TRANSCULTURAL SPACES in SUBCULTURE: an Examination of Multicultural Dynamics in the Japanese Visual Kei Movement

Home , Alice Nine, An Cafe, Cinema Bizarre, Dir En Grey, Girugamesh, Glay

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE: An examination of multicultural dynamics in the Japanese visual kei movement

Hayley Maxime Bhola 5615A031-9 January 10, 2017

A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate School of International Culture and Communication Studies Waseda University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 2

Abstract of the Dissertation

The purpose of this dissertation was to examine Japanese visual kei subculture through the theoretical lens of transculturation. Visual kei (ヴィジュアル系) is a music based subculture that formed in the late 1980’s in Japan with bands like X Japan, COLOR and Glay. Bands are recognized by their flamboyant (often androgynous appearances) as well as their theatrical performances. Transculturation is a term originally coined by ethnographer Fernando Ortiz in response to the cultural exchange that took place during the era of colonization in Cuba. It describes the process of cultural exchange in a way that implies mutual action and a more even distribution of power and control over the process itself. This thesis looked at transculturation as it relates to visual kei in two main parts. The first was expositional: looking at visual kei and the musicians that fall under the genre as a product of transculturation between Japanese and non-

Japanese culture. The second part was an effort to label visual kei as a transcultural space that is able to continue the process of transculturation by fostering cultural exchange and development among members within the subculture in Japan.

Chapter 1 gave a brief overview of the thesis and explains the motivation behind conducting the research. It also explains the main objectives of the research and lists the two main research questions which are: (1) “Can visual kei subculture be considered a product of a transculturation process?”, and (2) “Can visual kei be considered a transcultural space that allows for an active, non-hierarchical exchange of cultures?”. It also outlined the target groups for data collection which were: bands currently in the visual kei scene and non-Japanese participants of visual kei currently residing in Japan.

Chapter 2 dealt with the literature that guided the majority of the thesis. First it provided an overview of the history of visual kei, from the circumstances leading up to the inception of TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 3 early bands, to its present state. It also delved into some of the literature surrounding visual kei.

Many of the research done on visual kei looked at it in tandem with other topics. More specifically, visual kei was often researched along with other elements falling under the umbrella of

“Japanese pop culture” such as anime, manga, lolita fashion and the otaku subculture. It also looked at the gender and power dynamics between and among participants of the subculture.

Specifically fans of the bands and how they organize their community, terms unique to visual kei etc. Then it looked at the major literature including transculturation theory as it relates to Fer- nando Ortiz and James Lull. Following Lull’s conceptualisation of transculturation, it also looked at the concepts of hybridization and indigenization. For the purpose of the thesis, the terms “culture” as well as “subculture” were clearly defined. The main theory of subculture used for this thesis was found in Dick Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style.

Chapter 3 gave a detailed explanation and reasoning behind the methods used for data collection and evaluation. Because of the cultural and interpersonal nature of the research, the theoretical framework was ethnographically based. Survey methods were used for collecting primary data which consisted of an anonymous self-administered questionnaire distributed online and a follow-up semi-structured interview (also online) with some of the questionnaire respondents. Responses and participation were completely voluntary in nature and all necessary steps were taken to make sure that their identities remained anonymous. Secondary data collection involved collecting interviews of visual kei bands published in English via international news sites.

Most of which are independent sites created for the purpose of spreading and supporting the interest of Japanese popular culture overseas. Particularly in Europe and the Americas. Various interviews were collected and coded for answers pertaining to culture, the meaning of visual kei and the self-identification of the bands. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 4

Chapter 4 gives the results of the data collected in regards to distribution/figures and how well the information gathered worked to answer the research questions asked. The data collected via the secondary data collection methods was used to answer research question 1. While the data collected via the primary research methods was used to answer research question 2.

Chapter 5 is the final chapter, wrapping up the dissertation. It discussed if and how well the research questions were answered as well as listing any unexpected findings and improve- ments for further research. In regards to research question 1, “Can visual kei subculture be considered a product of a transculturation process?”, the research conducted and the data collected led to the conclusion that yes, it can. This was evident in the way that visual bands through their musical influences, style and self-identification can be classified as cultural hybrids. The subculture has continually integrated elements of different cultures ensuring that transculturation is always taking place. However, to understand this even deeper required a look into the business aspects of visual kei which this thesis did not go into, and so further research was desired. In regards to research question 2, “Can visual kei be considered a transcultural space that allows for an active, non-hierarchical exchange of cultures?”, the conclusion was that contrary to the initial assumption, the transculturation takes place on a much smaller personal, rather than public level.

Non-Japanese participants underwent transculturation in order to better integrate themselves into the specific culture of participation that surrounds visual kei in Japan. Furthermore, a hierarchy was identified when aspects such the culture within live houses and among fans was taken into account, something that came up often during the interviews. This led to the further conclusion that more research was necessary in regards to live houses and the significant community spaces found in visual kei.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 5

Acknowledgements

I’d like to thank my advisor, Professor Graham Law who first saw potential in my rough research plan, answered all my desperate application emails and constantly vouched for me as a worthy student. Thank you for being such a huge source of help and advice over the past 3 years.

Your humor and honestly made studying a million times easier.

Thank you to the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology

(MEXT) and Waseda University for giving me the once unimaginable opportunity to study in

Japan.

To my roommate Massiel, thank you for always giving helpful advice and being strict with me about getting work done and taking breaks. Thanks for being the first person to read this completed thesis. Your support is invaluable and you’ve become like a big sister to me.

Thanks to the friends that supported me. Starr and Eman for being the first to help me find my way here. I would not have survived the homesickness, language blocks and terrible dorm rooms without you both. To Melissa and Ressa for all the great hangouts and silly conver- sations on Line. You made a portion of grad school much more fun.

Thanks to my family. To my father, who’s main advice to me has always been, “School comes first.”. You instilled in me the value of education and it’s gotten me this far. To grandma for worrying about me in a way that only a grandma could. To my sisters Halina and Hasmina, I keep pushing to do my best so that you have someone to look up to. Not to do exactly as I do, but to know that you can do anything.

A final thank you to my mother, because no matter what I wanted to do, you always be- lieved in me. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 6

Table of Contents

Abstract of the Dissertation 2 Acknowledgements 5 Chapter 1: Introduction 7 1.1 Motivation 7 1.2 Objectives and Research Questions 9 1.3 Target groups for research and data collection 10 1.4 Thesis outline 11 Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theory 13 2.1 Visual kei 13 2.2 Transculturation 34 2.3 Culture and Subculture 37 2.4 Theory in Context 42 Chapter 3: Methodology 44 Research Method: Ethnography 44 3.1. Self-representation of visual kei bands 46 3.2 Quantitative survey - Questionnaire 50 3.3 Qualitative Interview 53 Chapter 4: Analysis 56 4.1 Secondary Data 56 4.2 Questionnaire 71 4.3 Interview 77 Chapter 5: Conclusion, Discussion and Recommendations 90 References 96 Appendix A: Quantitative Data Collection - Survey 103 Appendix B: Qualitative Data Collection - Interview 108 Appendix C: Secondary Data - Interview Coding Template 110 Appendix D: Secondary Data References 117

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 7

Chapter 1: Introduction

This thesis will seek to analyze Japanese visual kei subculture through the lens of transculturation. Transculturation is a term used to describe the process of cultural exchange in a way that implies mutual action, mutual contribution and an even distribution of power. My research will look at transculturation as it relates to visual kei in two parts. The first will be expositional: looking at visual kei and the musicians that fall under the genre as a product of transculturation between Japanese and non-Japanese culture. The second part will attempt to conceptualize visual kei as a transcultural space that is able to continue the process of transculturation by fostering cultural exchange and development among members within the subculture in Japan.

1.1 Motivation

I chose to examine visual kei as the subject of my research for several reasons. Visual kei is a subculture that has existed as both a music genre and fashion style since the late 1980’s, giving it a history of roughly 30 years. Similar subcultures like goth and punk (only a few years older) have managed to successfully diffuse across the globe to the point where their origins are largely unrelated to participation, yet visual kei is still seen by many as a purely Japanese phenomenon. This is understandable when one considers that the subculture revolves around bands who are predominantly of Japanese ethnicity, creating music mainly in the Japanese language.

These artists also largely reside and work in Japan. Even so, this thesis would like to argue that visual kei is more culturally complex. Many visual kei bands have claimed time and time again to be influenced by a variety of non-Japanese musical and cultural elements and have managed to draw a following of fans from all over the world. In addition, recently there have been more and more visual kei bands made up of non-Japanese members (either partially or totally). TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 8

This idea of Japanese exclusivity has led to debates among fans about whether or not non-Japanese bands can truly be called visual kei. There have also been tensions regarding non-

Japanese visual kei fans in Japan who are often accused of not understanding or being able to fit into the subculture properly. International visual kei bands are often referred to as “inspired-by visual kei ” or simply “not authentic”. Many persons outside of Japan who develop an interest in visual kei often develop an interest in Japanese culture as a whole and usually desire to visit or travel to Japan in order to “truly” participate in the subculture. Any attempt to recreate it overseas always keeps in mind that Japan is the “source”. For better or worse, this added element of location specificity which is not usually found in other subcultures makes it a unique environ- ment for the analysis of cultural development and exchange. Another interesting feature of visual kei is the fact that it always seems to be suffering from an identity crisis. Everyone from the musicians themselves to the fans each holds their own idea and definition of what it means to be visual kei. While this is part of the beauty of the subculture, it becomes a problem due to the lack of clarity when looking at it from an outsider’s lens as well as from an academic point of view.

With so many elements, it seems that attention can only be properly focused on one portion of the subculture at a time. With regard to overseas mainstream media coverage, this tends to lean towards the satirical or the mocking. An article posted on The Guardian’s website mainly talks about the effeminate looks of the bands, describing one as “four pretty lads with cheek- bones as sharp as samurai blades and eyebrows that appear to have been tweezed almost to the point of extinction” (Hughes, 2010). In contrast, a recent article on the comedy-centric website

Cracked describes visual kei as “If you threw Hot Topic and a Renaissance fair into a blender and fed the resulting slurry to Ziggy Stardust” (Strusiewicz & Langston, 2016). It follows with an exposé-style piece on the extreme behaviours of some fans in a way that is meant to provide TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 9 shock value and nothing more.

It is these various characteristics as well as its unique intersection with non-Japanese elements over the years that has motivated me to pursue this as a serious area of academic study.

Finally, as a fan for over 10 years, I was motivated to study something that I am passionate about, despite its many non-sequiturs and murky categorizations. I am hoping that my insider perspective can help in give a more comprehensive view of the subculture through this thesis.

1.2 Objectives and Research Questions

As stated earlier, the aim of this study is to analyze visual kei through the framework of transculturation. At the end of the study, I hope to have achieved four main objectives:

1. To answer the question: Can visual kei subculture be considered a product of a transcul-

turation process?

a. To answer this, I will first look at the self-presentation (i.e. concept, promotion,

themes etc.) of visual kei bands.

i. The analysis will look at the progression of the subculture from its incep-

tion until now, highlighting the ways it has continuously converged rather

than clashed with external influences.

2. To answer the question: Can visual kei be considered a transcultural space that allows for

an active, non-hierarchical exchange of cultures?

a. To answer this, I will collect data from non-Japanese people in regard to their per-

sonal experiences as part of visual kei in Japan. With this, I will try to determine

whether there is any transculturation taking place and to what degree.

b. In doing this, I hope to highlight the differences (if any) when comparing cultural TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 10

exchange between Japanese and non-Japanese people in general Japanese society

as well as in visual kei subculture.

c. I will also attempt to discover if differences such as nationality, religion, gender

etc., play a part in the transculturation process (as they would in the case of main-

stream cultural exchange).

3. To frame visual kei as a hybrid subculture instead of exclusively Japanese.

4. To contribute meaningfully to the study of visual kei as its own academic subject, espe-

cially as it relates to the experience of non-Japanese participants within Japan.

Keeping in mind that visual kei is still a part of the corporate music industry in Japan, this thesis will not focus on the financial or business aspect of the subculture. Much research is focused on examining the reception and integration of foreigners within mainstream Japanese culture. By asking similar questions but in regard to subculture, I hope that this study will shed extra light on the current situation of cultural exchange in Japan. Previous research has focused on different aspects of visual kei but through this study, I hope to integrate these various perspectives to allow visual kei to be seen as a cultural whole.

1.3 Target groups for research and data collection

1. Non-Japanese participants in the visual kei subculture who are currently living in Japan.

Ideal participants will be of varied ages and ethnicities from different socioeconomic

backgrounds.

2. Visual kei bands who are currently active in the scene.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 11

1.4 Thesis outline

Including this introductory chapter (Chapter 1), this thesis will be divided into five chap- ters. Chapter 2 provides the theoretical framework guiding my research. This includes a brief history of visual kei as well as theories on transculturation and subculture. It will also look at some of the existing English language studies and research that have been conducted on visual kei and then highlight some of the common issues and content gaps that can be found in these studies.

Finally, it proposes how this study plans to address and fill some of these lacunae.

Chapter 3 focuses on the methods and processes for data collection and the rationale behind them. It will give an overview of the sources for data collection and provide an overview of the data collection methods which consist largely of qualitative methodology with some qualitative methods included to allow for a more comprehensive analysis. A qualitative method will be used in order to gauge whether or not visual kei can be considered a product of transculturation through the way that visual kei bands have presented themselves over the years. To do this, secondary data will be collected from interviews, articles and media from various bands. This is or- ganized and coded for elements that indicate the transcultural process. Secondly, to determine how visual kei as a subculture functions as a transcultural space, particularly for non-Japanese participants, data is collected from respondents via an online survey (quantitative) and semi- structured interviews (qualitative).

Chapter 4 analyses the results of the data collected in order to frame answers to the research question underlying this thesis. Finally, Chapter 5 gives an overall summary of the findings of the study and gauges whether or not the intended goals were achieved. It also looks at the unexpected findings that may have emerged from the results as well as the impact that the overall results can have in regards to further deepening the study of transculturation and visual kei. It TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 12 will then provide suggestions and revisions that can be undertaken in future studies.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 13

Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theory

Before beginning to explore the possibility of a relationship between visual kei and the concept of transculturation, it is first necessary to define and clarify the various key terms. Alt- hough there are academic materials available in Japanese, due to linguistic restrictions, the bulk of my theoretical research was conducted in English.

2.1 Visual kei

Visual kei (ヴィジュアル系/bijuaru kei) which literally translates to mean “visual system,” can be identified as a stylistic movement among Japanese musicians that began in the late

1980’s with bands like X Japan (originally named ‘X’) COLOR and Buck-Tick. The term itself derived from the slogan “Psychedelic violence: crime of visual shock” created by X Japan, one of the first and arguably the most influential visual kei bands to date. The musicians can be categorized based on their extravagant appearances which include brightly colored hair, piercings, makeup and androgynous aesthetics. This aesthetic is usually mirrored amongst the followers and fans of the bands as well. Visual kei musicians tend to employ elaborate theatrics and cos- tuming in their performances. Bands are not limited to any particular style, so they run the gamut from frilly French Rococo-style costumes to fetish gear to traditional Japanese dress. Visual kei can span a wide variety of music genres from pop to enka, but is most commonly identified in rock and heavy metal five-person bands. Most musicians within this subculture are male and the majority of followers are female. Because of the many possibilities and variations within the subculture, visual kei remains one of the most difficult terms to define and there has yet to be a universally accepted way of classifying it. Each band tends to have its own idea of what it means TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 14 to be “visual kei”. X Japan’s drummer Yoshiki Hayashi in an interview with Metal Sucks magazine defines it as “a freedom in describing yourself” (Grimes, 2010). This is evident in the many variations in sound and style that you can find if you compare just a handful of bands who call themselves visual kei.

A Brief History of Visual Kei

1970’s - Pre-visual kei era

Before visual kei took root, bands were already inspired by the punk and glam rock movement that was popular in the US and the UK at the time. Notable examples were artists like

T. Rex and David Bowie who were experiencing considerable levels of success in Japan, playing venues like Nippon Budokan (Johnson & Kawamoto, 2016 p. 200). This influence was apparent as key bands in the visual kei scene would go on to cover songs from these artists throughout the years. X Japan covered T. Rex’s “20th Century Boy” on the live single of their 1989 release

“Kurenai,” while Buck-Tick, another notable visual kei band, cited that same T. Rex song in their own song “21st Cherry Boy” (Buck-Tick, 2001). X Japan’s leader and drummer Yoshiki has been referred to time and time again as “Japan’s David Bowie” (Yamato, 2016) claiming inspiration from the late artist. He even performed a tribute to David Bowie at the Classic Rock awards held for the first time in Tokyo this year (SYNC MUSIC JAPAN, 2016). In the same vein, David Bowie himself was inspired by many of the traditional theatrics of Japan (Ginsberg,

2016). Local inspirations for early visual kei bands could be attributed to the extravagance of traditional kabuki theater. Japanese bands like Yellow Magic Orchestra fronted by Sakamoto

Ryuichi, a man who wore gender defying makeup during performances, was also an influence on the formation of visual kei (Johnson & Kawamoto, 2016 p. 200), notably artists like SUGIZO, TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 15 the charismatic guitarist of LUNA SEA (Kahn, 2008). In one of the earlier English articles about visual kei, Dave Gibson talks about X Japan, noting that “the band's androgynous looks can be attributed as much to kayou kyoku (traditional Japanese pop) as to the eccentric costumes of '70s

David Bowie and '80s hair bands. It is precisely this hodgepodge of international styles that makes visual rock such a noteworthy new genre.” (Gibson, 1998)

1980’s - Beginning

As mentioned, visual kei “officially” began in the 1980’s with the term being derived from the slogan of the band X Japan, then called “X,” which began in 1982 and quickly rose to popularity in that decade. Although many other bands and individuals were also influential in shaping the subculture, X Japan are credited as the founding fathers of the scene with many current bands citing their influence as the reason for joining the visual kei scene. According to an interview with X Japan’s Yoshiki, it was the media that began using the term “visual kei” which eventually stuck (Scharf, 2014). Heavily inspired by artists like KISS, the Sex Pistols and David

Bowie, they presented themselves in an extreme way with gravity-defying hairstyles and androgynous makeup, explicitly going against the grain (Crummy, 2016). TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 16

Figure 1. “The band X Japan, snapped in the early days” (Mejia, 2016). Retrieved

December 14, 2016, from http://europe.newsweek.com/conversation-x-japans-yoshiki-and-

documentarian-stephen-kijak-421500?rm=eu

Yoshiki went on to start the label EXTASY RECORDS in 1986 as a platform to release

X Japan’s music. Another influential band was COLOR from Osaka (formed in 1985). Similar to

Yoshiki, COLOR’s vocalist Hiroshi "Dynamite Tommy" Tomioka founded Free-Will record company in Osaka in 1986. These two companies went on to sign similar artists, giving other aspiring bands a chance and solidifying the genre of visual kei. Many of the artists signed under these two labels went on to become extremely influential not just in visual kei but in Japanese rock as a whole (Rika, 2007). These included bands like LUNA SEA and Glay who originally signed under EXTASY RECORDS, By-Sexual and Dir en Grey (originally signed under Free-

Will).

Another highly influential band in pioneering the movement was BUCK-TICK from TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 17

Gunma Prefecture, formed in 1983. Additionally, the band BOØWY (formed in 1981), although not explicitly visual kei, is credited with the “Band Boom” (バンドブーム, bando būmu), making it a trend to form musical groups in what Poole (2012) referred to as “the prototype for modern Japanese rock music”. This era also saw the founding of the music magazine FOOL’S MA-

TE in 1997 which continually featured visual kei artists and circulated until 2013.

1990’s - “Golden Era”

The 90’s was an era where visual kei flourished. Bands from the previous era were now experiencing considerable success and filling larger concert venues. X Japan became the first

Japanese rock band to sell out Tokyo Dome and bands like Glay were so popular during this era that they notoriously shut down the entire Japanese phone system on February 15th, 1998, as hordes of their fans scrambled to book tickets for their concert (Beech, 1998). In terms of style, the majority of bands were easily identifiable with their over-the-top hair and makeup, accompa- nied by aggressive music styles and dark lyrics (Johnson & Kawamoto, 2016). This was a direct continuation from the 80’s and the influence of bands like X Japan. At the same time, there were enough bands formed during this era that fell under the “visual kei” moniker that had softer im- ages and presented a wider range of styles in their music. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 18

Figure 2. Visual kei band Glay in their early days. Retrieved December 14, 2016, from

http://nippop.com/artists/Glay/

Another of the major bands that emerged during this era was Lunacy. Formed in 1982, they were discovered by Yoshiki and signed on to EXTASY Records in 1991, and then changed their name to LUNA SEA in 1992. They have since remained one of the most popular and influential bands in the scene to date, going on to inspire wave after wave of new bands like Dir en

Grey and the GazettE. Another band that is still exceedingly popular is L’arc~en~Ciel which formed in 1991 fronted by vocalist HYDE. Despite publicly distancing themselves from visual kei by refusing to perform when they were referred to as such, their popularity during this era has resulted in them being associated with the subculture even to this day (Johnson & Kawamoto, TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 19

2016).

Malice Mizer, formed in 1992, was one of the most iconic bands from this era. They created their band name from the French words for malice and misery as well as their answer to the question, “What is human?” (“MALICE MIZER,” n.d.). Even in a scene like visual kei, the band stood out in sharp definition with their combination of extravagant costumes and lavish live performances. They were heavily inspired by classical French aesthetics and decadent imagery, later transitioning to a more dark and gothic look. They also represented a shift in the subculture from shock-inducing to more beautiful and glamorous. With this shift came the toning down of the visuals of many of the larger bands. X Japan cut their sky-high mohawks and “thousands of Jap- anese girls wept openly in the streets” according to Strauss (1998). Although still visually strik- ing, by this time both LUNA SEA and Glay were also sporting clean-cut clothing and less makeup.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 20

Figure 3. Visual kei band Malice Mizer in their early days. Retrieved December 14,

2016, from https://middle-edge.jp/articles/hGrtj

The definitive end of the “Golden Era” came with the demise of the ultimate visual kei band, X Japan. Despite aiming for an overseas debut (they signed with US-based Atlantic Rec- ords in 1992), the band announced their disbandment on September 22nd, 1997, shocking fans all across Japan. Vocalist Toshi had decided to leave behind the rock star life for a simpler ca- reer. It was later revealed that he had been “brainwashed” and initiated into the “Home of Heart” TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 21 cult by his then-wife and fellow singer, Moritani Kaori (Marchese, 2014). The following year, the visual kei world was rocked once again when X Japan’s flamboyant guitarist hide (spelled in lowercase) was found dead in his hotel room on May 2nd, 1998, hanging from a doorknob by his neck after a night of drinking. The band claimed that it was an accident while many media outlets dubbed it a suicide. Nonetheless, fans were in mourning and within a week, at least five girls had attempted to commit suicide in the same fashion (Strauss, 1998). Fans mobbed the streets after his funeral and the remaining members of the band urged them not to follow their guitarist in death. Steven McClure, then the Tokyo bureau chief for Billboard Magazine, dubbed it “the end of an era” and urged that it was now up to the newer bands to carry the torch (Strauss, 1998).

2000 - 2010: Overseas Boom and Neo-visual kei

The first decade of the 21st century saw visual kei reaching beyond the borders of Japan.

The first visual kei concert to be held overseas was by Luna Sea in 1999, when they performed their first Asian tour beginning in Taiwan (Kuri, 2007). This achievement was short lived, as

LUNA SEA disbanded the very next year, leaving the Western market untouched. Visual kei finally made its debut in the Western market around the same time as the Japanese anime and manga boom. The first band to perform in the US was Duel-Jewel in 2002. They performed at A-

Kon, an anime convention in Dallas, Texas. They continued their momentum with a US tour the very next year which they interspersed with additional appearances at various anime conventions. With many bands continuing to perform at anime conventions and similar events, the growing interest in visual kei abroad continued with the Japanese animation boom, as more and more bands began to try their luck in foreign markets. D’espairsRay was the first band to tour with American bands, doing a US tour with Genitorturers and Trashlight Vision in 2005 (Pfeifle,

2011). Powerhouse band and overseas fan favorite Dir en Grey, embraced this collaboration and TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 22 went on to join the Family Values 2006 tour, a long-running tour headlined by American metal band Korn. They were also featured on the album of the same name alongside other bands like

Deftones and Flyleaf (Blabbermouth, 2006). Gradually, non-Japanese acts inspired by visual kei began to show up such, as the German band Cinema Bizarre (2005-2010) or the Korean rock band TRAX, produced by Yoshiki himself. Despite the obvious interest by non-Japanese artists, these bands did not have any notable impact within the scene. One of the reasons (as mentioned by Cinema Bizarre’s vocalist Strify) was that these bands were hesitant to take on the label visual kei due to the perceived “Japaneseness” of it (Seibt, 2013). This seemed to be the result of the response from Western fans in particular, since they did not consider any non-Japanese band (or even a non-Japanese band member) to be worthy of the title “visual kei” (Pfeifle, 2011).

In Japan, bands formed around this time such as the GazettE, Nightmare (ナイトメア),

Alice Nine, An Cafe, LM.C and more, were classified as neo-visual kei. These bands represented a fresh wave of talent and an even greater expansion of the range of music genres present in visual kei. Visual kei had been split into various “subgenres” that were each represented by their own aesthetics. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 23

Figure 4. Oshare kei band Kameleo (カメレオ) (Ioner, 2015). Retrieved December

14, 2016, from https://visualioner.com/2015/11/08/kameleos-new-look/.

Oshare kei was characterised by bands who wore bright, colorful outfits and sang songs that were cheerful and poppy. Angura kei (derived from the English word “underground”) consisted of bands that heavily emphasized traditional Japanese elements like kabuki makeup in their look. They also tended to integrate traditional Japanese melodies and instruments together with the elaborate look of standard visual kei. Depending on the band, their idea of “underground” also rejected the then common androgynous and “pretty boy” looks of most visual kei bands. These kinds of bands often espoused looks that were dark and grotesque, leading to another sub-genre called Eroguro kei. The inflation of new bands during this time was not wholly welcomed and even though the subculture had expanded, many of the older bands bands began to accuse younger bands of being unoriginal and losing the spirit of “true” visual kei. The scene was beginning to look fragmented and conflicted. In an interview with Dir en Grey’s bassist TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 24

Toshiya, he stated:

[W]hen we first started and we were wearing a lot of makeup on stage and stuff, there

were a lot of bands doing that at the time in Japan, and people thought it was cool. But

not anymore. . .The music was so unique, too — bands like X Japan. At that time, there

weren’t any two bands that sounded alike; these days everyone sounds exactly the same.

(Robson, 2010).

In an attempt to unify the scene once again , the largest visual kei festival V-ROCK FES-

TIVAL ‘09 was held in Makuhari Messe in 2009. It featured a lineup of over 50 visual kei bands and as well as a performance from Marilyn Manson, someone else who is considered another huge influence on visual bands in Japan. Along with the wave of fresh talent, the latter part of this decade also saw a surprising resurgence in the veteran bands as key players like X Japan and

LUNA SEA reformed after many years apart. BUCK-TICK returned to the stage with their event

BUCK-TICK FEST in 2007 and one of the largest events to be held during this time was the hide memorial summit held in Ajinomoto Stadium in 2008 (Guthrie, 2012).

2010 - Present

After 2009, the presence of visual kei outside of Japan began to dwindle significantly. In the US, factors like the economic crash of 2008 and the H1N1 epidemic made it more difficult and financially infeasible for bands to want to tour there (Pfeifile, 2011).

Following its retreat from the Western public eye, visual kei seems to be picking up its pace once again in Japan. One example is the band Golden Bomber, a group that has cemented itself in the Japanese entertainment industry, having performed on popular music shows like Mu- sic Station and Kouhaku Utagassen. The caveat here is that Golden Bomber are actually an “air band” so they do not actually play any of the instruments, and only their vocalist Kiryuin Sho TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 25 sings live. They are largely popular because of their theatrical comedy performances which nonetheless display the kind of over-the-top theatrics commonly found in visual kei. Even with their mainstream popularity, the band continues to sport visual kei hair and makeup and performs songs that continually reference classic visual kei bands and sounds. They have also chosen to remain signed under an indie visual kei record label called elucid agency, despite offers from many major companies.

The V-ROCK FESTIVAL continued in 2011 and 2012 before stopping indefinitely. Then in 2015, LUNA SEA announced LUNATIC FEST, a celebration to mark their 25th anniversary.

It featured notable visual kei acts like X Japan, Siam Shade, Glay, MUCC, Dir en Grey and more. It drew a crowd of over 60,000 fans who gathered at Makuhari Messe over three consecu- tive days (Kikuchi, 2015). Then in 2016, X Japan announced the “VISUAL JAPAN SUMMIT

2016 Powered by Rakuten” which was held in October. Not only was it a festival headlined by X

Japan but the addition of sponsorship from a powerhouse company like Rakuten had many news outlets hailing it as the restart of visual kei. Tickets were sold locally and globally and over

100,000 fans attended. A surprise appearance from Gene Simmons helped the fest to catch the attention of international media like Loudwire. Members of X Japan, LUNA SEA, Glay and a countless number of other visual kei artists together with Gene Simmons performed a cover of

Sex Pistols’ “Anarchy in the UK,” linking visual kei back to its roots and completing the circle.

(Zaleski, 2016)

With the constant debate over what visual kei means and whether or not non-Japanese bands can be included as part of visual kei, it seems that only time will tell if the subculture will make another resurgence overseas. At the very least, there are still fans outside of Japan who are willing to make the journey to Japan in order to see their favorite bands. Music festivals held in TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 26

Japan are also becoming a place for visual kei bands to gain some foothold in the wider Japanese industry. Bands like the GazettE performed at KNOTFEST JAPAN 2016, a metal festival headlined by internationally famous band Slipknot and featuring Western as well as Japanese heavy metal and rock acts. Whether or not this renewed interest holds remains to be seen it seems to be heading in a positive direction.

Visual Kei in Academia

Despite existing for over 30 years, there has been minimal attention given to visual kei as a subject of scholarly study. Even in Japanese, there has been only one academic publication dedicated solely to visual kei: u u- u [The age of visual-kei:

Rock, make-up, gender] by Inoue Takako written in 2003. At the time of writing this paper, a rapid search on Google Scholar for work done in English produced roughly 180 results.

The majority of these studies usually do not focus on visual kei alone. Rather, the topic is often intersected with a number of other topics that pertain to Japanese popular culture. The fact that visual kei has managed to integrate itself into discourse surrounding other cultural phenomena attests to its transcultural nature. Thus, I found it necessary to also look briefly at some of the literature which intersects visual kei with other cultural elements. These studies span a wide variety of topics but many of them look at visual kei in conjunction with facets of Japanese pop culture such as anime, manga, fan behaviour and the otaku subculture. Due to the androgynous nature of the bands themselves and the emphasis on crossdressing and perceived femininity, many of the studies also look at visual kei along with Lolita fashion, power dynamics and gender performance. As these studies are conducted in English, they also tend to take a Western centric view of visual kei, looking at it as a potential newcomer in Western subculture circles. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 27

Visual kei, anime and the Otaku subculture

The study of visual kei in non-Japanese societies tends to be inseparable from other larger facets of Japanese popular culture such as anime and manga. As mentioned earlier, the first visual kei bands to cross over into Western markets did so by performing at anime conventions in the

US like A-Kon. As a result, many fans of visual kei also tend to be avid followers of anime and manga and so it makes sense to study both in conjunction. In fact, it would be nearly impossible to look at visual kei’s impact outside of Japan without considering the role that anime has played.

Although not a word used in visual kei, a study done in 2007 by Hashimoto Miyuki, a scholar from the University of Vienna described visual kei as a part of the otaku subculture. The term “otaku” is one that tends to be met with mixed reactions depending on who and where you are. Originally meaning “your house” in Japanese, the meaning of the word began to change in response to an infamous series of articles titled Otaku no Kenkyu” (『おたく』の研究, “Otaku

Research”) written by Nakamori Akio in June of 1983. In these articles, the author describes going to Comiket (short for Comic Market), a bi-annual event where fans of anime and manga can sell their self-produced works and participate in cosplay (costume play). He commented on the attendees with barely disguised disgust, “How should I say it? You can find them in every classroom, they never exercise and they’re always holed up in the classroom during break, lurking in the shadows playing shogi or something...They are either too skinny or fat like a pig. They often wear unstylish glasses and have no friends. There were many of this kind of people there.”

(Nakamori, 1983) At the end, he concludes that these kinds of “fanatics” can all be covered under the blanket term of “otaku”.

From thereon, the connotations of otaku has had a negative, antisocial context within TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 28

Japanese society, inclusive of these visual cues. This increased exponentially in the wake of the

“Little Girl Murders” of 1989 which were perpetrated by someone identified as otaku (Hashimo- to, 2007). Hashimoto’s study focused on the self-identifications of visual kei fans in Japan and

Austria and the way that they related personally to the subculture (e.g., time and money spent on bands, relationships with other fans, etc.). She argued that visual kei fans have strong fetishistic tendencies due to the elements of cosplay and BL (boy’s love) that are present in visual kei performances. Fetishism in this paper is defined by Taussig as “the expression of a desire for representation, in which the constructed image embodies a single idea” (as cited in Hashimoto, 2007 p. 90). She concluded that although elements of otaku behaviour are present in visual kei fans, the anti-social tendencies often associated with otaku are not, as all of the research findings showed that the fans were able to maintain healthy social relationships. The notable difference that she found between the Japanese and Austrian fans was that the Japanese fans interviewed all expressed complete satisfaction with being a visual kei fan while a few of the Austrian fans re- ported dissatisfaction and even a strong desire to leave the subculture. Much of this dissatisfaction stemmed from the behavior of other fans. Hashimoto (2007) chalks it up to wanting to be disassociated from the subculture now that the boom has died.

The results of this study could explain some of the desire for visual kei fans outside of

Japan to want to experience visual kei within Japan as opposed to their home country. Important to my research is the fact that all of the research subjects,both Japanese and Austrian, felt posi- tively towards visual kei when they were active participants. In addition, by trying to frame visual kei as a subculture, the findings of this study can help in determining whether the gender dynamics mirror mainstream society. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 29

Visual kei and Lolita

As mentioned earlier, visual kei is often explored in studies that revolve around Japanese

Lolita fashion. The Lolita fashion (completely unrelated to Vladimir Nabokov’s novel of the same name) is an elaborate Japanese fashion style that freely blends aspects of French Rococo,

Renaissance and Victorian fashion aesthetics, and gothic and fantasy elements, all wrapped in a doll-like silhouette that emphasizes frills, bows and a demure, lady-like demeanor. Although rooted in historical fashion, historical accuracy is not important as opposed to the overall presentation. The styles are highly romanticized, traverse time periods and can even incorporate fantasy elements.

In regards to visual kei, Lolita owes a large part of its popularity to visual kei musician and fashion designer Mana. Although this is not proven, visual kei bands and fans are often credited in academia and in public with being the pioneers of the fashion (Monden, 2008). Mana was the guitarist of now-defunct band Malice Mizer and guitarist of his current band Moi Dix Mois.

He is known for crossdressing in Lolita fashion and further maintaining that doll-like image by never speaking in public. His earlier band Malice Mizer were well-known for their decadent visuals which were reminiscent of shoujo anime, especially works like The Rose of Versailles

(Berusaiyu no bara, 1972-1973) by Ryoko Ikeda which was said to have inspired the band’s costume designer Oba Yukari (Monden, 2013). Furthermore, Mana went on to develop his own Lo- lita brand Moi-même-Moitié and coined the terms “Elegant Gothic Lolita” and “Elegant Gothic

Aristocrat”. As the name suggested, both styles were darker, gothic variations of the usually sweet Lolita style. Elegant Gothic Lolita was the more feminine variation with bell-shaped skirts and frills, while Elegant Gothic Aristocrat leaned toward a more masculine although still androgynous look with pants, coats and blouses (Moi-meme-Moitie Online Shop, n.d.). These TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 30 styles became subgenres of Lolita fashion and were worn by Mana himself and imitated by his fans. Many bands today will have at least one member that dresses in Lolita or Lolita-inspired fashion. Similarly, many participants in visual kei are also simultaneously participants within the

Lolita subculture.

Masafumi Monden in his essay “The “Nationality” of Lolita Fashion” (2013) describes the style as “trans-periodic” and looks at it from the perspective of non-Japanese participants.

Much like visual kei, there is a tendency to treat fashion emerging straight from Japan as more

“authentic” within the Lolita community. Further, some non-Japanese participants that he interviewed expressed concerns that the Western interpretation of Lolita fashion were done incorrect- ly. He points out that although Lolita is credited as a Japanese fashion subculture, the style itself is a result of the merging of Japanese and European aesthetics and history. In the case of Western

(particularly European) participants, this becomes both a way of differentiating themselves from, in addition to affirming their cultures (Monden, 2013).

Visual kei, Gender Performance and Power

With its unique conversion of androgyny, emphasis on makeup and beauty in addition to the extravagant styles of many bands, visual kei is often discussed in relation to gender performance. A quick glance at most visual kei concerts reveals that the vast majority of bands are male while the majority of fans are female. The all-female bands that do exist often adopt the same androgynous appearance of their fellow all-male bands, usually making them indistin- guishable from the rest. A good example of this is the all-female band exist†trace who, with the exception of their guitarist Miko who looks conventionally feminine, look like most men in visual kei. Interesting to note is the fact that feminine Miko still fits in with the visual kei archetype, TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 31 as there is often a single member in most bands who adopts more of a “cute” or “girly” persona.

This is not to say that male fans of visual kei do not exist but they are often more easily found in larger venues at concerts for more popular or older bands. With the exception of pioneering bands like X Japan, LUNA SEA or Kuroyume (黒夢 lit. Black Dream), it is worth noting that bands who have a fairly equal distribution of male and female concert-going fans have already distanced themselves largely from the visual kei subculture by this time. A good example is the band Dir en Grey, who are considered by many to be a prime example of a visual kei band, but the band considers itself no longer identifies with the genre. In an interview with Dir en Grey’s guitarist Kaoru, he claims that visual kei has lost the darker image that characterised its earlier days and is now seen as “a genre that appeals to teenage girls” (Mascia, n.d.). Whether positive or negative, visual kei and the space that it occupies within livehouses and concert venues shows a clear gender divide.

Bangya and Power Dynamics

Serious fans of visual kei bands are referred to as bangyaru/バンギャル or more commonly bangya/バンギャ (a hybrid of the Japanese pronunciation of the English words “band” and

“girl”). As this is specific to women, male fans of visual kei bands are called gya-o/ギャ男,the male form of bangya. This labeling further emphasizes the gender divide within visual kei as

Seibt (2013) points out in his study of Western fans of visual kei in Japan. The reason I made the distinction that “serious” fans are considered bangya is because as opposed to someone who would simply listen to the music for enjoyment, the process of being a bangya requires more dedication as well as following a specific set of rules. Bangya are usually dedicated to a single band and invest a large amount of their personal time and money into supporting that band. Their space is the livehouses and concert venues where bands perform. Furthermore, there are different TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 32 types of bangya with different “roles” and varying levels of power/importance:

● Jouren/常連 (lit. regular customer) - A jouren is a fan that goes to all or most of the lives

held by their favorite band. More than that, someone who is considered jouren are essen-

tially part of an in-group of fans. They tend to be very organised and work in groups to

secure the best tickets for concerts. They have the most influence and usually organize

other fans as well as birthday presents, etc. for the band members.

● Shikiri/仕切り(lit. boundary) - A shikiri is the lead jouren and holds the most power. She

is responsible for doing 交渉/koushou (negotiations) with other concert goers. That is, if

there is an event with multiple bands, the people who stand in the front row will rotate

and the shikiri is the one who decides this. There can be a shikiri for every band or a

shikiri that presides over the entire event. Ignoring or disregarding the ’ authority

is considered disrespectful and can cause friction with the other fans.

● Kayoi/通い (lit. commuting/coming and going) - A kayoi is a more casual fan that sees

the band every once in a while (hence the meaning of coming and going). The second

meaning is similar to being a jouren where they try to go to every live that the band

holds. The difference here is that a kayoi does not work in organised groups and is usual-

ly alone, giving them less obligation to the band.

● Ongen-gya/音源ギャ (lit. CD gya) - This type of bangya doesn’t go to lives or keep up

with a band’s activities much. Instead they mostly listen to CDs.

● Ita-gya/痛ギャ(lit. Ouch gya) - This term is an insult and directed towards other bangya

with disliked/unacceptable behaviour amongst the fan.

● Nerai-gya/狙いギャ (lit. Aim gya) - This is another insult and is used for bangya who TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 33

are aiming to get closer/intimate with the band members, referred to as tsunagari/繋がり

(lit connection/relationship).

● Okini/お気に (lit. preference) - This is a bangya who a band member has shown prefer-

ence towards. This may not be the b gy ’ intention but it usually places them on un-

steady ground with other fans.

● O-bangya/オバンギャ (lit. Honorable-bangya) - This can be an insult and is used to refer

to older bangya with the nuance that they are too old for the livehouse scene.

● Ria-gya/リアギャ - The opposite of obangya, these are bangya who are younger (usually

middle/high school aged).

It should be noted that these definitions and descriptions are derived from personal experience so meanings may differ slightly depending on the person.

These categories of fans and levels of power usually become more difficult to maintain as a band gets bigger and plays in larger venues. For the most part, however, the structure of small livehouses in Japan, where the majority of visual kei bands play, keeps this system in place. The- se labels and classifications are not used by the bands themselves. Rather, they can be seen a way for fans to create structure within their community. To narrow it down even further, it would be safe to say that each band has its own micro-community within the larger sphere of visual kei that is managed by the fans.

The downside to this self-management is that what can be considered acceptable or unacceptable can be arbitrary, particularly for non-Japanese participants who may have a hard time initially deciphering the various terms and nuances. Others may see this strict hierarchy as detri- mental to the idea of subculture,especially when visual kei was initially conceptualised as a form of rebellious action. This was the case for Seibt (2013) when he observed the behaviour of TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 34 bangya at a livehouse. He commented specifically on the act of furitsuke or furi which are hand movements coordinated to the music and done in perfect unison by all the fans. He notes that although being bangya would lend itself to a feeling of shared identity, “the most prominent feeling among them does not seem to be that of sympathy and togetherness but rather that of competition for the attention of the male musicians on stage” (Seibt, 2013, p.257).

2.2 Transculturation

This term was introduced by Cuban ethnographer Fernando Ortiz in his essay Cuban

Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar in 1947 (English language version) for use in the field of anthropology. He employed the term in reference to rapid changes that came as a result of the multiple cultural contacts before, during and after the colonization of Cuba. He hoped that this term would then be used in place of acculturation (acquiring a new culture). Since in his view, the convergence of cultures was much too complex to be referred to merely as a complete gain (acculturation) or loss (deculturation). Thus, transculturation was meant to deviate from the “all or nothing” approach that was used before. Instead, Ortiz implies that there is at least some agency on both sides of the exchange. (Ortiz, 1947). This was important especially since Ortiz was looking at situations where there was a clear power imbalance (coloniser versus the colonised).

Transculturation admitted that although the exchange was not equal, the disadvantaged groups still had some agency with regard to how they chose to adopt the culture that was imposed upon them. Not only that, but they were also capable of incorporating elements of their mother culture into the resulting culture. The result was something new entirely that contained parts of both, in a similar way to how the child has features from both parents. This process of incorporation and formation is what we can refer to as transculturation. Shaw & Dennison (2005) see transcultura- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 35 tion as a more positive alternative to acculturation as well as a “complex process of negotiation” between two cultures (p. 5). Eventually, as Ortiz had hoped, the term began to spread and employed in reference to a variety of other cultural phenomenon.

Of particular interest to this thesis is the way it is adapted and defined by social scientist and ethnographer James Lull. In his book Media, Communication, Culture: A Global Approach,

Lull expanded Ortiz’s definition to encompass changes in means of communication which allowed for more rapid access to new information. He defines transculturation as “a process whereby cultural forms literally move through time and space where they interact with other cultural forms and settings, influence each other, produce new forms, and change the cultural settings” (Lull, 2000, p.242).

Lull emphasised that although transculturation has been linked to the physical movement of populations, recent times has made these “cultural crossings” possible through mass media and culture industries. The digital space of the internet or even less dynamic methods of communication like television or radio have provided a way of linking and sharing cultures through this symbolic space. Lull calls these spaces “interpretive communities” which he defines as “relatively anonymous groups of people who interpret particular mediated materials with shared enthusiasm or a common viewpoint” (2000). He goes on to give examples like fans of Star Trek

(Trekkies) or fans of the rock band The Grateful Dead, who are linked through their mutual self- identification as opposed to location. Lull notes that digital media has made it easier to access cultural material over print media. It also directly facilitates the kind of mutual exchange that

Ortiz originally spoke of, if you consider platforms like social media, online forums, etc. to be significant examples of interpretive communities today. This in turn has greatly accelerated the rate of transculturation by expanding the ways in which it can be interpreted and made meaning- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 36 ful, not just in a social context but in regards to individual significance as well.

Hybridisation and Indigenization

As transculturation is a process, there must be a result which, according to Lull (2000), is that of cultural hybrids. This then makes it necessary to consider the concept of hybridization.

According to Rowe and Schelling, hybridization is defined as “the ways in which forms become separated from existing practices and recombine with new forms in new practices” (as cited in

Pieterse, 1993, p.49).

In his essay, “Globalization as Hybridization”, Pieterse continues to talk about hybridization in terms of “hybrid sites and spaces,” where you can experience the meeting and intersection of different levels of cultural and societal realities. These are physical dimensions, for example immigrant neighborhoods. He also makes mention of the dimension of time in regards to hy- bridity. This is referred to as “mixed time” and happens when pre-modernity, modernity and postmodernity are present in the same space (Pieterse, 1993). Cultural hybridization is then defined as “the mixing of Asian, African, American and European cultures” (p.60). This emphasis on mixture is different from that of complete absorption or flattening. Pieterse gives the example of the concept of Japonisme in European paintings. Rather than viewing it as a disruption or drastic shift from the European art aesthetics at the time, he explains it as a matter of “transcultural class affinities in sensibilities” (p.60).

If transculturation results in cultural hybrids, then indigenization is the key in explaining how these two phenomena come to be, according to Lull (2000). Indigenization is what occurs when “imported cultural elements take on local features as the cultural hybrids develop” (Lull,

2000). Indigenization is further supported by Chan’s definition of transculturation which is “the process by which a culture is transformed by another for self-aggrandisement. It is an evolving TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 37 process [...] through which the foreign culture is decontextualised, essentialised, indigenised and recontextualised” (Chan, 2001, p.106). Lull refers to the example of music genres like rap which have spread from their origins into varied countries and communities, merging and influencing other genres of music. Thus as rap music becomes integrated into a new culture, it is indigenization that allows it to be assimilated whether it is through something as simple as singing the songs in the local language or going as far as altering the sound to blend in more with already present forms of music. Through indigenization, transculturation can take place.

2.3 Culture and Subculture

Visual kei bears the status of “subculture,” so it is important to clearly define the term.

However, before this can be done, there must be an agreement, at least for the purpose of this thesis, on what the term “culture” encompasses.

The Conundrum of Culture

Raymond Williams in his book Keywords: a vocabulary of culture and society said that

“Culture is one of the two or three most complicated words in the English language.”

(1976, p. 87). Spencer-Oatey compiled a non-exhaustive list in 2012 of some of the existing scholarly definitions of the term “culture” and it is from this compilation that I began my search for an appropriate definition. She began with the often-quoted words of Apte (1994: 2001) from the Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics which outlined the problem as “Despite a century of efforts to define culture adequately, there was in the early 1990s no agreement among anthro- pologists regarding its nature.”

In its earliest incarnations, culture referred to a process of taking care of something, usually plants or animals. This eventually shifted to encompass human beings and human develop- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 38 ment and the term began to take on a more abstract meaning (Williams, 1976, p. 87) It’s use during the modern period remained largely in three dimensions. The first is culture as a reference to art and intellectual material and was used extensively in the 19th century as shown in Matthew

Arnolds’ Culture and Anarchy (1867). It was a way of separating something from the masses and would carry the meaning in the phrase “a cultured individual.” The implication here was that

“culture” was something that could only belong to a small group of people. It also relegated culture into the area of aesthetics above all. (Avruch, 1998). The second definition, prompted by the exclusionary nature of the first was put forth by Edward Tylor in Primitive Culture (1870). He described it as “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” (as cited in

Avruch, 1998). Culture to him was a quality that belonged to anyone and everyone by right of being part of the large space that is society. This definition, according to Avruch, was a key one in the field of anthropology, as it meant that culture was a whole made up of several parts. In- deed, it is easy to see why this interpretation would be favored as it could be easily applied to any form of anthropological study. A caveat to this definition of a universal culture, however, was that of societies being divided into categories ranging from “savage” to “barbarian” to “civi- lization.” The issue with this definition arose when there were concerns about the term becoming too simple. This led to the third definition given by Franz Boas. As Tylor’s concept of culture was a reaction to Arnolds’, so was Boas’ a reaction to Tylor’s. He moved away from the evolu- tionist segregation of “savage” and “civilized” and argued that there should be no high or low culture. Instead, people and societies could be said to have their own unique cultures.

The definition of culture chosen for the purpose of this thesis was put forth by Spencer-

Oatey in 2008. It states that “Culture is a fuzzy set of basic assumptions and values, orientations TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 39 to life, beliefs, policies, procedures and behavioural conventions that are shared by a group of people, and that influence (but do not determine) each member’s behaviour and his/her interpretations of the ‘meaning’ of other people’s behaviour.” (Spencer-Oatey, 2008, p.3). I felt that this definition was the most appropriate here because it avoids making national, ethnic or political assumptions and can also be easily scaled down to the study and analysis of subculture.

Subculture and Style

What then, can the term “subculture” be defined as? The term from a socio-political standpoint often refers to the values etc. shared by racial or ethnic minorities in a given environ- ment, such as African-Americans in the United States. However, as visual kei revolves around music and aesthetic expression, it was necessary to find a definition that explained it from this standpoint.

One of the most definitive bodies of work regarding subcultural theory was Dick

Hebdige’s book, Subculture: The Meaning of Style first published in 1979. In it, Hebdige examined the youth fashion subcultures that cropped up in London during the 70’s. He looked at the way new meaning could be applied to common objects, making them symbols of subversion and rebellion to certain groups such as disenfranchised working-class youth. Style was the most important factor because it allowed these groups to protest indirectly using their bodies as the means to the message. With regard to this style, Hebdige states that it is “pregnant with significance. Its transformations go ‘against nature’, interrupting the process of ‘normalization’” (1979 p.18). Although he did not explicitly define subculture himself, he uses Phil Cohen’s definition from his 1972 work Sub-cultural Conflict and Working Class Community, which presents subculture as a “…compromise solution between two contradictory needs: the need to create and express autonomy and difference from parents… and the need to maintain the parental TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 40 identifications” (as cited by Hebdige, 1979, p. 77). Hebdige continued to reference Cohen as well who additionally stated that the latent function of subculture was to “…express and resolve, albeit magically, the contradictions which remain hidden or unresolved in the parent culture” (as cited in Hebdige, 1979, p. 77).

An important point in Hebdige’s analysis of such a wide variety of subculture is that he acknowledges how each influences the other, thus illustrating the transcultural nature of subcultures under circumstances that, although they can be politically charged in some cases, are not wholly dependent on aggressive societal shifts. An example of this would be the comparison between the punks and the “Bowie-ites” (fans of entertainer David Bowie). While punks were a direct visual response to the lack of jobs, sense of hopelessness and destitution that was rampant at the time, Bowie-ites were protesting on a more ideological level like concepts of gender, sexuality and individual expression, which, while undoubtedly tied to the shifting political climate, were not as potently connected as punk itself was.

Media and the Trajectory of Subculture

According to Hebdige, the media plays a crucial role in the conceptualization of subcultures.

It does do by providing the framework within which subcultures are able to be categorized as other. Thus any presentation of subculture to the general public is something that has already been previously mediated by the media. This brings us to the trajectory of subculture. The sense of othering as created by the media also ends up normalising the subculture. It can be traced in a series of steps:

- First the subculture grabs the attention of the media due to its outlandish nature, especial-

ly when the subculture is one centered around style. This media scrutiny is categorized by

equal parts fascination and fear which is reflected in the way that the subculture is dis- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 41

cussed. The fashion world tends to celebrate the stylistic aspects of it while the fear arises

from the perceived “anti-social” nature of the participants. Again, in punk, both of these

aspects were highly prominent, making for a greater impact than others at the time.

- Eventually, as the mainstream becomes familiar with these deviants, they are slowly con-

ceptualized and categorised in a way that still keeps them as “other” but in a way that the

mainstream can understand. This process is referred to as recuperation and according to

Hebdige, takes two distinct forms.

- The subcultural symbols and styles are transformed into something that can be mass pro-

duced and commodified.

- The subculture is re-labelled by dominant groups (such as the media, the police etc.)

(Hebdige, 1979)

Additional Theory

In support of Hebdige’s theory and for additional clarification, J. Patrick Williams’ writ- ings on subculture were also used. As a participant of the heavy metal culture for many years,

Williams writes about subculture from the perspective of an insider in his book Subcultural The- ory (2010). In it, he expresses his desire first and foremost to separate the word “subculture” with the negative connotations that have become synonymous with it over the years. This is in tandem with Hebdige’s conceptualisation of subculture which examined how subcultures tend to be framed in a negative light (whether intentionally or not) due to their subversion of the dominant culture. He strongly believes, however, that subcultures are “a resource from which to develop a positive self-concept, a confidence in non-normative thinking (although subcultural thinking can become myopic), and a network of support in a world that often feels alienating and confusing.”

(Williams, 2011, p. 2) TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 42

Like Hebdige, he also believes in the importance of style, stating that it is “subcultures’ most salient aspect in everyday life” (Williams, 2011, p.13), as people are more likely to describe the subculture in terms of visual parameters before anything else.

2.4 Theory in Context

With regard to the study of visual kei, although it is constantly examined as being an odd- ity specific to Japan, the parallels between visual kei and other subcultures shows that it is not so culturally specific to Japan and can therefore be studied using similar theory. It can also be considered that the conclusions drawn about visual kei might also be similarly applicable mutatis mutandis to other subcultures.

Many of the existing studies in English tend to focus on the experiences of visual kei fans outside of Japan. Although these studies acknowledge visual kei as a subculture, due to its ob- scure nature in the West and its strong connection to Japan and Japanese culture, it is often focused on as something that is interesting due to its relative “newness”. In addition, visual kei saw a rise in popularity in the West at the same time as anime and manga, when they were all mar- keted specifically as a product of Japanese popular culture. This led to constant comparison of visual kei fans with anime and manga otakus who tend to be viewed as socially deviant or awk- ward. As such, a large number of studies place heavy emphasis on the social development of visual kei fans.

My study will also attempt to take a more in-depth look at foreign fans within Japan. By doing so, it will look at the relationship between non-Japanese participants and visual kei from a perspective where visual kei is not something new. Considering it an established subculture in

Japan will allow this research to go further into the significance and complexities of the move- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 43 ment.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 44

Chapter 3: Methodology

Research Method: Ethnography

Since this thesis deals with the study of human interaction within the context of culture, I decided that methods falling under the ethnographic approach would be the most suitable way to collect and analyze data in order to answer my research questions. Ethnography is simply defined as “the study and systematic recording of human cultures; also: a descriptive work produced from such research” (Ethnography, n.d.).

Ethnography was deemed an appropriate method for several reasons, the first being that ethnography is an extremely flexible and holistic method of research. This is necessary when examining such a broad concept as culture, even though visual kei is still a relatively small subculture. Secondly, in traditional ethnographic studies, in order to gain the highest emic validity, which is defined as “understanding the study host(s) from their own system of meanings”

(Whitehead, 2005), the researcher usually steeps themselves in the culture under investigation in order to become more comprehensively aware of the many specific socio-cultural dynamics within the culture. Whitehead goes on to say, however, that if one’s area of research isn’t in local communities, the possibility of 24/7 immersion is more difficult. Nevertheless, it is important that the ethnographer has spent considerable time learning the culture. I have personally been interested in the visual kei subculture for over ten years. I have also spent over two years as part of the subculture within Japan. This gives me the sufficient insider knowledge to be capable of conducting research efficiently through an ethnographic perspective. Finally, the concept of transculturation was conceived by an ethnographer himself and therefore, I hope that studying transculturation via ethnographic means would therefore provide me with the most comprehen- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 45 sive results.

The data for analysis was collected using both qualitative and quantitative methods, more specifically, surveys, secondary data collection and semi-structured interviews. Whitehead

(2005) refers to these methods (among others) as “basic classical ethnography” since they are applicable in “just about any setting where humans are interacting” (Whitehead, 2005). Since the surveys and interviews were administered and conducted over the internet, this also places them in the category of non-classical ethnographic methods.

My approach was broken down into three stages. The first stage entailed collection of secondary data on visual kei bands from previously published interviews (see Appendix C for interview information). Whitehead defines secondary data as “simply a reference to existing data, as compared to new data that are being collected, or have been recently collected.” He further states that the advantage of secondary data collection as giving the researcher the clarification and confirmation of the data and information that is already available to them (Whitehead, 2005).

In the case of my research, secondary data collection was used to answer my first research question, Can the visual kei subculture be considered a product of a transculturation process?” This hypothesis operates under the assumption that, at any point within the visual kei subculture, transculturation has already taken place and can be identified as such. This is highly likely given the length of time that visual kei has existed as well as the many changes and reiterations it has undergone since its inception.

Additionally, since visual kei can have a multitude of definitions and interpretations, I decided that the best way to go about analyzing aspects of the culture was to first examine the way that the bands themselves choose to portray what they determine to be visual kei. Important to this was determining whether or not the bands have incorporated aspects of different cultures TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 46 and subcultures into visual kei. If so, how they have adapted them to suit the new circumstances and to what degree? This was an important step because the secondary data already exists without any significant manipulation from the researcher.

As ethnography requires the direct study of people within a culture, the second and third stages consisted of raw data collection from active participants within visual kei. They all currently live in Japan (especially in the Tokyo area) on a long-term basis. Although there are visual kei fans all over the world, the location was important in order to properly gauge how visual kei functions as a community. Since the location is the same, the subculture would therefore have more structure, key places of participation (in this case, the live houses where the bands perform) and a stronger sense of togetherness. The second stage was an anonymous online survey in the form of a questionnaire (see Appendix A for questionnaire details) administered through the free website, sogosurvey.com. This survey was distributed to non-Japanese persons who are currently living in Japan and actively take part in the visual kei subculture in some capacity.

The third stage was the semi-structured interview. From the sample of persons who par- ticipated in the survey, a selection of them were administered interviews over the internet. These interviews had semi-structured questions (see Appendix B for interview outline) and worked in tandem with the base data collected from the survey in an attempt to provide more detailed information. Participation in the interview was dependent on the free will of the survey participants.

3.1. Self-representation of visual kei bands

Sampling

To begin, 10 bands were chosen to be the subjects of analysis. The bands were selected to TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 47 include as wide a range of characteristics as possible and thus increase the scope of the data that could be collected. Some of these selection criteria included variation in the number of years active, the number of members in each band as well as their preferred type of music and performing style within visual kei. To illustrate, some of the bands chosen would largely play heavy metal style music, while others would have more of a pop or even techno sound.

In addition to band interviews, I also felt it was necessary to include available interviews from visual kei industry professionals. This would increase the chances of gaining a sense of the industry from a wider perspective, since bands usually have their own interests and self- promotion in mind when conducting interviews. In addition, the viewpoint of a single band does not necessarily reflect the state of the overall music scene as their outlook is often colored by their individual successes and failures, whereas industry professionals such as managers or pro- ducers have a responsibility to look at the scene from a more objective lens. With visual kei being such a small industry, however, most of the senior positions are occupied by people who are former or even currently active visual kei musicians themselves. This can give an even more in- depth angle to the data collected.

The interviews chosen for analysis were all in text format and published in the English language. The interviews were selected from a number of online websites which published them for free, public viewing. The majority of these websites deal specifically with information and news pertaining to visual kei and many of them are working to bridge the gap between the bands operating within Japan and the fans who live outside of Japan. Most of these media sources are also of Western origin. I have several reasons for choosing English language sources. The first is that many of the interviews written in English are carried out when a band is conducting activities overseas. With this in mind, an active attempt is usually made by both the interviewer and TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 48 the artists to expand their fanbase. As a result, questions are usually asked for the benefit of people who do not have any prior knowledge of the band and visual kei. These interviews are thus a good avenue for retrieving important basic information like definitions, concepts, and the aims of the artists/subculture on a whole. Secondly, English language interviews tend to be fewer in number and farther apart and as a result, they are also more in-depth. Finally, due to linguistic and time restrictions, English interviews were chosen can be examined more easily and thor- oughly from my standpoint as a native speaker and help lessen the possibility of any skewed data that could result from misinterpretation.

Research Design

In designing the coding criteria for the second-hand data (see Appendix C for coding guidelines used), Raymond Gorden’s Basic Interviewing Skills (1992) was used as a guideline in mapping out the categories and separating the available information. Listed below is a list of the coding categories used and their description.

Data coding categories and description:

● Interviews - As it is unlikely that a single interview would provide all the data neces-

sary for evaluation, I will be looking at two interviews from each band in an attempt

to gain as wide a range of answers as possible. If possible, interviews will be taken

from the same websites as a way of ensuring some consistency in format. Attention

will be paid to the time between interviews and any discrepancies between the an-

swers to similar questions that are likely to occur across several interviews. The in-

formation to be coded for in the interviews are as follows:

○ Self-definition - This is any question and answer that is centered around the

band as an individual entity. More specifically, I will be looking for any in- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 49

formation regarding these:

■ Band’s concept - Some bands have specific ideas of what they want to

do as a band. Some of it is strictly music-based while others may be

more holistic (for example, propagating a specific style or worldview).

■ Goal of the band - While this may overlap with a band’s concept, some

bands also have concrete ideals in mind (such as touring the US or

playing with a specific band).

○ Visual Kei - Due to the fluid nature of the subculture, many bands have their

own personal idea on what the term “visual kei” means. This will look for any

instances of the term “visual kei” within the interviews and examine its con-

text and meaning. This will then be used to help determine whether or not vis-

ual kei can be defined as a transcultural product.

○ Culture - This focuses on any word or phrase that gives reference to culture,

subculture and/or culture exchange. If present, this data will hopefully help in

clarifying a number of issues. The first is whether or not the bands themselves

see visual kei as a subculture or merely a genre. Secondly, if it is perceived as

a culture/subculture then this awareness makes it more likely for visual kei to

be seen as a transcultural product. Finally, depending on the context, it can

help gauge if there is an actual active desire/action from the bands to use visu-

al kei as a tool for cultural exchange and if it results in transculturation. This

section will also look for the bands’ opinions of their fans and fan behavior to

determine ifthere is a difference in the way that bands perceive their Japanese TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 50

and non-Japanese fans. In other words, What are the distinctive factors and

unifying factors, if any?

For the interviews conducted with industry professionals, some of the coding sections were omitted. For the Background Information segment, the categories “Etymology” and “Nota- ble overseas activity” was left out. For the Interview portion, the “Self-description” category was omitted as well.

3.2 Quantitative survey - Questionnaire

The first part of primary data collection was a quantitative survey which was distributed in the form of a self-administered questionnaire. In using this method of data collection, the guidelines published in the online paper Innovation Insights by Pennsylvania State University in

2006 were utilized to ensure validity of design, distribution and later, analysis. In this paper, survey is defined as “a research method for collecting information from a selected group of people using standardized questionnaires or interviews” (Pennsylvania State University, 2006). A self- administered questionnaire, as the name suggests, is one that is completed by the respondent without the interviewer’s interaction. The main reason I chose this method was to make it easier to gather participants since a link to the questionnaire could be circulated online rather than having to seek out participants in person. This could potentially avoid any reluctance, embarrass- ment or bad timing. This also ensured that the anonymity of the participants remained intact since I would not be able to know exactly who completed it.

Sampling and distribution

As mentioned before, the questionnaire was created and published online. A link leading to the survey was sent to potential participants via SNS services such as Facebook and Twitter. I TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 51 also asked people I met at visual kei events to spread the word around if they knew anyone who would be interested. The link was also posted on a visual kei news website. Participants were free to respond at their own leisure and were able to skip any questions they did not wish to answer. No deadline was provided but the questionnaire was distributed early enough to allow for any late submissions or distribution of additional questions if needed. The main purpose of the survey was to recruit participants for the interview as well as basic demographic information.

Since the interview would provide the in-depth, vital information needed for the thesis, gathering a large number of participants was not the key motivation when distributing the survey.

Research Design

The first part of the survey consisted of a cover letter (see Appendix B) which explained the reason for the survey. It reiterated once again that any information collected in the survey would remain anonymous and only be used for the purpose of this thesis. It also reminded them that they were free to skip and questions if they desired. The cover letter was the only part of the survey requiring a mandatory response. Participants were required to click a button signaling their understanding and agreement of the cover letter before proceeding to the actual questions. thus increasing the likelihood of them reading the letter as well as hopefully clearing up any mis- understandings. The cover letter also included contact information for the researcher in the event of any further questions.

When constructing the questions, in following the aforementioned guidelines in Innova- tion Insights, I tried to ensure that the questions were simple and concise and able to be under- stood by a variety of respondents. I only asked one item per question to avoid confusion as much as possible and tried to use a natural flow of questions to avoid a jarring layout of information

(Pennsylvania State University, 2006) TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 52

Another important factor to consider was the chance of the questionnaires being left un- finished. To discourage this, the survey consisted of 20 questions in total, most of which were multiple-choice. The first nine questions were multiple-choice, demographic questions which would hopefully not take a significant amount of time to complete. The following 10 questions were focused on the respondent’s level of involvement in visual kei which would then be further explored in the interview. Two questions in particular were chosen to be expanded upon in the interview: Question number 15 which asked “How involved are you in the visual kei subculture?” and Question number 20 which asked “Do you plan to remain part of visual kei indefinitely?”

Question 15 provided a range of answers: Casual listener, Fan, Business-level involvement (press, promotion, event organisation etc.), Creation-level involvement (part of a band, part of production, etc.) and Other with a prompt for clarification. If visual kei is a subculture, then there are also multiple ways in which one could participate and be involved. Taking into account that these were just a fraction of the possible options, this question allowed for selecting multiple responses. As such, it was necessary that this question be explored further in the interview.

Transculturation implies mutual exchange, so seeing the ways in which participants chose to en- gage both with the bands and with other fans could help answer the question of whether visual kei provides a space for this.

Question number 20 was quite simple in the responses that it allowed. Either a “yes”,

“no” or “maybe”. However, because the reason behind these responses (choosing to stay or leave the subculture) would undoubtedly be very personal, this was also chosen to be expanded upon in the subsequent interview.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 53

3.3 Qualitative Interview

Sampling

The last method of data collection was an in-depth qualitative interview. The interviews were conducted with respondents of the survey who indicated in the final questionnaire question

(#21) that they were willing to take part. Upon completing the survey, participants were asked to leave their contact information (an email address) and a time that they would be available for the interview. They were also free to choose a social media or instant messaging platform where the interview would be conducted. This was to ensure that participants were comfortable and willing as it would be on their own time. Since it was anonymous and distributed online, the researcher had no control over how many respondents would volunteer for the interview.

Research Design

The goal of the interview was to answer the research question “can the visual kei subculture be considered a transcultural space that allows for an active, non-hierarchical exchange of cultures?” To answer this, the interview was broken down into three main segments, each with a separate purpose: establishing the respondent’s perception of visual kei on a whole, finding out how the respondent situates themselves within the subculture, and determining the respondent’s projection of the potential for growth of the subculture. The interview was designed in a semi- structured format. There were predetermined questions as well as predetermined follow-up questions depending on the trajectory of their responses. However, depending on the answers, the interviewer could ask more questions for either clarification or probing purposes.

The first segment asked about the interviewee’s introduction to visual kei. It also asked questions on the respondent’s opinion on what visual kei meant. It linked visual kei to other similar subcultures like punk and goth to see if they personally viewed visual kei in the scope of TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 54 a subculture, specifically whether or not visual kei could be considered subversive and by exten- sion a subculture based on social rebellion. It also included questions regarding visual kei in their own home country, whether or not there were any differences and the interviewee’s opinion on that.

After constructing the interviewee’s concept of visual kei as a genre, the questions in the second segment delved deeper into the interviewee’s personal experience and activities within the subculture and the meaning it holds for them. This part of the interview tied in the interviewee’s answer to survey question #15 (see Appendix B), which asked them to select their level of involvement in visual kei. Interviewees were asked to elaborate on the type of activities that they normally participate in. One of the reasons for this was to gauge how much a “foreigner” could assimilate within or contribute to the subculture. This led to questions on whether or not their status as a foreigner as well as other personal demographics (like age, gender, sexuality etc.) held any consequence in visual kei and if so, to what degree.

Interview Process

Using the email provided by the respondent in the survey, initial contact was made and the interview was scheduled based on a time convenient for both parties. No face to face interaction was required, in the hopes that it increased the respondent’s willingness to follow through with the interview. It also made it much easier to schedule a convenient time. The respondents also got to choose the platform where the interview would be conducted (such as social media like Facebook or messaging services like Skype or Line), with the intention of making them feel more comfortable and willing to talk as well as giving them a sense of being in control of the identity that they presented to the interviewer since platforms with screen names could be used.

The interview began with a brief reiteration of the purpose of the session. The interview- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 55 ees were also prompted on the general number of questions to give them an idea of how long the interview might be. It was conducted entirely in text format. This was chosen over voice or video because it gave the interviewee time to formulate and express their responses without the pres- sure of being watched or monitored by the interviewer. This also avoided any biases in tone of voice or expression from the interviewer that might skew the interviewees’ responses in any way. Of course, this could also be seen as a negative since from the interviewer’s point of view it’s hard to get subtle nuances of conversation through text. Nonetheless, this method was chosen because it gave another benefit in making the answers easier to archive for coding purposes. To make it more natural, the interviewer did not discourage the use of text-based emotional signifi- ers such as emoticons (emoji) and abbreviated speech.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 56

Chapter 4: Analysis

This chapter will take an in-depth look at the data collected via the methods outlined in

Chapter 3 of this thesis and attempt to apply them in answering the research questions put forth in Chapter 1. The data will be broken down and analysed according to the methodology explained above.

4.1 Secondary Data

The first is the secondary data collected via published interviews. This information was collected from online visual kei news sites that posted content primarily in English. A total of twelve bands were chosen with two interviews selected for each band. In addition, four interviews with three different visual kei industry professionals were selected, giving a total of 28 interviews.

The purpose of this data was to answer the research question: Can the visual kei subculture be considered a product of a transculturation process? To make this easier, the interviews were categorised into the sections: Self-definition, Visual kei and Culture, as explained in Chap- ter 3. Throughout the coding process, there were times when these sections would overlap. As a result, they were not considered mutually exclusive categories but instead treated as a way to break the information into easily analysed sets of data.

Self-definition

For visual kei to be a product of transculturation, there must have been some form of cultural exchange. Of course, as no cultural phenomenon exists in a vacuum, it is assumed that for visual kei to exist, there would have been some manner of cultural shift even if just on a local TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 57 scale. Thus, the responses coded under ‘Self-definition’ were an attempt to take a closer look at the ways that various bands identify themselves. This was to determine if there was an awareness among the bands about whether or not they saw themselves as cultural hybrids, whether for aesthetic or marketing purposes, or if they maintained the image of being culturally Japanese bands,especially since all of the interviews were aimed at a non-Japanese audience.

In the end, most of the bands ended up having a unique way of describing their style and music, despite all claiming to be visual kei bands. X Japan, who helped start visual kei before it was referred to as such, identified themselves against other metal and rock bands at the time.

Well, when we started doing visual kei, we were like the black sheep of the family, play-

ing heavy music and putting on crazy make-up and having crazy hairstyles. - Yoshiki, X

Japan. (Beata, 2011)

There was an obvious disdain for authoritative figures, for example, record labels who would attempt to shoehorn them into a particular genre.

There are tons of rules in rock - people say that if you're doing speed metal you shouldn't

put the makeup on; if you're playing hard rock you shouldn't have Mohawks. I was like,

fuck that. So I basically said, fuck everything, we should do whatever we want. So we just

started putting makeup on, doing crazy hair and crazy clothes. - Yoshiki, X Japan. (Ev-

ans, 2010)

Again, the label “visual kei” did not exist at the time but there was a clear desire for blur- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 58 ring the lines between genres and pushing for something different. Their dissatisfaction with the status quo and desire to rebel through their image matches with Hebdige’s observation of subcultures like punk at the time (see Chapter 2).

Once the genre was labelled and other bands began being classified within it, these bands all seemed to accept that they were visual kei but consistently had varying ideas on who they were individually. Even after 30 years, there is still a tangible sense of not wanting to fit a certain mold and consistently trying out new styles as visual kei bands. When asked about introducing electronic elements into their music, band MUCC responded:

We didn't put any limitations or restrictions on ourselves and we wanted whatever came

to us, sort of like anything goes. - Miya, MUCC (Lacy & Cynthia, 2008)

They also went on to define their style as “ALL MIX” when asked about it in a separate interview. Similarly, in the interviews examined, most of the bands spoke about themselves as being able to constantly “change” and experiment. Of course, the desire for growth and change can be considered a standard sentiment for any kind of job within an entertainment-centered industry. However, for visual kei, I believe that it can be said that by having a foundation built by bands who desired constant change and blurring of rules, there is an almost natural desire for visual kei bands to be more experimental and fluid. Instead of just improving, there is freedom to change entirely. Additional self-definitions from bands were as follows:

SuG is half V-kei, half Harajuku style with unique music videos - Takeru, SuG (Mathilde

& Meiko, 2015) TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 59

“D c t of R ” – t’ sort of a modern orchestra with character. - Kamijo, Ver-

sailles (Japan Vibe, 2016)

We don't have a musical concept. If anything, not having a concept is our “c c pt.” We

just concentrate on whatever we feel is suitable at the time. - Aiji, LM.C (asianbeat, 2014)

As we now have all these more pop oriented songs, our setlist is much more diverse than

before. So, we have rock, pop and dance songs, but all these are still Girugamesh songs,

they represent us and with these, we can show our fans, that our musicality has widened.

- ShuU, girugamesh (Japan Vibe, 2011)

That is not to say that there is no solid base for visual kei bands, as the majority of the bands do stick to a rock or metal format (as mentioned in Chapter 2). Furthermore, when asked, all of the bands were willing to share their musical influences and admired bands. The inspirations mentioned by both groups and individuals varied wildly across genres and nationalities.

The only common thread of inspiration was that most of the members had come into contact with a visual kei band beforehand, which became their initiation into the subculture and giving them the desire to form specifically a visual kei band. An example is the band LM.C, whose vocalist was greatly inspired by X Japan in their early days but went on to make music that is consistently upbeat and positive, a stark contrast from the angry, melancholic nature of X Japan’s songs.

Well, with our songs we really just want an image of Happiness, a feeling of happiness. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 60

With the sound of our songs, musically, and our visual costumes, as well, we just want

people to feel happy and uplifted. - Maya, LM.C (Turner, 2010)

It can be concluded that bands are aware that being visual kei gives them the freedom to identify with whatever makes them comfortable at the time. As expected, the focus remains largely on the areas of music, dress and performing style over more controversial topics, which is understandable since they are bands who are doing this as a way of making a living. Therefore, there isn’t much room to identify oneself in a way that strays too far from entertainment. Some bands did identify themselves under more varied concepts such as art, politics and religion. Take for example, the band NoGoD when discussing the concept behind their name.

The meaning of NoGoD is that there ’t just one god. Through our music, if we can

teach people that, then the respective music or artists could take on the meaning of a god

and I think t t’ fine. The idea is that of not forcing any gods or beliefs upon anyone. -

Dancho, NoGoD (McMullen & Yoshizawa, 2014)

There is also the band Schwarz Stein who consider their concept to be “a Japanese type of Gothic culture,” as well as the solo artist WING WORKS who mixes EDM and dubstep into his music and defines his concept as:

“ android, which has come to Earth from the year 2033” - WING WORKS (Diletta,

2015)

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 61

His influences were also just as diverse, citing things like Gothic culture, Japanese anime,

Japanese film and theatre as well as European religious paintings.

Visual Kei

Although the self-definition of bands gives us an idea of the range of possibilities of crea- tivity and expression within visual kei, there still remains the question of what visual kei actually is. This is what the interview responses code under this second category strove to find out.

Once again, just as every band had their own unique idea of what it meant to be a band operating under the term visual kei, there were also a multitude of responses on what visual kei was. Many bands felt that it could be left up to interpretation, whether by their fans or by the individual bands themselves:

It all depends on the fans because visual kei is not a style of music, but the whole physical

image of the band. So I think it's up to how each fan interprets the term. - Miya, MUCC

(Lacy & Cynthia, 2008)

Although bands would say what they felt about visual kei, they still refrained from using specific terms:

In Japan, visual kei includes many things now, which I really like. It has many directions

and the borders are very broad. - Takeru, SuG (Finja & Laura, 2008)

There was also a heavy emphasis on the aesthetic elements of visual kei where it was seen as a mode of expression rather than music per se, and even likened to a lifestyle: TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 62

It’ a genre for scenes, not for music. It’ a lifestyle and also a place where I can express

myself as an artist. - Jasmine You, Versailles (Japan Vibe, 2016)

We chose visual kei because we think it is very artistic. Doing visual kei is a little like

making art. - Reika, D=OUT (CyberMoon & LuCioLe, 2009)

It breaks down the walls of things like “g ” and “l v ”. It’ amazing music that ex-

presses itself through various forms! - raL, MeteoroiD (Bhola, 2016)

It’ not a music genre, t’ more like a genre of drama! - Tomoya, MeteoroiD (Bhola,

2016)

Visual kei is interesting. I think t’ a very uniquely Japanese cultu …. The word “v u l

” ’t point at a genre of music so I figured it was a place where I could do what I

like. - Dancho, NoGoD (McMullen & Yoshizawa, 2014)

Following the idea of bands in visual kei being able to represent themselves however they wanted, this also seems to be the same way that visual kei is defined. Everyone is aware of who the key figures in visual kei are, but apart from that, there is the idea of making the subculture anything that you want it to be. Surprisingly, culture was not brought up as often as expected when defining visual kei. In the few cases where it was, there was a very firm idea of it being

Japanese culture, regardless of the influences and elements that it incorporated,which moves into TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 63 the final component of analysis.

Culture

This final coding segment looked at the way bands viewed culture and whether or not they saw visual kei as being an avenue for cultural exchange, or, more specifically, the way that they viewed performing overseas, visual kei in a global sense, and what they think about their

Japanese and non-Japanese fans. Since all the interviews were conducted in English, they were done with the intention of reaching an international audience as well as gauging each band’s reactions on their international fans and challenging an international market.

All of the bands interviewed were strongly motivated to bring visual kei into the Ameri- can and European markets. Although visual kei fans are scattered across the world and concen- trated in other areas like South American and Taiwan, the bands were strongly fixed on America and Europe. Although it can be argued that these convictions were only that strong because they were being interviewed by magazines in these target markets, bands like LM.C went so far as to admit (albeit jokingly):

“W only want to tour in Am c ” - Aiji, LM.C (Turner, 2010)

X Japan, who have been aiming for the American industry for over 20 years see themselves as:

“ g something very challenging, being a Japanese band trying to pursue an American

m” - Yoshiki, X Japan (Evans, 2010)

The interviews were also checked for any motivation from the bands to actively use visual kei as TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 64 a means of cultural exchange. The majority of the bands answered that they had the desire to do so. Only when answering these questions was visual kei immediately framed as something specifically Japanese. As such, bands expressed their interest in bringing Japanese culture to the world.

“I think t’ good to be widely recognized in the world because Visual-kei is a sort of an

original Japan culture form. And Versailles wants to be a leading b .” - Yuki, Ver-

sailles (Japan Vibe, 2016)

“I want to show our music to many people. In the same way that music from overseas has

reached Japan, I believe that Japanese music can definitely reach everyone v ” -

Ruki, the GazettE (VKHPress, 2016)

“I feel like more than wanting to leave behind some kind of achievement or imparting a

specific message, if they were to just feel like “W t the hell are these Japanese peo-

pl ?!” that would be good ug ” - Uruha, the GazettE (VKHPress, 2016)

As these were the only questions where Japanese culture was brought up, it can be said that there is a clear divide on what it means to be visual kei (freedom of expression and creation) and what it means to promote visual kei (element of Japanese culture). This was solidified when looking at the interviews with industry professionals.

In 2003, my band BLOOD started to go to many different countries for live shows. Japa- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 65

nese bands and Japanese music was very fresh for everyone. Japanese people listen to

Japanese music in Japan, so Western music is fresh for Japanese people. It works the

same way. - Kiwamu, Starwave Records (Pfeifle, 2011)

Even in Japan, visual kei used to be basically a sort of sub-culture but now it's becoming

more main-stream and more people think of visual kei as one of the cultures that actually

represent Japan now! - Takaya Yamamoto, VISULOG (Peace, 2013)

With regard to fan behaviour, the majority of the bands seemed to prefer the more outgoing behaviour of Western fans over Japanese fans, especially during lives. Concerning their international fans, MUCC told interviewers:

“Suc fans don't exist in Japan or they are very rare. And we know that there are fans

who come for us and who sleep outside the night before the concert. We're happy for

those people who give us the impression they were really waiting for u .” - Tatsurou,

MUCC (kyanMello, 2011)

“I France, we have a large variety of fans: punks, visuals, gothic lolitas, heavy metals...

and also the people who are just “ m l.” All of those people are mixed together, and

they've come to see our c c t .” - Miya, MUCC (kyanMello, 2011)

This sentiment continued to be iterated by various other bands:

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 66

“A many artists have said, you can feel the feelings of people overseas much more di-

rectly than Japanese fans. Japanese fans are more shy.” - WING WORKS (Diletta, 2015)

Of course, since overseas fans see these bands far less, it is expected that they would have a higher level of excitement. None of the bands mentioned bangya who also display a high level of dedicated and enthusiasm towards the bands, albeit in a different way. This could be because they were not directly asked since the behaviour of bangya are tied strongly to the way that livehouses and concerts are conducted in Japan and were therefore not relevant. Another reason would be that bands do not realise or place much importance on the behaviour of bangya. This would then make it more of a social practice as it affects how the fans in Japan relate to each other rather than how they relate to the band.

The situation regarding the acceptance and image non-Japanese visual kei bands also came up a few times. The first was a question to band Versailles about the Swedish visual kei band

Seremedy:

“I understand that there are difficulties when non-Japanese perform as visual kei bands

because although they may get Japanese fans easily, they might have hard time finding

fans outside of Japan. But [Seremedy] is recognized by Japanese fans, so please support

t m.” - Kamijo, Versailles. (McMulle & Kawaguchi, 2011)

It was interesting to see that although the band was Swedish, their problem wasn’t grabbing the attention of Japanese fans but rather that of the non-Japanese fans. When Dynamite Tommy TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 67

(known as the godfather of visual kei) was asked about non-Japanese visual kei bands, he responded:

“I feel that nationality has nothing to do with being in a visual kei band. However, I feel

that if they study J p ’ history, culture, customs and such, then they will become a

more interesting visual kei b .” - Dynamite Tommy, Free-Will Records (Figueroa,

2016)

So with regard to the bands and the industry professionals, there is no outright opposition to non-

Japanese visual kei bands, nor is there any with Japanese fans, but the problem comes from non-

Japanese bands.

Additional findings

After looking through more and more interviews where bands attempted to give their opinion on what visual kei was, certain contradictions became apparent. For example, although many bands seemed to adopt a more flexible, open way of conceptualizing themselves as visual kei, there seemed to be a much more rigid outlook when talking about other bands. Without being specific, some bands expressed discontent at other bands for being inauthentic. When asked about the spread of visual kei around the world, Versailles responded:

It’ great, but there are lot of “w b ” Visual-kei bands, to be honest. So we really

want to change the world!! - Hizaki, Versailles (Japan Vibe, 2016)

Whether this was a reference to non-Japanese visual kei bands or bands within the Japa- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 68 nese scene is unclear. When looked at in conjunction with their own self-definition, then there is the sense of many bands feeling like it is up to them to continually change and try new things because of the lack of evolution in visual kei. RYO:SUKE from WING WORKS talked about his original style of blending techno and EDM within his sound as a visual kei artist saying that:

I did this because I wanted visual kei to have new kinds of sounds. - WING WORKS

(Diletta, 2015)

Similarly, bands like girugamesh and the GazettE talked about trying to define themselves from other bands:

Even though the scene we call visual-kei is still very much a minor one even in Japan, it

attracts a lot of young people and there is a lot of friendly rivalry going on. So that we

’t get buried in all that, we felt like we had to clearly define our own narrative and

vision, I think. - Aoi, the GazettE (VKH Press, 2016)

I think the visual kei bands can do the best job in combining the fashion and look and the

music. However nowadays there are so many similar bands are around, doing similar

things, so, we decided to go on a little bit different way - ShuU, girugamesh (Japan Vibe,

2011)

There was definitely a marked difference between expanding into new aesthetics for the sake of standing out and incorporating mainstream elements as a way of “selling out”. Although the differences were not quite clear, the idea of selling out appeared linked to losing the “spirit of TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 69 rock” which could be interpreted to be the idea of protest and defining oneself against the norm that characterizes subcultures in the first place, which Dick Hebdige talks about in Subculture:

The Meaning of Style (1979) as discussed previously in Chapter 2.

“I think t’ possible for anyone to start thinking “p p” in order to get more people to

listen to them, especially when it comes to J p ’ visual scene. But you have to keep

thinking about what gets lost when that happens. I think you should just believe that by

letting your style come through and staying true to that t ”- Uruha, the GazettE

(VKH Press, 2016)

Looking at the interviews of industry professionals, this rhetoric of selling out was also discussed by Kiwamu, head of Starwave Records and member of visual kei band BLOOD:

“I Japan, many normal music fans don't like visual kei. For normal people, the make-up

is too strong and the costumes are strange. So, to get normal p pl ’ attention, the

bands change their ways. This started many years ago and t’ still the m ….F visual

kei band members, there is this idea that if the band goes major the make-up will need to

be ubtl .” - Kiwamu (Pfeifle, 2011)

Furthermore, when asked about the reasons why bands choose to become visual kei, the response matched the answers of the other interviewed bands with the addition of a third reason:

There are different reasons. One: the member was influenced by bands wearing make-up TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 70

when they were young. Two: they want to express themselves to the world through their

costume, make-up and music. Three: they want to get girls. - Kiwamu (Pfeifle, 2011)

It makes sense why bands would not want to mention this aspect in interviews but considering the stark gender divide and the level of devotion that bangya show towards their favorite bands, it is a distinct possibility.

Results

From this analysis, it can be said that visual kei bands are aware of themselves on various levels as hybrids. However, it is not the same for each band and the level of hybridization varies as well. Some of the examples seen in the interviews are bands being hybrids between music and fashion cultures (SuG), music and theatre (Versailles) and even music and spirituality (NoGoD).

This comes as no surprise given the wide variety of expression possible in visual kei that has been mentioned over and over. The important factor here is that the bands are aware of themselves as more than their influences and are constantly changing within the framework of visual kei. This means that there is active transculturation taking place within the bands as they constantly work to incorporate new elements into their image and work. Important to this is the fact that their inspirations are not limited to elements of Japanese culture alone. Identifying as a visual kei band allows them the freedom to use the foundation set up by previous bands and build on it.

More than I expected at the beginning of this research, I found that the bands turned out to be predominantly musical rather than cultural hybrids, despite visual kei being a subculture.

This is because the bands are only a section of the subculture with their primary role being making music. The other interactions and behaviours that make visual kei a subculture then rests on TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 71 the fans and the consumers of their music. Throughout the interviews, however, the bands showed a strong awareness of the multifaceted nature of visual kei and saw the importance of being open and aware of different cultures, customs and areas of artistic expression. In conclusion, the bands are indeed products of transculturation,one that is active and self-driven. Howev- er, because of their role in the subculture, the results are musical rather than cultural hybrids.

In addition, when talking about promoting the subculture overseas, visual kei was seen solely as a part of Japanese culture, regardless of what had been said previously about the fluidi- ty of the scene.

4.2 Questionnaire

The questionnaire and interview were used to answer the second research question: Can visual kei be considered a transcultural space that allows for an active, non-hierarchical exchange of cultures?

Demographics

The distributed questionnaire received 15 completed responses in a four-month period between June and September 2016. Although this was a rather small number, the main purpose was to gather participants for in-depth interviews so the amount was deemed acceptable.

Out of the 15 respondents, the majority were between the ages of 26 - 30 with noone being under 20 or over 35.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 72

Figure 5. Age of respondents

This demographic is understandable if you consider that all the participants had to move to Japan. Therefore, they would have to be at an appropriate age to travel alone as well as an age where they would have had savings or some manner of disposable income to move and take part in visual kei which usually requires going to concerts, buying merchandise etc. The participants being on the younger side of the age gap is also understandable, since participation takes up time and younger participants are more likely to have flexible hours. If we compare this with

Hebdige’s theory of subculture then this further places visual kei in the category of youth subculture.

The respondents all came from fairly large countries around the world which were Aus- tralia, Germany, Italy, USA and Taiwan. None of these locations were unexpected in any way as visual kei has (or had) a presence in each of these countries and bands have gone there to per- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 73 form.

With regard to gender distribution, 14 out of 15 participants were female. In addition to that, the only male respondent did not opt to take part in the subsequent interview. This fits in with the established image of visual kei being a subculture with a clear gender divide which we can see is also applicable to non-Japanese participants. Alternatively, this can just be an indicator of males being less inclined to say that they are part of visual kei because of the perceived gender divide. As a result, they avoid smaller congregation spaces such as livehouses.

In fact, when looking at the level of involvement in visual kei, the male respondent indicated being involved on a Business level (i.e. dealing with tasks such as press, promotion etc.) but did not admit to taking part in any other spheres in the subculture such as concert-going, buying merchandise etc. Of course, we should not necessarily assume that this is the case with other male participants in visual kei who are not in bands. However, in addition to previous literature and studies as well as from personal observation, this can be inferred.

When asked if they could speak Japanese, 100% of the respondents replied “yes” with the majority claiming to be “Intermediate” (40%) or “Advanced” (40%) while 13% were “Fluent” and only 6% percent were at a “Beginner” level. Even though this was based purely on the participant’s own opinion of their language level, having a decent grasp of the language would make it easier to be involved.

Level of involvement

The second part of the questionnaire measured the respondent’s level of involvement in the subculture. When asked how long (in years) each person had been interested in visual kei,

46% of the respondents answered for 5-10 years while an equal 46% claimed having an interest for over 10 years. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 74

Figure 6. Length of time interested in visual kei

Furthermore, 100% of respondents claimed to have known about visual kei before coming to Japan. The following question asked then, if visual kei affected their decision to come to

Japan. A large majority (93.3%) answered “Yes”.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 75

Figure 7. “Did visual kei affect your decision to come to Japan?”

It can be said then, that having an interest in visual kei influences the desire to move to

Japan. This confirms what was said in the introductory chapter, where non-Japanese fans feel the need to move to Japan for a more “authentic” experience. It is also further confirmation that visual kei does not have enough of a global presence. As a result, it was necessary to find out what made Japan more of a suitable location for these non-Japanese participants, so much so that it would affect their decision to migrate to a foreign country, especially one that does not share their native tongue as none of the participants indicated being native Japanese speakers.

Question #15, as mentioned earlier in Chapter 3 on page 55, was one of the more important questions in the survey since it was followed up in the interview portion. It asked for the participants’ level of involvement in visual kei, allowing them to select more than one option. 13 out of 15 respondents (86%) admitted to being fans. Out of these 13 respondents 7 also selected TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 76 an extra level of involvement such as being a casual listener (3 out of 13 fans) or being involved on a business level (4 out of 13 fans). The only two respondents who did not claim to be fans were instead involved on a business level which requires a higher level of time and dedication.

None of the responders were simply casual listeners. Thus, being a fan can be seen as the base level of involvement.

Furthermore, 86% of participants said that in addition to listening to music, they also took part in other aspects of visual kei. The majority of respondents listed “Buying Merchandise” as additional activities, which makes sense as fans of music bands. The second and third highest responses were “Fashion” and “Makeup” emphasising the importance of looks and style not just for the bands but also for the other participants. As all of the participants were more than just casual listeners, there was the assumption that they would be able to provide in-depth information during the interview.

Figure 8. Additional activities undertaken by participants TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 77

In the final questions, respondents were asked whether or not they would choose to remain in visual kei. This would also be expanded upon in the interview. The majority (60%) said that “yes,” they would stay in visual kei indefinitely, Wwhile the remaining (40%) answered

“maybe.” This further reinforces a high level of investment for participants of visual kei in a way that goes beyond visual kei just being a singular hobby or genre of music.

Results

Despite small representation of the demographics, the results of the questionnaire did not present any surprising or unexpected information but seemed to match with the image of visual kei gathered from theory (Chapter 2) and personal experience. This includes the distribution of gender, age as well as the countries from which the respondents came from. All respondents also displayed a high level of engagement with the subculture, with the lowest level being that of a

“Fan” as opposed to merely a “Casual listener.” Additionally, all the respondents took part in activities that went beyond listening, whether it was business involvement or style-based like emulating visual kei fashion and makeup. This would prove beneficial in the interview portion as it increased the chances of getting more detailed responses.

4.3 Interview

The results from the interviews were meant to allow for greater depth and probing with the aim of answering the research question more effectively. Visual kei as a transcultural space implies a sense of community where there is sufficient interaction between the members over- time to facilitate exchange, growth and creation. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 78

Eleven out of the fifteen questionnaire respondents agreed to taking part in an in-depth interview. However, due to scheduling difficulties, one person dropped out, making the final total of interviews conducted ten. Most of the information was conducted in one sitting. However, for the first four interviewees, additional information was collected with a follow-up question sent through email. This question was then incorporated into the following interviews.

Perception of visual kei

The first few questions asked the interviewees about their perception of visual kei both from a personal standpoint and in a wider sense. Regarding what got the participants interested in visual kei, each of the participants listed a variety of initiations. For some, it was accidental dis- covery of visual kei through media or music videos online. Others were anime/manga fans and gained access to visual kei through their exposure at conventions. One interviewee was a fan of

David Bowie and was searching for a “modern equivalent.” Regardless of their means of discov- ery, all of the interviewees listed the music as being the reason why they got “hooked”. Although the visuals for some were an added bonus, for others it hardly mattered.

“F me, the visual aspect wasn't something that I paid much attention to despite the

genre. What drew me in was the difference in the music composition compared to West-

ern mu c.” - Interviewee #1

Each interviewee was then asked how they would define the term “visual kei.” Although they had mentioned the music as being the reason for drawing them into visual kei, there was unanimous agreement that it was more than a genre of music. As fans, they acknowledged that visual kei bands each had their own individual inspiration and sound that could not be easily TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 79 grouped. This was also confirmed in the band interviews analysed during the secondary data collection.

“I would describe Visual Kei would be a subculture where (usually) rock music meets ar-

tistic presentation at various l v l .” - Interviewee #1

“It’ a lifestyle. not only the music or fashion but also the community and the way I fit it

into my daily l f .” - Interviewee #4

“I see visual kei more like something that combines 70s and 80s music waves and japa-

nese artistic roots like kabuki, for x mpl ” - Interviewee #5

It's a full-on production. Looks are as important as the music. It's more like a show than

just a concert. And being involved with visual kei is like a lifestyle - Interviewee #7

“B c when I was living in the West, I would have only pointed out the "visual" part as

f c ….H w v since I came here, I would also define Visual Kei in terms of a

whole subculture centered around the bands and the music, a definition that doesn't only

include the appearance and music, but also the lives, the fans and the way they act both

at lives and outside lives, and anything connecting to sales (CD shops, in-store events

and similar). So definitely my own definition of Visual Kei changed after coming to Ja-

p ” - Interviewee #2

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 80

Interviewee #2 who pointed out the difference in his/her definition of visual kei from being in the West and being in Japan brought attention to elements that, from this statement, might not be as prominent when visual kei goes abroad.

In trying to link visual kei more solidly to seemingly similar subcultures like punk, the interviewees were asked whether or not they saw visual kei as being rebellious. Two of the respondents answered “yes” without being able to go in-depth as to why it was rebellious. Others were more specific as to why they agreed or disagreed.

“I think it's a way for people to be who they want to be and enjoy what they want rather

than having to follow the social m ” - Interviewee #8

“M yb in the early days, but not anymore. Japanese [people] nowadays are not very re-

bellious in my p ” - Interviewee #4

“T entire movement of Visual Kei was meant to shock the senses and delicate nature of

Japanese society. It was meant to be a big middle finger to everyone else. Is it like that

now? Mostly, .” - Interviewee #3

Interviewees that indicated in the questionnaire that they were involved in visual kei on a Busi- ness level had a more cynical outlook.

“I think it did in the b g g….. t' changed a lot over the years though, and now there

may still be a lot of bands that started in visual kei as a way to rebel against society or TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 81

for artistic expression, but it seems like there are also a lot of people who form bands

now with ulterior m t v ….I feel like Japanese society has this tendency to come up with

some really innovative things and as soon as people start seeing its success, they turn it

into a f mul .” - Interviewee #6

“P pl who follow Visual Kei are kind of labeled as "outsiders" from society, but inside

the genre there are actually rules to follow (especially for lives) and people who don't

follow them are criticized for basically ruining everyone's fu ….S I think that while

there might be a perception of "rebellion" from the outside (also with the ways lives are),

inside the genre there are a lot of written and unwritten rules and not that much space for

b ll .” - Interviewee #2

When asked about visual kei in their home countries, all of the interviewees could recall a time when visual kei had come to their countries and most of them could name local visual kei artists. Overall, there was a sense that this time had already passed and visual kei was no longer something sustainable in any of their countries.

“t is very little. the majority of the vk scene in the US is on the internet. the only time

we could experience vk is at an anime convention or something. and it is totally differ-

t.” - Interviewee #10

Others pointed out a gap between what was popular in Japan and what was popular overseas, showing a lack of connection between Japanese and overseas visual kei communities. TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 82

When they were asked their opinions of non-Japanese bands in visual kei, most interviewees had a level of disinterest or expressed negative opinions. A lot of these responses reinforced the idea than non-Japanese bands were not as authentic and therefore had a more difficult time:

“t be honest, i think that only Japanese visual kei is real visual kei.

non-Japanese visual kei may contain metal or rock elements m tly.” - Interviewee #9

“t y took so much from japanese [visual kei] that they lack of g l ty” - Interviewee

“I think the bands aren't taken as seriously because so many fans in those countries are

only willing to see Japanese bands as "real" visual kei, and it's a m .” - Interviewee

“I have no interest in non-Japanese bands in vk. it may be because I've never really had

any exposure to a quality non-Japanese vk band. and because of that, they come off as

only being in it for the look and not the music which is a turn off for m ” - Interviewee #7

“t y don't even have fu ” - Interviewee #2

While some had a more compromising outlook:

“If non-Japanese bands try their hand at VK with their own twist, I believe that it can ac- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 83

tually become an international genre rather than restricted to Japan. It's all about their

approach and tt tu .” - Interviewee #1

The general consensus was that there was something “off” about these bands and they would have to work to put their own spin on visual kei before they would be accepted. This seemed to be a catch-22 since visual kei offers so much expressive freedom. Interestingly, although most interviewees felt that non-Japanese bands were not authentic enough, when asked, the majority agreed that visual kei contained elements of different cultures:

“ u l Kei in Japan definitely has outside influences, however they may not be so obvi-

ous at first glance to m t.” - Interviewee #1

“t t will always depend on the b ….A t t c lly you see bands with very obviously

Japanese-inspired costumes, music videos, or thematic elements. And conversely you can

find bands wearing European-inspired costumes or singing about Western religion. And

those are just a few x mpl .” - Interviewee #6

Those who were able to situate the scene in regards to wider Japanese society, however, felt that the scene was actually fully Japanese because of how the subculture operated, regardless of the influences:

“I think that now it's purely Japanese. While sometimes you might see English lyrics or

some Western-inspired aesthetics, I think at its core as how the scene works and how the TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 84

industry work, it's a very Japanese g .” - Interviewee #2

“I still think that vk is soooo Japanese (difficult to explain). Like for example, more of

Japan than just vk seems to have an affinity for French culture, so I think vk is mostly in

the Japanese m t.” - Interviewee #7

Again, there was a sense of the level of multicultural elements varying from band to band.

Situating themselves in the subculture

The questionnaire revealed that all the participants had a significant level of involvement within visual kei and this part of the interview worked to give a deeper insight. Those who were involved just as fans spent much of their time going to concerts and buying merchandise, which simply confirmed the information received from the survey.

Those who were involved on a business level (in particular, journalism) explained that they saw the chance to write for bands as a way of improving their writing, language and business skills while simultaneously widening their range of experience. However, it was with the implication that it wasn’t necessary for the sake of visual kei that they decided to becoming involved in this way. One interviewee made a point of not writing for bands that they liked in order to keep the spheres of business and pleasure separate. Those who were involved as bangya were the most involved, to the point where they knew that it would appear abnormal to those who didn’t understand:

“I moved to Japan in part to do it. I am currently on tour for the band I follow. 25 tour TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 85

stops. I am going to 23 of them. But that is something that makes people uncomfortable

when they hear it.” - Interviewee #3

However, this dedication allowed them to make close friends and truly experience visual kei as a community rather than just music. For the majority of the interviewees, visual kei helped strengthen their Japanese language ability since everyone agreed that having at least a basic grasp of the language helped specifically when it came to interacting with other fans:

“[v u l kei] is one of the reasons why I started learning Japanese. I speak Japanese,

work in Japan, live in Japan, and have tons of Japanese bangya f .” - Interviewee

The opinions were divided when it came to whether or not visual kei helped their understanding of Japanese society. Some felt that visual kei was too much of its own culture to make it compa- rable to behaving in mainstream Japan.

“I terms of understanding Japanese culture, I think it gave me an illusion rather than

really recognising the truth at first. It wasn't until one of my friends had lived in Japan

for a couple of years and recounted her experiences with me that we both realised how

shocking of a movement Visual Kei was to most p pl .” - Interviewee #1

In fact, those who were heavily involved explained that their experiences got easier once they were able to “act accordingly” with other Japanese fans: TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 86

“I ’t wanna sound too harsh though, t’ nice and I like it, but t’ not platform for

cultural interaction. The more you act and behave like Japanese fans, the more you are

accepted and it makes bangya life a lot ” - Interviewee #4

“I don't know if it's done much for me in the way of learning culture, though, since it's

more of a counterculture... If anything, "bangya" is its own culture with its own language

that I don't think most Japanese people outside of the scene would relate t ” - Interview-

ee #6

Surprisingly, there were not many interviewees who felt that their nationality, sexuality, native language or religion made their experience any different, although there was always the feeling of physically standing out. The most common issue that impacted enjoyment was that of a language barrier which was easily overcome. A previously overlooked issue that did come up was the issue of age. Some interviewees felt that their age was a barrier, especially since the majority of fans were at the younger end of the spectrum. This is definitely an underlying issue in visual kei as mentioned earlier (Chapter 2) with the term O-bangya being used for older fans:

“t fact that I don't have any Japanese friends from lives might depend on the fact that

I'm older than the average Visual Kei fan and that I don't speak Japanese p f ctly….A I

get older I might not have the energy anymore to keep up with a whole l v ” - Interview-

ee #2

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 87

Another issue was the toll it could take physically, since being a bangya meant constantly striving to be closer to the stage where the crowds would be rowdier and sometimes engaging in behavior like crowd surfing, head banging and the like.

“I'll probably have to stop attending lives/events at one point because of age, but I don't

see myself leaving the c .” - Interviewee #8

While this would not be an issue with more famous or older bands (who play in large venues and have older fans), this was a factor when the majority of visual kei bands have close-knit fan groups and play in small livehouses.

Potential for growth

The final part of the interview looked at the interviewees opinions on the potential of growth for visual kei. There was mutual agreement over the fact that visual kei made it much easier to meet people and interact as opposed to mainstream society due to a shared interest,which is why the majority of interviewees also agreed that going to lives was definitely more of a social event rather than just for music. However, for most of the persons interviewed, they were the only non-Japanese persons in their respective circles so it was less of a multicultural exchange (as previously hoped) but more of learning to fit in with the majority of Japanese fans.

When asked if visual kei had the potential to become a global subculture, most reacted negatively but gave a variety of reasons why they felt this way:

“I don't want it to become massive. I like the smallness and intimacy of t….I could never

go to a "regular" concert or at least not all the time. not after being so close to my TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 88

b .” - Interviewee #7

“I don't think many mainstream societies can come to accept the flamboyant costumes

and make-up as much as they accept other types of mu c” - Interviewee #8

“Y has been trying for years to make Visual Kei a global thing. Gazette is trying.

Hell, even my boys are trying. But honestly? N …It would need to be calmed down to the

point where it becomes just plain rock or metal. Most guys aren't into it, even here in Ja-

pan. That cuts out so much of the ubcultu …u f tu t ly I can't see it getting popular

like pu .” - Interviewee #3

“I think it will keep on being mostly Japan centric, but I also think it has the potential to

attract people to Japan. A lot of the people that I know came here also for the band sce-

…. it's usually people with higher education (which is the kind of immigrant Japan

may w t)” - Interviewee #2

“I think it's going to stay in Japan by and large. If the majority of fans around the world

believe that a real visual kei band can only be Japanese, it would have to take something

particularly huge to win that majority over. It's a tough c w …I also think a lot of the

subculture that goes with it (like the bangya "lifestyle") is something that could probably

only thrive in J p ” - Interviewee #6

Those with more of a business knowledge explicitly mentioned the area of promoting and TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 89 marketing which they felt was seriously lacking, making it difficult to gain a foothold even if visual kei was to gain popularity again.Despite that fairly pessimistic outlook, the majority of interviewees said that they were definitely part of visual kei for the long haul.

“B g a bangya is a lifestyle, so if I stopped, then I would have to totally change my

whole lifestyle, and I don't want to do t t.” - Interviewee #7

“I have made a lot of great friends and have gotten to see the world. I never would have

done half the things I have done in my life if not for visual .” - Interviewee #3

“I use Vk as a balance for my busy daily life….C ’t even think about doing anything

else in my free time lly” - Interviewee #4

More than their favorite bands becoming popular, they valued the intimacy and role that it played in their social lives.

Results

From the interviews, respondents regardless of their age or nationality showed more of a willingness to assimilate into visual kei rather than wanting the subculture to expand outwards to become more accessible to newer fans.

Although it was not explicitly stated, it can be argued that one of the reasons that non-

Japanese fans did not care for the subculture growing anymore was also due in part to the efforts they themselves had to put in to become accepted. All of the interviewees went through the pro- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 90 cess of learning Japanese, learning live house behaviour; and for those who were bangya, they learned how to maneuver the politics of fans and gain respect and trust in their respective circles.

It is understandable then that after working to gain this level of intimacy and community (which for many only exists within Japan), it would be almost unfair to see it become mainstream and potentially lose this aspect. This is also likely since most interviewees didn’t feel that there was much of a rebellious aspect left to visual kei, so it would not be a loss of a particularly strong political or social stance if visual kei became more integrated.

Chapter 5: Conclusion, Discussion and Recommendations

This thesis set out to answer two main research questions as they relate to the concept of transculturation in visual kei subculture:

1. Can visual kei subculture be considered a product of a transculturation process?

2. Can visual kei be considered a transcultural space that allows for an active, non-

hierarchical exchange of cultures?

After analysing the secondary data collected from interviews, the answer to question 1 is a very straightforward “yes”. Visual kei can be viewed as a transcultural product from its early years till now. Visual kei began as a cultural hybrid that resulted from a transculturation of

Western glam rock, punk and other music influences in a Japanese context. Since then, visual kei bands continue to create new hybrids by continually incorporating new elements into the subculture, be it fashion, additional music genres, theatre etc.

For question 2, after distributing surveys and conducting interviews, it was concluded that visual kei does act as a transcultural space for participants. However, contrary to the initial TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 91 assumption, the transculturation takes place on a more personal rather than a public level. Non-

Japanese participants undergo transculturation in order to better integrate themselves into the specific culture of participation that surrounds visual kei in Japan. Furthermore, a hierarchy was identified when aspects such as bangya and livehouse behaviour was taken into account, something that came up often during the interviews. Still, I argue that it is still transculturation and not merely assimilation because the participants have the freedom to choose their level of involvement as well as having a choice in accepting or rejecting the hierarchy. In addition, if we consider those whose participation is centered around the live house they also are able to become bangya and can benefit from the power structure in place.

When looking at the bands and fans together, it was found that transculturation seemed to be going in opposite directions resulting in two separate hybrids.

● For the bands, they were found to be moving towards a predominantly non-Japanese or

global hybrid. Since they are trying to break into foreign markets, from a business stand-

point they have a higher motivation to develop a more culturally flexible and inclusive

nature.

● In contrast, the non-Japanese fans were moving towards a predominantly Japanese hybrid

as they situated themselves within the subculture. This, I found, was due to the addition

of physical spaces (live houses, record stores) that could afford to sustain a specific live

house culture within Japan. The spaces can be considered in the same way as Lull’s “in-

terpretive communities,” since fans of a band do not necessarily have to know each other

but can still share their enjoyment of the same bands. However, unlike Lull’s imagined

equal spaces for interpretive communities, the difference with visual kei in Japan is that

the concrete spaces impose a tangible structure and seniority. The most predominant ex- TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 92

ample of this being the bangya culture. Therefore, it can be said that, while visual kei is

space that can possibly allow for transculturation as a whole, the actual physical spaces

impose a structure that warrants and rewards adopting the dominant culture. In this case,

it would be the non-Japanese fans adopting the mannerisms of Japanese fans in order to

be accepted.

Unexpected Findings

Although I did not set out to find out whether the bands could be considered a transcultural space I found that more than the fans, the business side of visual kei (bands, records labels) were actually a much stronger indicator of being a transcultural space that fosters continuous cultural growth. This is because it is necessary for the sake of survival of the bands themselves.

Since the subculture from a business standpoint does not seem to be growing much in Japan, there is more of a drive to redefine themselves and so the bands are constantly undergoing the process of transculturation.

● In the cases of bands and non-Japanese participants, when the bands go overseas, they are

minorities, making it more desirable for them to move towards becoming a hybrid of the

“majority” culture, whereas in Japan, non-Japanese fans are the minority, making the op-

posite true.

● Although it might be tempting to disregard transculturation and call it “assimilation,” in

both cases there is still an indicator of choice. That is, bands can choose what and to what

extent of the majority culture they can adopt; and for non-Japanese participants, there is

always a choice as to how much one can invest themselves in the subculture. In addition,

as per Ortiz, although there might be a minority/majority element, the aspect of power is TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 93

less obvious, thus making transculturation an appropriate framework.

○ Even with unequal distributions of power, the non-Japanese participants have also

chosen to accept it for what it is.

○ Also, the minorities in both situations provide some sort of benefit to the majority

cultures (entertainment, diversification)

When interviewing non-Japanese participants, another surprising finding was that those who were involved on a business level were not as motivated as previously thought. To clarify, when asked about their reasons for being fans or being bangya, interviewees gave much more passionate responses with regard to their love of the music or a specific band, whereas being involved on a business level was less about the band and more about personal development. They also did not express any desire to stay in visual kei professionally but did state their intentions to remain as fans.

As mentioned earlier, the pattern of transculturation in bands and other participants moved largely in opposite directions: bands towards a global hybrid and non-Japanese participants towards a Japanese hybrid. Only when asked specific questions did their opinions change.

For the bands, when they talked about promotion and touring overseas, it was the only time they explicitly referred to visual kei as “Japanese culture,” whereas the interviewees referred to visual kei as Japanese until they were asked directly if visual kei was purely Japanese and then the majority of them admitted to it being a hybrid of cultures.

This shift in seeing visual kei as Japanese culture when exporting it overseas can explain the determination of overseas fans in particular to view the scene as “purely Japanese” since that is how it was initially presented to them.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 94

Limitations

● Since the online interviews used for the secondary data were acquired from a wide range

of sources, it was impossible to check the validity and accuracy of the information ob-

tained. Furthermore, all of the interviews were translated from Japanese to English which

creates an even higher possibility of mistranslation, miscommunication etc.

● The final data sample size was small and so generalizations regarding the findings can

only be applied tentatively.

● The overall findings were rather superficial but aligned with the purpose of the research

which was merely to identify and highlight rather than explain in depth which would re-

quire much more time.

Open Issues and Future work

This research highlighted the need for an in-depth study of the livehouse space which plays a large part in the level of transculturation of visual kei in Japan. Not only does it alter

Lull’s idea of an open space for exchange, it also brought up questions like the issue of the gender divide in visual kei, as in whether or not the participants are indeed majority female or if it’s a matter of livehouse spaces allowing for a specific gender dynamic. Understanding how and why this developed will also help to provide further insight into the development of visual kei and can open further questions on power dynamic and even public sphere vs private sphere.

Although it was stated at the beginning of the thesis that the business side of visual kei would not be focussed on, it proved to be an important factor in determining the circumstances in which transculturation occurred, especially in regards to the band and how they approach international attention and going overseas. Since the economics did not seem to matter as much to TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 95 fans, it also explains why they are going in opposite directions.

Although the final results of this paper weren’t as clear-cut as initially expected, this paper demonstrates that it is possible to analyse visual kei on its own as a subculture. By attempting to take a more broad-based as opposed to an in-depth look, it has also helped to shed further light on the directions in which the subculture is moving. Hopefully these findings will prove useful for future expansion and research. Additionally, this research further illustrates that, for style- based subcultures, the framework of transculturation can be successfully utilised as a means to develop a deeper understanding of the ways and reasons behind their development.

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE 96

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Appendix A: Quantitative Data Collection - Survey

Survey questions:

1. Research Agreement: This survey and subsequent interview is part of a study about cul-

tural exchange in Japan's visual kei subculture, with a focus on non-Japanese partici-

pants. This study is being conducted by Hayley Bhola from the Graduate School of Inter-

national Culture and Communication at Waseda University as data collection for the pur-

pose of completing a Master's thesis. You were selected as a possible participant in this

study because of your interest and participation in Japan's visual kei scene. If you decide

to participate in this study, any information collected from you will remain anonymous

and will not be used beyond the scope of this study. The survey should take no more than

5 minutes to complete. Agreeing to a further online interview (text only, conducted via

IM), will take no more than 20 - 40 minutes, at a day and time of your convenience. Your

participation in this study is completely voluntary and you are free to skip any question

you do not wish to answer. If you have any questions about the study, please contact me

at [email protected]. Please check the box below to indicate that you have

agreed to the terms and continue to the survey. Thank you for your cooperation.

2. Age:

a. Under 20

b. 21-25

c. 26-30

d. 31-35

e. 36-40

f. 41-45 TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

104

g. Over 45

3. Gender:

a. Female

b. Male

c. Transgender

d. Other

4. Sexuality:

a. Straight

b. Gay

c. Lesbian

d. Bisexual

e. Pansexual

f. Asexual

g. Other (Please specify)

5. Nationality

6. Current Occupation

7. Religious orientation

8. Native Language

9. Do you speak Japanese?

a. Yes.

b. No.

10. If yes, what is your proficiency level?

a. Beginner TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

105

b. Intermediate

c. Advanced

d. Fluent

11. How long have you been interested in visual kei ?

a. Less than a year

b. 1 - 5 years

c. 5 - 10 years

d. Over 10 years

12. Can you list some of your favorite/most listened bands?

13. Did you know about visual kei before coming to Japan?

a. Yes

b. No

14. Did visual kei affect your decision to come to Japan?

a. Yes

b. No

15. How involved are you in the visual kei subculture? (Check all that apply)

a. Casual listener

b. Fan

c. Business-level involvement (press, promotion, event organisation etc.)

d. Creation-level involvement (part of a band, part of production, etc.)

e. Other (Please specify)

16. How often do you go to live shows?

a. Several times a week TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

106

b. Once a week

c. 2-3 times a month

d. Once a month

e. Once every few months

f. I don't go to live shows

17. Do you go to lives alone or with company?

a. Alone

b. With company

c. It depends

18. Do you participate in other aspects of visual kei apart from listening to the music? (For

example dress-style, makeup, cosplay and themed events)

a. Yes

b. No

19. If yes, please indicate what they are (check all that apply)

a. Buying merchandise

b. Fashion

c. Makeup

d. Cosplay

e. Band activity/Performing

f. Themed events

g. Other (Please specify)

20. Do plan to remain part of visual kei indefinitely?

a. Yes TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

107

b. No

c. Maybe

21. The second part of this data collection involves an online interview over an instant mes-

senger platform (text only). Please indicate in the text boxes below a contact email ad-

dress, your preferred messenger software (eg. Skype) and a possible day/time where you

are available to chat. Thank you for your kind cooperation!

a. Email

b. Preferred IM service

c. Preferred day/time for interview

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

108

Appendix B: Qualitative Data Collection - Interview

Interview Questions:

Establishing the p t’ perception of visual kei on a whole:

1. To begin, what first got you interested in visual kei ?

2. How would you describe visual kei in your own words?

a. Many other subcultures like punk are formed out of rebellion. Would you

say the same for visual kei?

3. Is there visual kei in your home country and if so, how does it differ from Japan?

4. Do you think visual kei in Japan incorporates aspects from different cultures or is

it completely Japanese?

5. What do you think about non-Japanese bands in visual kei?

Finding out how the respondent situates themselves within the subculture:

6. You indicated in question #15 of the survey that you are involved in visual kei as

____. Can you talk a bit more about this?

a. (In the case of business-level and creation -level involvement: What moti-

vated you to do this kind of work?

7. Has visual kei helped your Japanese and/or understanding of Japanese culture?

8. Do you think your experience of VK differs in any way from that of a Japanese

person’s?

a. Has your nationality, sexuality, religion or native language affected your

experience in VK (whether positive or negative)?

9. Are concerts more like social events or do you go just for the music? TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

109

Determining the p t’ projection of the potential for growth of the subculture:

10. Do you think visual kei provides a way for people of different cultures to interact

in Japan?

a. If yes, is it easier or more difficult than usual Japanese society?

11. Do you think visual kei has the potential to become a global subculture or will Ja-

pan remain the center of the movement?

12. Finally, you said in question #20 that you might stay in/leave the visual kei sub-

culture. Can you explain your reason for this?

TRANSCULTURAL SPACES IN SUBCULTURE

110

Appendix C: Secondary Data - Interview Coding Template

Codes as taken from Gorden’s Basic Interviewing Skills (1992)

● Interview Transcript I = interviewer question. R= response. Numbers in parentheses are

line numbers.