two countries, enabling them to devote their energies for a better future; Recognising that the nuclear dimension of the security environment of the two countries adds to their responsibility for avoidance of conflict between the two countries; Committed to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, and the universally accepted principles of peaceful co- existence; Reiterating the determination of both countries to implementing the Simla Agreement in letter and spirit; Committed to the objective of universal nuclear disarmament and non- proliferartion; Convinced of the importance of mutually agreed confidence building measures for improving the security environment; Recalling their agreement of 23rd September, 1998, that an environment of peace and security is in the supreme national interest of both sides and that the resolution of all outstanding issues, including Jammu and Kashmir, is essential for this purpose; Have agreed that their respective Governments: · shall intensify their efforts to resolve all issues, including the issue of Jammu and Kashmir. · shall refrain from intervention and interference in each other's internal affairs. -
Limited Conflicts Under the Nuclear Umbrella: Indian and Pakistani
Limited Conflicts Under the Nuclear Umbrella R Indian and Pakistani Lessons from the Kargil Crisis Ashley J. Tellis C. Christine Fair Jamison Jo Medby National Security Research Division This research was conducted within the International Security and Defense Policy Center (ISDPC) of RAND’s National Security Research Division (NSRD). NSRD conducts research and analysis for the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, the Unified Commands, the defense agencies, the Department of the Navy, the U.S. intelligence community, allied foreign governments, and foundations. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tellis, Ashley J. Limited conflicts under the nuclear umbrella : Indian and Pakistani lessons from the Kargil crisis / Ashley J. Tellis, C. Christine Fair, Jamison Jo Medby. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. “MR-1450.” ISBN 0-8330-3101-5 1. Kargil (India)—History, Military—20th century. 2. Jammu and Kashmir (India)—Politics and government—20th century. 3. India—Military relations— Pakistan. 4. Pakistan—Military relations—India. I. Fair, C. Christine. II. Medby, Jamison Jo. III. Title. DS486.K3347 T45 2001 327.5491054—dc21 2001048907 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 2001 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including -
Involving India and Pakistan: Nuclear Arms Control and Non-Proliferation After the Nuclear Tests
BITS Research Report 99.2 Oliver Meier Involving India and Pakistan: Nuclear Arms Control and Non-proliferation after the Nuclear Tests Berlin Information-center for Transatlantic Security (BITS) CONTENT: Executive Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction.................................................................................................................................................. 5 1 Where we are............................................................................................................................................ 7 1.1 The situation in India ....................................................................................................................... 8 1.2 The situation in Pakistan................................................................................................................ 10 1.3 Bilateral relations after the tests.................................................................................................... 12 2 International Responses ....................................................................................................................... 14 2.1 The P5............................................................................................................................................... 16 2.2 The Western Group ...................................................................................................................... -
The Strategic Chain Linking Pakistan, India, China, and the United States
The Strategic Chain Linking Pakistan, India, China, and the United States Robert Einhorn Project Co-Chair W.P.S. Sidhu Project Co-Chair Arms Control and Non-Proliferation Series T HE S T RAT EGIC C HAIN : Linking Pakistan, India, China, and the United States Paper 14 • March 2017FOREIGN POLICY AT BROOKINGS • A RM S C ON T ROL AND N ON -P ROLIFERAT ION S ERIES i Acknowledgments We would like to express our deep gratitude to all project and Rachel Slattery for her assistance in the the Chinese, Indian, Pakistani, and American par- editing and production of the report. ticipants in the “Strategic Chain” project, who gen- erously gave their time to participate in our three Support for this project was generously provided by workshops and to work with us closely to final- the Naval Postgraduate School’s Project on Advanced ize this report. We would like to thank Brookings Systems and Concepts for Countering WMD via As- scholars Michael O’Hanlon and Steven Pifer for re- sistance Grant/Agreement No. N00244-15-l-0038 viewing the report. We would like to extend special awarded by NAVSUP FLC San Diego. The views thanks to Research Assistant and Project Coordina- expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the tor James Tyson for helping manage the project and official policies of NPS. We would also like to ex- for drafting the two Brookings background papers press our gratitude to the John D. and Catherine T. that appear in the annex. We also wish to thank Re- MacArthur Foundation for its generous support for search Assistants Caitlyn E. -
Treaty of Accession Kashmir
Treaty Of Accession Kashmir When Chalmers yap his monotheism quadrated not ably enough, is Welby seismologic? Entopic and bruised Agustin gurgles her poundals reaving while Ford colligate some Hottentot singularly. If lattermost or scenographical Lorenzo usually despumated his skiff bypass waitingly or ionize iambically and ruinously, how intercolonial is Rocky? Q&A India's change to disputed Kashmir's status ABC News. Why do Pakistan want Kashmir? Pakistan violated the treaty but after thaw was signed when swift began to. Under the 1947 partition plan Kashmir was that to accede to either India or. Assembly voted to ratify the slave of Jammu and Kashmir's accession to India. Origins of Conflict Stand With Kashmir. Such story the 1972 Shimla Agreement told the Lahore Declaration. India set a withdraw Kashmir's special status and split it steep two. Durham E-Theses CORE. Because pork could not readily raise your sum the East India Company allowed the Dogra ruler Gulab Singh to acquire Kashmir from the Sikh kingdom in exchange for making alternate payment of 750000 rupees to view Company. In Kashmir25 India contended that Kashmir's accession was legally binding. The Instrument of Accession is simple legal document executed by Maharaja Hari Singh ruler because the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir on 26 October 1947 By executing this document under the provisions of the Indian Independence Act 1947 Maharaja Hari Singh agreed to accede to the Dominion of India. Offers made to Pakistan in a telegram under the standstill agreement included communications. India believes that the accession of Jammu and Kashmir is final and any. -
Religious and Political Dimensions of the Kartarpur Corridor: Exploring the Global Politics Behind the Lost Heritage of the Darbar Sahib
religions Article Religious and Political Dimensions of the Kartarpur Corridor: Exploring the Global Politics Behind the Lost Heritage of the Darbar Sahib Tejpaul Singh Bainiwal Department of Religious Studies, University of California, Riverside, CA 92521, USA; [email protected] Received: 17 September 2020; Accepted: 27 October 2020; Published: 29 October 2020 Abstract: The 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak and the construction of the Kartarpur Corridor has helped the Darbar Sahib at Kartarpur in Pakistan gain global attention. In 2019, thousands of Sikhs embarked on a pilgrimage to Pakistan to take part in this momentous occasion. However, conversations surrounding modern renovations, government control of sacred sites, and the global implications of the corridor have been missing in the larger dialogue. Using historical methods and examining the Darbar Sahib through the context of the 1947 partition and the recent construction of the Kartarpur Corridor, this paper departs from the metanarrative surrounding the Darbar Sahib and explores the impact that Sikhs across the globe had on the “bridge of peace”, the politics behind the corridor, and how access to sacred Sikh spaces in Pakistan was only partially regained. Keywords: Kartarpur Corridor; Guru Nanak; Imran Khan; Navjot Sidhu; diasporic Sikhs 1. Introduction In November 2018, the decision of the governments of Pakistan and India to open the Kartarpur Corridor across the river Ravi—linking Dera Baba Nanak Sahib (in India) and Gurdwara Darbar Sahib in Kartarpur (in Pakistan)—marked the possible beginning of a new era of cooperation and a symbolic movement in the shared cultural history of the Punjab. The two historic gurdwaras are roughly six kilometers apart and share a connection to Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion, but the international border created by the partition of India in 1947 separated them, and simultaneously politicized their access. -
US Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999
U.S. Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999: Religious Framing in an International Conflict? A thesis presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Science Sagar Atre May 2013 © 2013 Sagar Atre. All Rights Reserved. This thesis titled U.S. Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999: Religious Framing in an International Conflict? by SAGAR ATRE has been approved for the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism and the Scripps College of Communication by Yusuf Kalyango Assistant Professor of Journalism Scott Titsworth Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii ABSTRACT ATRE, SAGAR, M.S., May 2013, Journalism U.S. Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999: Religious Framing in an International Conflict? Director of Thesis: Yusuf Kalyango This study examines the framing of religion in the news coverage of a conflict between India and Pakistan which happened from May 5, 1999 and July 30, 1999 in selected U.S. news outlets. The study looks into the coverage of the conflict in seven national and regional U.S. newspapers, and three U.S. television channels. The theoretical framework of this study was framing, and the frames of reactionary depiction and partisan alignment were used to study if the news outlets framed any country or its religion like Hinduism and Islam negatively or in a partisan manner. The findings showed that the coverage of the conflict covered Pakistan and Islam negatively, and held them responsible for invading India and escalating the conflict. -
Nuclear Doctrine: Ramifications for South Asia
South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 27, No. 2, July-December 2012, pp.313-334 Nuclear Doctrine: Ramifications for South Asia Irum Khalid University of the Punjab ABSTRACT The strategic culture of South Asia is characterized by the hostility between India and Pakistan. Conventional arms’ race, wars, growing insecurity and ultimately nuclearization of the region is the consequence of this continual enmity. To match this threatening environment both Pakistan and India has opted nuclear arms. After the nuclear explosions of 1998 the world started to talk about the nuclear doctrine for the region. This present study is an effort to understand doctrine, nuclear doctrine and it’s ramifications for South Asia. It will be analyzed whether these doctrines fulfill the required qualities and what implication they do have on both countries in general and the region in particular. It is essential to analyze them as the changing global scenario demands for the clear picture of the nuclear posture of both paramount states of the South Asian region. This region casts its impact not only on the residing actors but the neighboring region as well. The research concludes that the re-establishment of constant dialogue and diplomatic efforts are more beneficial for the region to counter the threat and insecurity. KEY WORDS: Nuclear Doctrine, Nuclear Deterrence, Command and Control, Nuclear Posture, Strategic Culture. Introduction The strategic culture of South Asia is characterized by the hostility between India and Pakistan. This enmity and hostility has further ramifications. Conventional arms race, wars, growing insecurity and ultimately nuclearization of the region is the consequence of this continual enmity. -
5. the Nuclear Confrontation in South Asia
5. The nuclear confrontation in South Asia M. V. RAMANA and ZIA MIAN I. Introduction The 1998 nuclear tests by India and Pakistan dramatically worsened the secur- ity situation for over a billion people in the subcontinent.1 Since then the two countries have continued to engage in a slow but steady arms race involving qualitative and quantitative developments and a gradual consolidation of nuclear weapon infrastructure. Nuclear use doctrines are taking shape. There have also been two major military crises, both prominently featuring nuclear threats. Section II of this chapter presents an overview of Indian and Pakistani rela- tions since the 1998 nuclear tests. Section III discusses the crisis of 2002. Sec- tion IV describes the nuclear doctrines of India and Pakistan and nuclear force developments are covered in section V. Section VI examines the role of nuclear weapons, and section VII presents the conclusions. II. Overview: 1998–2002 The Lahore Declaration Once the incendiary rhetoric characterizing the immediate aftermath of the nuclear tests had subsided, India and Pakistan appeared to take their first steps towards arms control and détente, partly in order to assuage domestic and international fears. As with the superpowers during the cold war, India and Pakistan sought to move the terms of the nuclear debate away from disarma- ment and towards managing the nuclear threat. The culmination of this pro- cess was the Lahore summit meeting in February 1999 between Indian Prime Minister A. B. Vajpayee and Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz -
Lahore Declaration
Peace Agreements Digital Collection India-Pakistan >> The Lahore Declaration The Lahore Declaration | Joint Statement | Memorandum of Understanding | The following is the text of the Lahore Declaration signed by the Prime Minister, Mr. A. B. Vajpayee, and the Pakistan Prime Minister, Mr. Nawaz Sharif, in Lahore on Sunday: The Prime Ministers of the Republic of India and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Sharing a vision of peace and stability between their countries, and of progress and prosperity for their peoples; Convinced that durable peace and development of harmonious relations and friendly cooperation will serve the vital interests of the peoples of the two countries, enabling them to devote their energies for a better future; Recognising that the nuclear dimension of the security environment of the two countries adds to their responsibility for avoidance of conflict between the two countries; Committed to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, and the universally accepted principles of peaceful co- existence; Reiterating the determination of both countries to implementing the Simla Agreement in letter and spirit; Committed to the objective of universal nuclear disarmament and non-proliferartion; Convinced of the importance of mutually agreed confidence building measures for improving the security environment; Recalling their agreement of 23rd September, 1998, that an environment of peace and security is in the supreme national interest of both sides and that the resolution of all outstanding issues, including Jammu and Kashmir, is essential for this purpose; Have agreed that their respective Governments: • shall intensify their efforts to resolve all issues, including the issue of Jammu and Kashmir. -
Issue No. 471 July 2021
Issue Brief ISSUE NO. 471 JULY 2021 © 2021 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. Confidence-Building Measures and Norm Diffusion in South Asia Aman Nair and Arindrajit Basu Abstract Confidence-building measures (CBMs) were first developed in the context of Western international relations as a means of ensuring norm diffusion between adversarial states. While South Asian states have also turned to CBMs to minimise hostilities, the literature on their impact has been limited. This brief fills the gap by examining the influence of CBMs between India and Pakistan, and India and China, on norm diffusion in the region. The brief considers CBMs related to nuclear tensions and territorial disputes, and weighs two parameters: norm compliance, and norm implementation. It finds a number of factors that determine the impact of CBMs on norm diffusion in South Asia: the scale of norm violation, the CBM’s objective and sector, the timing, as well as external geo-political factors. Attribution: Aman Nair and Arindrajit Basu, “Confidence-Building Measures and Norm Diffusion in South Asia,” ORF Issue Brief No. 471, July 2021, Observer Research Foundation. 01 dversarial nations use Confidence-Building Measures (CBMs) as a tool for conflict resolution to foster trust by producing credible evidence of “the absence of feared threats.”1 Western scholarship has argued that CBMs enable the diffusion of norms for governing responsible state behaviour.2 In non-western contexts—where actors, institutions, and socio-economic realities are different— A 3 the success of CBMs has been more contested. -
1 the Indo-Pakistani Nuclear Confrontation: Lessons
THE INDO-PAKISTANI NUCLEAR CONFRONTATION: LESSONS FROM THE PAST, CONTINGENCIES FOR THE FUTURE Neil Joeck1 Senior Fellow Center for Global Security Research Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory September 2008 1 The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the Lawrence Livermore National Security LLC or the U.S. Government. 1 Introduction In 1998, India and Pakistan conducted a series of nuclear tests, making evident to the world and each other that they had a robust nuclear weapons capability. Despite the tests, the two countries fought a short war in 1999 and came close to fighting a second war in 2002. In both confrontations, the U.S. played an important role in helping to prevent escalation. The confrontations were followed by an extended diplomatic process called the Composite Dialogue that began in 2004 and has served as a kind of umbrella for discussing the disagreements between the two sides. Given this recent history, it is likely that diplomatic dialogue and military confrontation will both play a role in resolving Indo-Pak conflict over the next several years. U.S. policies may also play a positive role in preventing crises from occurring and in mediating them when they do. This paper will review what happened in the two military confrontations and what lessons the two sides may have learned from them. It will then assess the implications of these conflicts for future crises, what scenarios may be envisioned for future conflict, and what steps the U.S. might take to reduce the prospects for nuclear use.