A Global Palestinian Policy Voice Al-Shabaka in 2017, Looking Ahead to 2018
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U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians
U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs August 12, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS22967 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians Summary Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993 and the establishment of limited Palestinian self- rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1994, the U.S. government has committed over $3.5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians. Since the death of Yasser Arafat in November 2004, U.S. assistance to the Palestinians has been averaging about $400 million a year. During the 1990s, U.S. foreign aid to the Palestinians averaged approximately $75 million per year. Despite more robust levels of assistance this decade, Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Hamas’s heightened role in Palestinian politics have made it more difficult to implement effective and lasting aid projects that serve U.S. interests. U.S. aid to the Palestinians has fluctuated considerably over the past five years, largely due to Hamas’s changing role within the Palestinian Authority (PA). After Hamas led the PA government for over a year, its forcible takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007 led to the creation of a non- Hamas government in the West Bank—resulting in different models of governance for the two Palestinian territories. Since then, the United States has dramatically boosted aid levels to bolster the PA in the West Bank and President Mahmoud Abbas vis-à-vis Hamas. The United States has appropriated or reprogrammed nearly $2 billion since 2007 in support of PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s security, governance, development, and reform programs, including $650 million for direct budgetary assistance to the PA and nearly $400 million (toward training, non-lethal equipment, facilities, strategic planning, and administration) for strengthening and reforming PA security forces and criminal justice systems in the West Bank. -
Generalization of Suppression in Norma Khouri's "Forbidden Love"
Advances in Language and Literary Studies ISSN: 2203-4714 Vol. 5 No. 6; December 2014 Copyright © Australian International Academic Centre, Australia Generalization of Suppression in Norma Khouri’s Forbidden Love Olya Mariam (corresponding author) Department of English Language and Literature, Punjab University, Pakistan 6B/I Education Town, Wahdat Road, Lahore, Pakistan E-mail: [email protected] Sidra Rana Department of English Literature, Kinnaird University Model Town, Lahore, Pakistan E-mail: [email protected] Doi:10.7575/aiac.alls.v.5n.6p.75 Received: 15/08/2014 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.5n.6p.75 Accepted: 02/10/2014 Abstract The aim of this research is to critique the repercussions of over-generalization of a social issue as depicted in Norma Khouri’s Forbidden Love. The novel/memoir has been written against the 9/11 backdrop and as such serves as means of sensationalizing and exploiting a cultural event which unfortunately echoes in the East. The objective of this research is to highlight the responsibility of the writer in raising or negating awareness. Investigative journalism such as Anna Broinowski and Malcolm Knox’s helps to highlight the repercussions of such canonship. Michel Foucault’s theory of Discourse Analysis and E Ann Kaplan’s Imperial Gaze have been employed to exploit the core text. The research proves that writers can fictionalize and fabricate events to sensationalize a social practice/ cultural dimension to over generalize and market a given perception. Thereby, helping to develop a condescending attitude amongst (Western) audience and reader. Keywords: sensationalism, post 9/11 Arab world, honor killing, memoir, imperial gaze This paper will focus on the way that culture, especially Eastern culture is being depicted by some diasporic Western writers such as Norma Khouri. -
Covering the Christians of the Holy Land Amahl Bishara
A weekly mass is conducted in Beit Jala to protest the wall that will destroy Palestinian olive groves. LINDA DORIGO Covering the Christians of the Holy Land Amahl Bishara very year around Christmas and Easter, a kind of meta- Yasser Arafat was in attendance at the Christmas Eve mass to ritual takes place in which American journalists describe make a statement that pointed to Christianity’s importance in Ehow these holidays are celebrated in the “Holy Land.” It Palestinian culture. “We pray together and we work together for is a long-running story, never stripped of politics. In , for peace, which our prophet Jesus Christ worked and struggled example, the New York Times published a classically Orientalist for…. Tonight, Muslims, Christians and Jews will celebrate in opposition of here and there, us and them. Easter in Jerusalem the land of peace.”2 A few years later, the story was that Arafat’s was a “frenzy of devotion,” “an annual release of the entire by then annual pilgrimage had been curtailed. Perhaps fore- community, such as you and I in New York know nothing of. shadowing the connement in which the PA president would Somewhere in the centuries during which our ancestors were spend his last years, in Israeli authorities forbade Arafat moving westward from the Middle East we have lost the gift from traveling from Ramallah to Bethlehem. ey reportedly of it and we have never recaptured it.”1 checked for his presence in both a bus full of Franciscan friars In recent decades, the story has hewn closer to the workaday and the trunk of the car bearing Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem politics of the Israeli-Palestinian conict. -
Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine
Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine Al-Shabaka in 2016 and into 2017 Al-Shabaka, The Palestinian Policy Network, is an independent, non- partisan, and non-profit organization whose mission is to educate and foster public debate on Palestinian human rights and self- determination within the framework of international law. Contents Letter from the Executive Director 1 1. Policy Insights and Options 2 2. Fielding the Policy Team in Strategic Locations 5 3. Expanding the Global Palestinian Think Tank 9 4. Outreach & Engagement 11 5. Financial Report and List of Donors 13 6. List of Publications 2010 - 2016 15 7. List of Al-Shabaka Analysts 22 Letter from the Executive Director With key anniversaries for Palestine and The network has grown by 30% since the Palestinians on the calendar in 2017 2015, with new policy members reinforcing and 2018, Israel’s aim to consolidate its existing areas of expertise as well as occupation went into overdrive. Over the providing coverage in additional geographic past year this has included a ramped- areas (see Section 3). Al-Shabaka’s reach up effort to erase the use of the term has also expanded through well-placed op- “occupation” from the public discourse eds in both the Arabic and English media, while multiplying settlement activity; the increased use of English and Arabic social drive to occupy key positions on United media, speaking engagements in many Nations committees while violating different locales, and translation of policy international law; and cracking down on free content into French and Italian, among speech and non-violent activism. -
Democracy Promotion in Palestine: Aid and the “De- Democratization” of the West Bank and Gaza
Democracy Promotion in Palestine: Aid and the “De- Democratization” of the West Bank and Gaza Leila Farsakh Introduction Since the initiation of the Oslo Peace process in 1993, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is estimated to have received over $15billion in aid, two times the size of its GDP. While aid to conflict areas and peace transitioning societies is not unusual, the amount of aid that the Palestinians in the Israeli occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza have received over the past 18 years has been unprecedented, both in historical terms and in comparison to other developing countries. On average $258 were disbursed in aid per Palestinian in 2004 compared $215 in Bosnia in the 1990s or $235 in East Timor.1 The donor community, as much as the Palestinian leadership, deemed this aid necessary for the success of the peace process. A philanthropy of UN bodies, international organizations- most notably the World Bank and the IMF-, EU members donor’s aid agencies, and local NGOs have been heavily involved in trying to build the foundations of a sound Palestinian economy and to lay the basis for the creation of a viable Palestinian state. Humanitarian aid has also become important as Palestinian per capita income fell after 1996 and again after 2000. The donor community has also given particular attention to projects geared towards promoting democracy and good governance, considered central to any successful Palestinian polity. However, the ability of aid to deliver on its three main promises of developing the economy, building the foundation of the Palestinian state and promoting democracy, proved limited and contentious.2 After more than 18 years of Oslo peace process and huge amount of aid, the Palestinian economy is fragmented, dependent on Israel and 1 Le More, International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo, London: Routledge, 2008: 179. -
Diyar Board of Directors
DiyarConsortium DiyarConsortium DiyarProductions Content Diyar Board of Directors Foreword 2 Bishop Dr. Munib Younan (Chair) Dar al-Kalima University College of Arts and Culture 6 Dr. Ghada Asfour-Najjar (Vice Chair) International Conferences 16 Mr. Jalal Odeh (Treasurer) The Model Adult Education Center 20 Dr. Versen Aghabekian (Secretary) Religion & State III 22 Mr. Albert Aghazarian The Civic Engagement Program 26 Mr. Ghassan Kasabreh Ajyal Elderly Care Program 30 Azwaj Program 32 Mr. Zahi Khouri Celebrate Recovery Project 34 Mr. Issa Kassis Diyar Academy for Children and Youth 35 Dr. Bernard Sabella Culture Program 41 Rev. Dr. Mitri Raheb (Founder & Authentic Tourism Program 44 President, ex officio) Gift Shop Sales for 2015 46 Diyar Publisher 48 Media Coverage 50 Construction Projects 53 1 In all of the construction projects, Diyar emphasized alternative itineraries into their schedules. When we aesthetics, cultural heritage, and green buildings. started in 1995, there were only 60 Palestinian tour FOREWORD Thanks to utilizing solar energy, Diyar was able in 2015 guides (out of a total of 4000 guides); all of them were to generate 40% of its energy consumption through over 60 years old and had received their license from solar. By 2020, we hope to reach zero-energy goal. the Jordanian government prior to 1967. Thanks to Dar Dear Friends, al-Kalima University College of Arts and Culture, today In all these years Diyar programs were highlighted in there are over 500 trained and accredited Palestinian ANNUAL REPORT 2015 ANNUALREPORT Salaam from Bethlehem. The year 2015 marked Diyar’s 20th anniversary. It was on many media outlets including the BBC, CNN, ABC, tour guides, who became Palestine’s ambassadors, September 28, 1995 that we inaugurated Dar Annadwa in the newly renovated CBS, HBO, ARD, ZDF, ORF, BR, al-Jazeera, Ma’an News sharing the Palestinian narrative with international crypt of Christmas Lutheran Church, as a place for worldwide encounter. -
Weekend Notes Review.Pdf
Tales of a City by the Sea – Weekend notes review by Julia Wakefield. Following its sold out premiere Melbourne season in 2014, Tales of a City by the Sea opened at The Bakehouse Theatre this week. Jomana and Rami, played by Osamah Sami The author is Palestinian/Australian/Canadian writer Samah Sabawi. She describes her work as 'a poetic journey into the ordinary lives of people living in abnormal circumstances and their struggle to survive'. The play grew out of a collection of poetry that Sabawi wrote while she was in Gaza during the three week bombardment of 2008/2009, prompted by her own experiences and those of her friends and family. She says she is not trying to put across a political message. Although this is a story based on real life events that took place during Israel's assault on Gaza in 2008, its main purpose is to highlight the resilience and compassion that people display in such dire circumstances. In this current era of global conflict and confusion, there are many places featured in news bulletins that are enduring similar situations. Sabawi wants us to see 'the detail of daily lives of people they see for brief seconds on the news'. The play was originally directed by Lech Mackiewicz, and the current director is Wahibe Moussa. When it opened in Melbourne the plan was to have two simultaneous performances on the West Bank and in Gaza. The play was performed on the West Bank a week later; the script has been read in Gaza but as yet there has been no opportunity to perform the play there. -
There Is No “Status Quo” Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
THERE IS NO “STATUS QUO” DRIVERS OF VIOLENCE IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT NATHAN STOCK AUGUST 2019 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, write to the publisher. Copyright © 2019 The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1763 N Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 Follow MEI: @MiddleEastInst /MiddleEastInstitute There is No “Status Quo” Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Nathan Stock iv | About the author nathan stock Nathan Stock is a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute. Prior to joining MEI he spent nine years working for former President Carter’s organization, The Carter Center. He served in the Center’s Conflict Resolution Program, out of Atlanta, GA, before moving to Jerusalem to run the Center’s Israel-Palestine Field Office. Stock led Carter Center efforts to facilitate the reunification of the Palestinian political system and to assert Palestinian sovereignty via international fora. He designed and managed projects targeting the Fatah-Hamas conflict, and implemented programming to monitor and advance political solutions to the Syrian civil war. Prior to joining the Center, Stock worked in Afghanistan on a USAID-funded grant to strengthen local civil society organizations. During the Al-Aqsa Intifada, he lived in the Gaza Strip, working with a Palestinian NGO to design and fundraise for conflict resolution programs targeting the Palestinian community. -
By: Jade Musa
Dependency or Domination: An application of state theories to Palestine and Israel. Undergraduate Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in Political science in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University By: Jade Musa The Ohio State University April 2021 Project Advisors: Professor Ines Vald푒́z, Department of Political Science Professor Alexander Thompson, Department of Political Science Professor Maurice Stevens, Department of Comparative Studies 1 Introduction: The “two state solution”, a plan for a “Jewish State” and “Arab State” in the United Nations General Assembly recommendation 181 (1948), has failed egregiously since its inception. For a conflict that has numerous times been described as intractable, it is a wonder why the international community and the parties to the conflict themselves would continue to advocate for a plan that has never worked to accomplish its raison d’etre. The Trump Administration took it’s shot at the “intractable” conflict of the century, a sword in the stone for contemporary United States Presidents, for he who solves “peace in the Middle East '' will clearly be the worthiest of them all. The Trump Administration is in fact the first Presidential Administration in the U.S., to endorse a non-two state solution, “discarding” the state aspirations of the Palestinian people and going so far as to recognize Israeli settlements that have long been considered illegal under international law (Crowley and Halbfinger 2020, Beaumont 2020). Although there was international condemnation for the Trump Administration’s Peace Plan, especially considering the controversial U.S. embassy move from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem as well as Netanyahu’s announcement for Annexation, for the most part the Trump administration recognized the “facts on the ground” that previous administrations had allowed to happen under the auspices of a “two state” paradigm. -
Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government. -
Key Officers List (UNCLASSIFIED)
United States Department of State Telephone Directory This customized report includes the following section(s): Key Officers List (UNCLASSIFIED) 9/13/2021 Provided by Global Information Services, A/GIS Cover UNCLASSIFIED Key Officers of Foreign Service Posts Afghanistan FMO Inna Rotenberg ICASS Chair CDR David Millner IMO Cem Asci KABUL (E) Great Massoud Road, (VoIP, US-based) 301-490-1042, Fax No working Fax, INMARSAT Tel 011-873-761-837-725, ISO Aaron Smith Workweek: Saturday - Thursday 0800-1630, Website: https://af.usembassy.gov/ Algeria Officer Name DCM OMS Melisa Woolfolk ALGIERS (E) 5, Chemin Cheikh Bachir Ibrahimi, +213 (770) 08- ALT DIR Tina Dooley-Jones 2000, Fax +213 (23) 47-1781, Workweek: Sun - Thurs 08:00-17:00, CM OMS Bonnie Anglov Website: https://dz.usembassy.gov/ Co-CLO Lilliana Gonzalez Officer Name FM Michael Itinger DCM OMS Allie Hutton HRO Geoff Nyhart FCS Michele Smith INL Patrick Tanimura FM David Treleaven LEGAT James Bolden HRO TDY Ellen Langston MGT Ben Dille MGT Kristin Rockwood POL/ECON Richard Reiter MLO/ODC Andrew Bergman SDO/DATT COL Erik Bauer POL/ECON Roselyn Ramos TREAS Julie Malec SDO/DATT Christopher D'Amico AMB Chargé Ross L Wilson AMB Chargé Gautam Rana CG Ben Ousley Naseman CON Jeffrey Gringer DCM Ian McCary DCM Acting DCM Eric Barbee PAO Daniel Mattern PAO Eric Barbee GSO GSO William Hunt GSO TDY Neil Richter RSO Fernando Matus RSO Gregg Geerdes CLO Christine Peterson AGR Justina Torry DEA Edward (Joe) Kipp CLO Ikram McRiffey FMO Maureen Danzot FMO Aamer Khan IMO Jaime Scarpatti ICASS Chair Jeffrey Gringer IMO Daniel Sweet Albania Angola TIRANA (E) Rruga Stavro Vinjau 14, +355-4-224-7285, Fax +355-4- 223-2222, Workweek: Monday-Friday, 8:00am-4:30 pm. -
THE FUTURE of DEMOCRACY in LEBANON Riad Al-Khouri1
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 12 (Octubre / October 2006) ISSN 1696-2206 THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN LEBANON Riad al-Khouri 1 Abstract: Along with other developing states, various Arab countries are democratizing as they integrate into the global economy. However, the more liberal Lebanese system has paradoxically failed to keep pace. After the killing of former Prime Minister Hariri in 2005, and the 2006 Hezbollah-Israel war, sectarian tension again threatens stability and democracy in the country. With Lebanon’s Shiite plurality stronger, a new formula for the country’s democracy is needed. As a stopgap, confessional remedies could be taken to buttress democratization. In the longer term, however, other solutions are required, including municipal political development, which may help grass roots democracy to flourish. Keywords: Lebanon, decentralization, democratization, globalization, governance, municipal development. Resumen: Junto con otros países en desarrollo, varios países árabes se están democratizando al tiempo que se integran en la economía global. Sin embargo, el sistema libanés, más liberal, no ha conseguido paradójicamente continuar avanzando en esta dirección. Tras el asesinato del ex primer ministro Hariri en 2005, y la guerra de 2006 entre Hezbolá e Israel, la tensión interreligiosa amenaza una vez más la estabilidad y la democracia en este país. Con el reforzamiento de la pluralidad de los chiíes libaneses, se necesita una nueva formula para la democracia en el país. Como medida de emergencia, se pueden adoptar soluciones confesionales para fomentar la democratización. Sin embargo, a largo plazo serán necesarias otras soluciones, incluyendo el desarrollo político municipal, que puede ayudar a surgir la democracia desde la base.