Norse Greenland Dietary Economy Ca

2012 J. Arneborg,Greenland N. Lynnerup, Isotope Project: J. Heinemeier, Diet in NorseJ. Møhl, Greenland N. Rud, AD and 1000–AD Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 1450 1 2012 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3:1–39

Norse Greenland Dietary Economy ca. AD 980–ca. AD 1450: Introduction

Jette Arneborg1,2,*, Niels Lynnerup3, Jan Heinemeier4, Jeppe Møhl5, Niels Rud4, and Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir6

Abstract - An initial study of the 13 C values for human bone collagen of 27 Norse Greenlanders in the late 1990s suggested a change in the Norse diet from predominantly terrestrial to predominantly marine food. This shift may well indicate a change in diet; the question left open by the limited initial isotope study was, however, whether the change in diet was a reÀ ection of altered subsistence strategies or altered farming practices. Furthermore, the ¿ rst study did not convincingly answer the question of whether the dietary change occurred gradually over time or within the space of a few years—and, if the latter case, when? Neither did it answer questions concerning dietary differences between the two Norse settlements, between individual farms and between the sexes, or the nature of the marine food that was consumed. Distinguishing locally born people from foreigners is yet another matter for investigation in order to leave out of account persons that grew up outside of Greenland. This new study includes 437 samples: 183 from humans—118 Norse and 65 Inuit—and 254 from animals. The samples are from 19 Norse sites (farms): 13 from the Eastern Settlement and 6 are from the Western Settlement. For comparison, we have also included samples from both humans and animals from 22 Inuit sites. This paper sets the scene for the new study and the following papers in this Special Volume. Former studies in Norse diet and Norse resource utilization are recapitulated, and all the Norse sites represented in the study are presented, as are all the samples included in the study. Chronology is a recurrent problem in Norse archaeology, and our focus, in particular, is on the attempt to date the samples included in the study that have not been radiocarbon dated. Introduction ticularly suited to isotopic diet studies. An initial You are what you eat—this saying covers mankind’s study of the į13 C values for human bone collagen of relationship with daily food in more ways than one. 27 individuals in the late 1990s suggested a change Diet and food systems reÀ ect human exploitation of, in the Norse diet from predominantly terrestrial to and attitude towards, the surrounding environment predominantly marine food. Between 20 and 30% of and are bound up with resource utilization and the the diet of the early 11th century settlers was marine subsistence economy. The subject involves factors in origin, which corresponds more or less to what such as production, farming and hunting practices, was found in contemporary Scandinavian settlers distribution, and consumption and it reÀ ects social in the Scottish Isles (Barrett et al. 2000, 2001). In relations linking humans together. Human food— the late settlement period in the ¿ rst half of the 15th individual meals and food consumption over longer century AD, however, up to about 80% of the food of periods—can, to a certain extent, be reconstructed on some Norse Greenlanders was of marine origin (Fig. the basis of archaeological evidence such as kitchen 1; Arneborg et al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998). lay-out, kitchen equipment and tableware, agricul- This shift may indicate a change in diet, which is tural and hunting equipment, animal bones depos- in accordance with theories on the Norse subsistence ited on house À oors, and refuse deposits outside. economy arrived at on the basis of the animal bone Evidence from studies of pollen and macro-remains record (McGovern 1985). The question left open of plants that have contributed to the diet provides by the limited initial isotope study was, however, further information. The most direct evidence for the whether the change in diet was a reÀ ection of altered reconstruction of past diets is, however, provided subsistence strategies or altered farming practices by humans themselves. Through isotope analysis of (e.g., related to famine and the need to supplement bone collagen, it is possible to gain an insight into husbandry with seaweed and ¿ sh refuse). Further- the food consumption of individual populations over more, neither the zooarchaeological evidence nor long periods of time. the data from the ¿ rst isotope studies answer con- Owing to the ethnic and cultural homogeneous vincingly the question of whether the dietary shift population and the relatively well-preserved bones occurred gradually over time or within the space of both humans and animals, wild and domesticated, of a few years—and if the latter case, then when? the Norse settlements in South Greenland are par- Furthermore, the initial limited study did not answer

1Danish Middle Ages and Renaissance, Research and Exhibitions, The National Museum of Denmark Frederiksholms Kanal 12, DK-1220 Copenhagen. DK 2Institute of Geography, School of GeoSciences, University of Edinburgh, Scotland, UK. 3Laboratory of Biological Anthropology, Section of Forensic Pathology, University of Copenhagen, Denmark. 4AMS 14C Dating Centre, Department of Physics and Astronomy, Aarhus University, Ny Munkegade 120, DK-8000 Aarhus C, Den- mark. 5Zoological Museum, Natural History Museums of Denmark, University of Copenhagen, Denmark. 6Institute of Earth Science, University of Iceland, Sturlugate 7, S-101 Reykjavík, Iceland. *Corresponding author - [email protected]. 2 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 questions concerning dietary differences between smaller and more northerly Western Settlement was the two settlements, between individual farms, and situated in the Nuuk hinterland around the Nuuk and between the sexes, or the nature of the marine food the Ameralik-Ameralla fjords. consumed. Distinguishing locally born people from To date, about 560 Norse sites have been re- foreigners (immigrants?) is yet another matter for corded in the Eastern Settlement and around 75 in study in order to leave out of account persons that the Western Settlement (Fig. 3; National Museum grew up outside of Greenland. of Greenland, Ancient Monuments Register). Even To a certain degree, the past diet (i.e., con- though is it evident that not all the sites were inde- sumption in a long-term perspective) of the Norse pendent economic units (see for instance Albrethsen Greenland settlers has been discussed for years on and Arneborg 2004), not all the farms could have the basis of the zooarchaeological record (McGov- been occupied at the same time, given the assumed ern 1985). Through stable isotope analysis (į13 C size of the population. Lynnerup (1998:100ff.) has and į15 N) of all the suitable Norse human remains estimated the total number of inhabitants over time in the collections of the Anthropological Labora- in the two Norse settlements as about 26,000, and tory at the Panum Institute in Copenhagen1, and with about 2000 at the peak of settlement around selected bone samples from all the animals repre- 1250. With an average of about 10 individuals per sented at Norse farms2, we aim to obtain an even farm during the peak period, a total of about 200 closer picture of the dietary economy of the Norse farms must have been occupied. Greenlanders to study the living conditions of the The last written evidence from the Eastern Norse settlers in a long time perspective. Settlement is the account of a wedding that took At the individual level, we want to explore what kind of food was consumed and whether the long- term dietary economy patterns contribute to the discussion of the depopulation of the Norse Green- land settlement in the second half of the 15th century.

The Norse Settlements of Southern Greenland The Norse colonists arrived in Southwest Green- land at the end of the 10th century. The settlement consisted of individual farms concentrated in two main areas (Fig. 2). The Eastern Settlement—including the so-called Middle Settlement—extended from the Cape Farewell region in the south to Tissa- luup Ilua in Sermesoq municipality in the north. The

Figure 2. The Norse settlements in Greenland were concen- Figure 1. The results of the ¿ rst isotope study on Norse trated in two main areas. The Eastern settlement between Greenland human remains. 60° and 61°N, and the Western Settlement around 64°N. 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 3

Figure 3. The Norse settlement. Each marking represents a Norse site. Each site holds between one and 60 individual ruins. Østerbygden = the Eastern Settlement. Mellembygden is a modern name for the concentration of ruins south of Tissallup Ilua and is regarded part of the medieval Eastern Settlement. Vesterbygden = the Western Settlement. Map after Arneborg (2004). 4 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 place in Hvalsey fjord church in 1408, and AMS- Settlement. The difference between these two inland dates for garments found in graves at the Herjolfsnes areas is particularly striking in the winter, when it (Ikigaat) churchyard indicate that life in the Eastern is considerably colder in the Western Settlement. Settlement continued at least until the middle of the Similarly, the growing season there is much shorter 15th century (Arneborg 1996). and with less precipitation (Krogh 1982:168–169). Radiocarbon dates indicate that the Western Analyses of ice cores from the Greenland ice cap Settlement was settled a little later than the Eastern show that the Northern Hemisphere has experienced Settlement and, on the basis of Ívar Bárðarson´s several temperature changes through time (Dahl- description of Greenland, the abandonment of the Jensen et al. 1998). The time of the Norse settlement Western Settlement has traditionally been dated to in Greenland was a period of relative warmth, which the middle of the 14th century. However, by 1982, was gradually succeeded by a colder regime. The the conventional radiocarbon dating of human re- middle of the 14th century is reported as being the mains from the high-status farm Anavik challenged coldest period in Greenland during the last thousand the traditional dates. These ¿ ndings indicated that years (Barlow 2001:101). į18 O isotopic climate life in the Western Settlement continued until about signals in the ice cores also indicate variations in 1400 (Table 15), and one3 AMS-date (AAR-1144; precipitation, with changes from a generally humid Project ID 002 from Sandnes, see Table 12), included regime during the landnam period (ca. 1004–1075) in this study, and dates (see Table 14) from the Farm to dry and very dry periods in the following centu- Beneath the Sand (referred to from now on as GUS) ries. The 14th century was dry and cold (Andersen et support a later date—around 1400—for the depopu- al. 2006). lation of the Western Settlement than was previously Biostratigraphic diatom, foraminifera, and di- believed. noÀ agellate cyst analyses of two sediment cores The reasons for the depopulation of the Norse from Igaliku fjord in the center of the Norse Eastern settlements in Greenland are not yet fully under- Settlement provide palaeoenvironmental evidence stood, and many theories concerning the fate of the revealing the nature of the climate at the time of Norse have been put forward over the years. Recent settlement. It was relatively mild and moist, which research has concentrated, in particular, on the is in agreement with the climate signals in the ice interaction between humans and the environment, cores mentioned above, and with little sea ice. Dur- exploitation of resources and economic strategies ing the 11th century, cooling events occurred and and, specifically, the consequences of the climatic sea ice increased during cold seasons. From the 13th changes that occurred during the Late Middle Ages, century onwards, the colder climate persisted, sum- and theories about maladaptation, overuse of the mer temperatures fell, and the sea ice in the fjords natural resources, and, lately, the lack of resilience increased. Simultaneously, wind activity increased, have been put forward (Diamond 2005, Keller et al culminating in the mid-14th century (Jensen et al. 2009, McGovern 2000). Also theories about failing 2004, Kuijpers et al 1999, Lassen et al. 2004, Ron- contacts with Northern Europe and a subsequent caglia and Kuijper 2004). shortage of vital imports have been suggested as part of an explanation (e.g., Arneborg 2003, The Economic Landscape 2004:275ff.) The individual Norse sites were scattered along the fjords, along rivers, and by lakes where the sur- The Natural Setting roundings were suitable for pastures and hay¿ elds. Greenland has an Arctic climate in that the aver- The settlement pattern and the layout of the farm age temperature for the warmest month is less than buildings both show the importance placed on animal +10 ºC. In a few places in southwestern Greenland, husbandry. In Norse times, these sites all had names the average temperature can exceed +10 ºC, which which are now forgotten. A few Norse place names marks the boundary for the northern temperate (bo- have survived in the written sources, and many at- real) region (Bay 2000:40). The climate along the tempts have been made to identify these sites (Jóns- outer coast is markedly oceanic, but as one moves son 1930). In this publication, Norse place names inland from the coast towards the ice cap, the climate such as Brattahlid, Gardar, and Herjolfsnes, which becomes more continental with greater extremes of have become more or less conventions, will be used temperature and lower precipitation. Temperatures on equal terms with the modern Greenlandic names. recorded in Igaliku, in the central Norse Eastern Of the ca. 560 recorded sites/ruin groups, data Settlement, and in Kapisillit, situated centrally in the of mixed quality are available on ca. 488. About Norse Western Settlement, reveal that the climate in 20% of the recorded ruin groups consist of a single the former Western Settlement today is more conti- structure and, of these, more than 50% lack dwell- nental than in the central parts of the former Eastern ing houses. In general, single-ruin sites consist of 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 5 various kinds of enclosures, pens, shelters for the tun and the bær belonged to the in¿ eld, innan garðr, free-range livestock, and storehouses belonging to which in some cases was surrounded by a fence, nearby farms. A few, especially in the Western Set- garðr. In Iceland the tun is identical with the home tlement, are centralized farms with living quarters ¿ eld, innan garðr (Øye 2005a:369, note 5). The and economic functions, built close together in one area outside the garðr was the out¿ eld, utan garðr. large block (Roussell 1941:159ff.). The in¿ eld-out¿ eld system originated from a mixed A large number of sites (n = 169) consist of farming tradition that included both agriculture and between two and ¿ ve ruins and, of these, 21% are animal husbandry (Øye 2001:402). In the following, enclosures, animal shelters, and storehouses. the terms in¿ eld/home ¿ eld and out¿ eld will be used The majority of the Norse sites comprise between in full knowledge of the fact that the borders between six and 15 individual ruins, whereas a few farms in the two often are dif¿ cult to establish since most the Eastern Settlement comprise between 16 and 45 farms in Greenland lack fences around the home ¿ eld. ruins. These ruins are of dwelling houses, stables, The system of utilizing the resources of moun- byres, barns, and various kinds of workshops. Turf- tainous and/or remote areas—the out¿ eld or utan and stone-built walls surrounded a few sites, and an garðr—was an integrated part of the Norse eco- even smaller number also had arti¿ cial irrigation nomic strategies known in Western Norway from systems (Arneborg 2005). These ¿ ndings all indicate the 2nd century onwards (Arge 2005; Benediktsson that animal husbandry was based on a combination 1982; Mahler 1991, 2007; Øye 2005a:402ff.; Skrede of “rough grazing” and more intensive management 2005). The vegetation of the shieling sites was of with cultivation and storage of fodder and housing crucial importance. People set out for the shieling ei- of livestock during the winter. Whether the different ther to cut grass and bring it back as hay to the barns practices are based on chronology is unknown. of the main farm/holding, or to take their livestock The terminology applied to farm structures in to the shieling in early summer and stay there as a Norse Greenland is a little muddled. This lack of long as the grazing was good (e.g., Øye 2005b:12). clarity is partly due to the fact that, in the litera- In the ¿ rst case, the shieling site only required a few ture, Danish researchers mostly use the term farm dwelling houses, and in the latter, enclosures and to refer to the farm buildings and yard linked with buildings for dairy production were also necessary. the buildings, whereas, according to Ingvild Øye In Greenland, besides the mountain farm above the (2005a:360f.), the Norwegian and North Atlantic Brattahlid farm in Qassiarsuk, a number of small concept of a farm refers to an entire resource terri- sites in the mountains of the Qorlortoq valley, just tory, buildings included. In this respect, a farm could north of Qassiarsuk, have been identi¿ ed as shiel- be divided into several holdings or households with ings belonging to the farms/holdings in the lowlands temporary farms/shielings or annex farms (extended of the same valley, and both types of shieling activi- households) close to speci¿ c resources such as pas- ties have been proposed (Albrethsen 1991, Albreth- tures and ¿ shing waters, or they could contain tenant sen and Keller 1986). farms with separate households. Enclosures in the out¿ eld had several functions In Greenland, the Brattahlid plain may be an ex- (Madsen 2007). For instance, the livestock could ample of a farm with more than one household, hav- be collected here every night for milking, or sheep ing had at least two dwelling houses, one at the North could be gathered once a year for shearing. In mod- Farm (Ø29a) and another at the River Farm (Ø29) ern times, Icelandic shepherds rounded up the sheep (Arneborg 2006:14ff.). In the mountains just above in the evening. The animals then spent the night in the Brattahlid plain is yet another group of build- the enclosures, before being milked the following ings (site Ø29b), which most probably represents a morning and then driven back to the pastures (Bruun shieling site (Arneborg 2006:41f.). Without written 1928:262). evidence, one can, however, only suggest boundaries The interior close to the ice is reindeer (Rangi- and probable relationships between sites. In the fol- fer tarandus) land, and hunting drives recorded in lowing, the term farm will be used to refer to groups the Western Settlement upland may reÀ ect Norse of ruins (ruin sites) containing one or more buildings reindeer hunting (Christensen 1989:20ff.). Today, regarded as living quarters (i.e., buildings of stone reindeer are only present in the Norse Western and turf and with a midden in front)—though we are Settlement; they became extinct in the former Norse well aware that the number of farms (economically Eastern Settlement during the 19th century (Meld- interrelated units) may become far too high, because gaard 1986:10–11). a farm in the North Atlantic sense may include several A few solitary stone houses recorded on the outer households with several living quarters. coast reÀ ect Norse sea hunting (Berglund 1973). According to Norse concepts, the inhabited Most probably they were used for storage of both the and cultivated area of the farm was the bær, and the catch and the hunting equipment. nucleus of that area (the farmyard) was the tun. The 6 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 The Social Landscape (The King’s Mirror) (KS 1926), from the middle of the 13th century, records that the Greenlanders had The Norse societies were traditionally strati¿ ed, large farms with good pastures and plenty of cattle with the ownership of land as the key issue (Hastrup and sheep. A few rich farmers even experimented 1985:107ff., Øye 2005a:365). The landowners may with growing grain, but most people did not know have exploited the land themselves or they may have of bread. Instead, they subsisted on butter, cheese, rented out larger or smaller plots of lands to tenants and meat from their animal husbandry, and they also for speci¿ c periods. In his Greenland description, ate all kinds of wild animals such as reindeer, whale, the Norwegian priest Ívar Bárðarson (Halldórsson seal, and bear. 1978:133ff., Jónsson 1930) mentions that some In 1276, in a letter from Pope Johannes XXI to landowners held many farms, and tenants may have the Archbishop of Nidaros, it is said that the Green- run these. landers subsisted on dairy produce and ¿ sh (Reg. Archaeologically, sites with churches and, in Norv II:158), and Pope Alexander VI states in a some cases, also banqueting halls (cf. Berglund letter from 1492 that in Greenland, “… people live 1982) and warehouses (cf. Arneborg 2006) have on dried ¿ sh and milk because of the lack of bread, been identi¿ ed as high-status farms. According to wine, and oil.” the archaeological record, 16 Eastern Settlement According to the animal bone record (Bruun farms have associated churches. In the Western Set- 1896:434–437; Degerbøl 1930, 1936, 1941; Eng- tlement, two farms have been recorded as having hoff 2003; McGovern 1985, 1992; McGovern et 4 an associated church . Five of the 16 Eastern Set- al.1993, 1996; Møhl 1982), cattle, sheep, and goats tlement farms seem only to have had their churches were the most important domesticates on the Norse during the ¿ rst period of settlement, indicating a farms, and pigs were also present in small numbers progressive centralization of power in the society. in the early period. Horse bones are also present Simultaneously, the churches changed status from in the assemblages, though generally in very small having served family groups and their servants to numbers. At GUS, the number of horse bones is serving larger congregations. relatively large, and these represent entire skeletons. In the middle of the 14th century, Ívar Bárðarson Cut marks on some of the bones indicate that horses mentions ten large landowners (all having farms were skinned (Enghoff 2003:75). As a food source, with churches) in the Eastern Settlement, with the horses were probably of negligible importance since episcopal residence Gardar as the absolutely largest. there were, in the Middle Ages, strong taboos and Two of the farms belonged—according to Ívar—to even legislation against the consumption of horse the Norwegian king. À esh (Egardt 1981). With their large churches, banqueting halls, and Cattle were kept on all the farms regardless of warehouses, Gardar (Ø47, Igaliku), Hvalsey fjord size. Even the farmer at the small Western Settle- church (Ø83, Qaqortukulooq; not included in this ment farm Niaquusat had a cow or two in his byre, study), and Herjolfsnes (Ø111, Ikigaat) may have despite the site not being an obvious place for cattle comprised the social and economic centers of the raising. At the medium-sized, late-phase GUS farm, late settlement period, while Gardar (Ø47), with its the byre had one or two stalls for cattle. 52 recorded structures, appears as the most outstand- Cattle were most frequent in the Eastern Set- ing of all the farms in Norse Greenland. tlement, whereas sheep and goats dominated in the Western Settlement. (McGovern 1985:85). At both settlements, cattle were kept for dairy production Resource Utilization and Economy: Written (Enghoff 2003:87; McGovern 1985:103; McGovern Accounts, the Animal Bone Record, Pollen, and et al. 1993:63, 1996:110), whereas sheep and goats Plant Macro-remains seem to have been used for milk, meat, and wool In the few available written accounts, the sub- (Enghoff 2003:87, McGovern 1985:103). sistence economy of the Norse Greenlanders is Sea hunting formed an important part of the Norse described as mixed, with animal husbandry and Greenlander’s economy, and the coastal archipelago pastoralism on the one hand and hunting and ¿ sh- was rich in various kinds of birds (including guil- ing on the other. When the German monk Adam of lemot, auk, eider, and gulls), seals, and whales (Muus Bremen described the islands of the north in about et al. 1981). Non-migratory seals such as harbor seal A.D. 1070, he knew very little of Greenland. Adam (Phoca vitulina), ringed seal (Phoca hispida), and states that the Greenlanders were Christians and that bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus) occur in the area. their living conditions were like those of the Iceland- The latter is, however, more frequent in the Western ers. According to Adam, the Icelanders, and conse- Settlement area than in the Eastern Settlement area quently the Greenlanders, had no cereals and lived (Muus et al. 1981). In spring and early summer, and solely by raising cattle (Adam of Bremen 1978). A again in the autumn, migrating harp seals (Phoca little less than 200 years later, the Konungs skuggsiá groenlandica) pass along the coast of Southwest 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 7 Greenland (Muus et al. 1981). With the thick drift ice, the Norse Greenlanders ¿ shed at all. The apparent the hooded seal (Cystophora cristata) is a frequent lack of ¿ sh bones may well reÀ ect the handling of re- guest in the Eastern Settlement region (Muus et al. fuse or methods of ¿ sh preparation. For example, ¿ sh 1981). Walrus (Odobenus rosmarus) has never been could have been cleaned at the ¿ shing grounds. The common south of 66° N in Southwest Greenland. In majority of the bone assemblages derive from mid- the 19th century, however, stragglers were reported den deposits outside the farm buildings. It is possible in the Norse areas (Born et al. 1994:6), and a small that dogs, foxes, or ravens may have eaten the ¿ sh population may even have been present in Nuuk bones lying on these refuse dumps. In contrast, all fjord when the Norse settlers arrived (Bruun 1907, ¿ nds from GUS derive from inside the building com- Degerbøl 1936:7). Cod is present all year round in the plex itself. Here, meticulous sieving of deposits from deep waters along the outer coast and in the fjords, the house À oors resulted in the retrieval of relatively and in spring, capelin enter the fjords to ¿ nd breeding large numbers of ¿ sh bones, and there is no doubt grounds near the shore. During the late summer, arc- that the Norse did exploit the rich ¿ sh resources for tic char (Salvelinus alpinus) move up the streams near dietary purposes. Sculpin (Myoxocephalus scor- the settlements to spawn in the lakes in the hinterland, pius), arctic char(Salvelinus alpinus), capelin (Mal- and can be caught at that time in extremely large num- lotus villosus), cod (Gadus morhua), three-spined bers (Muus et al. 1981). stickleback (Gasterosteus aculeatus), and halibut Bones of seal and reindeer dominate the wild (Reinhardtius hippoglossoides) are all represented in faunal assemblages, but walrus and polar bear are the bone assemblages from GUS (Enghoff 2003:47 also present. Seal bones dominate all the assem- ff.). The bones from GUS also show that ptarmigan blages from both settlements. In the Eastern Settle- were frequently caught, as were arctic hare—both ment, most of the bones are of harp and hooded seal, most probably for their meat (Enghoff 2003:87f.). whereas harp and harbor seal are most frequent at the Western Settlement (Enghoff 2003:35ff.). Seal Archaeobotanical Studies bones are present regardless of whether the farm is situated close to the coast or far inland. Sealskins Archaeobotanical studies have never played an may have been export articles; the fact that entire important role in the analysis of Norse resource utili- animals were taken to even the most remote and zation, and our knowledge of the Norse use of plants isolated inland farms emphasizes their economic and berries is virtually non-existent. Knud Krogh importance (McGovern 1985:101). (1982:103) reports on pollen of oats found in the turf Reindeer played a greater role in the Western Set- wall that surrounded the small 11th-century church at tlement than in the Eastern Settlement (McGovern Brattahlid, showing that the Norse Greenlanders, at 1985:85). Reindeer hunting must have been prima- least in the ¿ rst period of settlement, grew or tried to rily undertaken for meat, as only selected parts of grow cereals for either porridge or bread. At GUS in the animal were brought back to the farms (ibid). the Western Settlement, a fragment of a quernstone The bone frequencies indicate that reindeer was on made of local material was found bordering an 11th- the menu far more often at inland farms than at those century ¿ replace. This ¿ nd, quernstones from other near the coast (Table 5; ibid). farms, and a single fragment of a baking plate— Walrus and polar bear were primarily hunted unfortunately without provenance—con¿ rm that the north of the settlements. Most of the walrus bone Norse Greenlanders may have made bread, though fragments found in the Eastern Settlement are of not the leavened bread made with yeast which is maxillae, indicating that only the valuable tusks were mentioned in the King´s Mirror, but À at bread called brought back to the settlement (Enghoff 2003:39; leiv (Norwegian). Leiv was made from À our kneaded McGovern1985). In contrast, meat-bearing bones with water and baked in the hot ashes on À at baking from all main skeletal parts are present in the GUS plates (Øye n.d:17). assemblage and in other assemblages from the West- Finds from the midden deposits at the Sandnes ern Settlement (Enghoff 2003:39). This different dis- farm in the Western Settlement indicate that the Norse tribution pattern may reÀ ect the presence of a walrus also exploited edible plants. For example, seeds of colony in the Western Settlement area and suggests crowberry (Empetrum) and mountain cranberry (Vac- that walrus meat may have formed part of the Norse cinium) were found in small heaps highly reminiscent diet here, especially during the initial settlement pe- of human feces. Seeds and other macro-remains of riod. Polar bear is mainly represented in the bone as- knotgrass (Polygonum), corn spurrey (Spergula) and semblages by phalanges and metapodials, indicating À ax (Linum), which may also have played a role in the that only the valuable bearskins were brought back human diet, were present in the midden deposits as from hunting trips (McGovern 1985: 89). well (Fredskild and Humle 1991:77-80). In the mid- Fish bones are very rare in the excavated assem- den at Niaquusat in the Western Settlement, pollen blages, which has given rise to a debate as to whether of À ax and spurrey was found. Spurrey is not an 8 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 indigenous plant in Greenland, but is a common weed The Norse Sites of Northern European grain ¿ elds, and the plant may have come to Greenland along with imported corn Of the Norse sites, 13 are from the Eastern Settle- (Sørensen 1982:302). Flax is represented by both pol- ment and 6 are from the Western Settlement. The sites len and macro-remains and was most probably grown are ranked into three groups on the basis of elements, locally. It may have served as either animal fodder layout, and number of buildings (Table 1): and/or for making linen. 1. High-status farms with a church. Since the early contributions of Iversen (1934), 2. Medium-sized farms with six or more there has been a small but growing corpus of pol- buildings that are either dispersed or len-analytical data from the Western and Eastern built so close together that from the out- Settlements (e.g., Buckland et al. 2009; Edwards et side they look like one large building (the al. 2008; Fredskild 1973, 1978, 1988; Schofield centralized farm). et al. 2008). This data tends to be from sampling 3. Small farms with ¿ ve or less, but more sites within and adjacent to settlement areas, and than one, buildings. cannot be discussed further here. Nine of the sites are classi¿ ed as high-status farms (Ø1, Ø23, Brattahlid Ø29a, Gardar Ø47, Ø66, Ø149, The Dataset Herjolfsnes Ø111, Sandnes V51, and Anavik V7). This is clearly an over-representation, compared to The data for the present study come from 19 the fact that only 3% of all Norse Greenland sites be- Norse sites, and, for comparison, we have also in- long to this group. The predominance of high-status cluded samples from both humans and animals from sites are bound up with the many human samples 22 Inuit sites. The Inuit samples will be dealt with in included in the study. Seven farms are considered as separate part of this report. medium-sized farms (GUS, Narsaq Ø17a, Qorlortoq The study includes 183 samples from human Ø34, Qorlortoq Ø35, Igaliku Ø48, Vatnahver¿ Ø71, bones; 118 Norse and 65 Inuit. 254 samples are and Vatnahver¿ Ø167). Of these, one of the farms from animal bones. The following domesticates from the Western Settlement is of the centralized type are represented: cow (Bos taurus), goat (Capra (GUS). Three farms (Niaquusat V48, Nipaatsoq V54, hircus), sheep (Ovis aries), pig (Sus scrofa), horse and Naajaat Kuaat V63) are centralized farms and (Equus caballus), and dog (Canis familaris). The classi¿ ed as small farms (Figs. 4A, B). following game animals are represented: harp seal The samples have been selected on the basis of (Phoca groenlandica), common/harbour seal (Phoca three criteria: vitulina), ringed seal (Phoca hispida), bearded seal (Phoca barbata), hooded seal (Cystophora cristata), 1. The major dietary species are repre- walrus (Odobenus rosmarus), narwhal (Monodon sented. monoceros), whale (Balaena mysticetus and Mono- 2. The Eastern and Western Settlements are don monoceros5), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), more or less equally represented. musk ox (Ovibos moschatus), thick-billed murres 3. The different farm layouts as described (Uria lomvia) and hare (Lepus articus). above are represented.

Table 1. Social ranking of farms in the study on the basis of elements. Layout and number of buildings/ruins. The distinction between “parish” churches and “family” churches is based on the dating of the church. Ø = Eastern Settlement, V = Western Settlement.

Ruin group ID Farm layout Number of ruins “Parish” church Early “family” church Farm size Ø1 - Nuunataaq Dispersed 21 Yes High status Ø17a - Narsaq Dispersed 13 Middle sized Ø23 - Sillisit Dispersed 18 Yes High status Ø29a - Brattahlid Dispersed 20 Yes Yes High status Ø34 Dispersed 17 Middle sized Ø35 Dispersed 12 Yes Middle sized Ø47 - Gardar Dispersed 45 Yes High status Ø48 Dispersed 11 Yes Middle sized Ø66 Dispersed 27 Yes High status Ø71N Dispersed 12 Middle sized Ø111 - Herjolfsnes Dispersed 10 Yes High status Ø149 Dispersed 21 Yes High status Ø167 Dispersed 15 Middle sized V7 - Anavik Dispersed 8 Yes High status V48 - Niaquusat Centralised 2 Small V51 - Sandnes Dispersed 7 Yes High status V54 - Nipaatsoq Centralised 1 Small V63 Centralised 2 Small (?) GUS Centralised 1 Middle sized 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 9

Figure 4. The Eastern (A) and Western (B) Settlements, with the farms included in this study. 10 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 All usable human bones were sampled. With I. Early period (ca. A.D. 980–ca. A.D. 1160) regard to the dietary species, in order to achieve II. Middle period (ca. A.D. 1160–ca. A.D. 1300) optimal results, specimens were, wherever possible, III. Late period (ca. A.D. 1300–ca. A.D. 1450) selected according to the following criteria: The Samples from the Eastern Settlement 1. Degree of preservation. The “Landnam Farm”, Narsaq Ø17a. The Nar- 2. Bone-wall thickness. Only bones with a saq plain is one of the earliest settled areas of the good solid bone wall were selected. Eastern Settlement, and the ruins here (ruin group 3. In order to avoid multiple samples from Ø17 and Ø17a) may originally have constituted one single individuals, either the right or the very large farm (Fig. 5). left side of individual species was chosen. At Ø17a, only the dwelling itself (ruin 4) has been investigated archaeologically, ¿ rst by C.L. Ve- Chronology bæk (1993) and later by Hans Kapel (2003, unpubl. Most of the archaeological investigations included report).6 Faunal remains (n = 1738) from the dwell- in the study are from the period before strategraphical ing indicate that the economy of the farm was based excavations were exercised and before the introduc- on a combination of animal husbandry and seal tion of radiocarbon dating; consequently, chronologi- hunting. Sheep and goats dominated, but cattle were cal control on the samples was from the outset limited also of some importance. Pigs were kept in small and mostly not available at all. To compensate for the numbers (McGovern, in Vebæk 1993). The dwell- missing dating, we have radiocarbon dated a large ing had two building phases and, on the basis of number of samples and when possible, on the basis of the architecture, C.L. Vebæk dated the house to the the old reports and new experiences, tried to evaluate landnam period, and later radiocarbon dates were in the old excavations with the purpose of establishing a keeping with Vebæk’s archaeological dating (Vebæk chronology. The evaluated samples were divided into 1993:73), as were AMS-dates obtained during this three parts (AU) within the time span of Norse settle- study (Table 2). ment in Greenland:

Figure 5. The ruins in Narsaq, ruin site Ø17a. The ruins represent what are left of a very large Norse farm. All our samples are from ruin 4. Map after H. Kapel 2003. 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 11 Six samples from Ø17a contribute to the project, tions.7 Nevertheless, some trends can be observed. all from domesticated animals. They all derive from Among the domesticates, there is a predominance the earliest occupation phase of the dwelling, ruin of cattle bones, and the relatively large numbers 4 (AU I). The samples are all from C.L. Vebæk´s of seal remains indicate that seal hunting was also excavations (Table 2). an important part of the economy. Seal bones are, overall, almost as numerous as remains of cattle Brattahlid, Qassiarsuk, Ø29 & Ø29a. Another (McGovern 1985:111). The 2006–2007 excavations landnam site is on the Qassiarsuk plain in Tunul- con¿ rm these earlier observations and accentuate the liar¿ k Fjord. A total of 60 ruins are recorded on the importance of seal, which increased through time plain and are identi¿ ed as the high-status farm Brat- (McGovern and Pálsdóttir 2007:36). tahlid, where Erik the Red settled with his family in the mid-AD 980s. The numerous ruins include several dwellings, suggesting that the site was a multiple farm with more than one household (Fig. 6). At Qassiarsuk, the northernmost farm (ruin group Ø29a) is thought to have been that of Erik the Red. The farm has an associated church. During the earlier period, the church was the small so-called “Tjodhildes Church” (Fig. 6, ruin 59). Later, a larger church replaced the “Tjodhildes Church” (Fig. 6, ruin 1). Major excavations at Qassiarsuk were carried out in 1932 under the direction of Poul Nørlund and Mårten Stenberger (1934), concentrating on the later church, the graveyard, and two dwelling structures in ruin group Ø29a. More recently, “Tjod- hildes Church” was excavated between 1961–65 (for more about the ruins in Qas- siarsuk, see Arneborg [2006]), and trial trenches were dug in the midden at Ø29a in 2005 and 2006 (Edvardsson 2007). Conditions for the preservation of organic materials are relatively poor on these well-drained moraine plains, and only a few animal bones (n = 304) were collected Figure 6. Ruin sites Ø29a (to the north of the stream) and to the south during the earlier archaeological investiga- ruin site Ø29, Brattahlid, Qassiarsuk. Map after Krogh (1982).

Table 2. Samples from Narsaq, Ø17a.

Reservoir corrected Calibrated Project 14C Age 14C Age intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 080 KNK D5/1992.572 Ruin 4, by water channel, Sus scrofa 1240 ± 30 1040 ± 30 995 -17.19 AAR-6107 I lower cultural layer. Res.age: 0.45 (980–1020) # 082 KNK D5/1991.573 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis aries 955 ± 30 1035–1145 -20.25 AAR-6108 I lower cultural layer (1025–1155) # 083 KNK D5/1991.574 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis aries I lower cultural layer. # 084 KNK D5/1991.575 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis aries 1140 ± 35 895–935 -20.16 AAR-6109 I lower cultural layer (885–975) # 085 KNK D5/1991.576 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis/Capra I lower cultural layer. # 086 KNK D5/1991.577 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis/Capra I lower cultural layer. 12 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Except for one sample of cattle bone, all the sam- The small “Tjodhildes Church” building consists ples from Qassiarsuk included in this project derive of thick turf walls that are presumed to have sur- from human skeletons excavated in the graveyard at rounded an inner wooden construction. The building “Tjodhildes church” in the 1960s (Fig. 7, Table 3). had convex long sides typical of 11th-century Scan-

Figure 7. The graves in the church yard at Tjodhildes Church. Determination of sex: red = female, blue = male, green = children, black = unknown sex. The samples included in the study are marked with project ID. Map after Krogh (1982). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 13 dinavian architecture. The majority of the dead are A special feature of the graveyard is a mass grave placed with their arms extended along the sides of containing 13 adult men and two boys of 10 and 17 their body, or hands placed across their pelvis; this years of age, respectively. This grave was clearly is said to indicate a 11th- or 12th-century burial (Ki- secondary; the bones of the skeletons did not lie in effer-Olsen 1993:21ff., 73 ff.). Earlier AMS-dates situ, indicating that those interred had either been (Arneborg et al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998:table V), and moved to “Tjodhildes Church” from another (hea- those carried out in association with this project sup- then?) grave or they may have died far away, their port the assumption that the church belongs to the bones being subsequently brought to Brattahlid for early settlement period (Table 3). burial (Balslev Jørgensen 2001:96ff.). Alexandersen With some exceptions, the south side of the and Prætorius (2003:14) suggest that those buried church was reserved for men and the majority of the in the mass grave were related to each other. Two women were buried on the north side, together with samples in the project are from this grave. a few men (Balslev Jørgensen 2001:88). According The human samples from “Tjodhildes Church” to Balslev Jørgensen (2001:89) and Alexandersen belong to AU I and II. and Prætorius (2003:13), there were clear differences with regard to both stature and the condition Qorlortoq, Ø34. The ruins at Ø34 constitute a of the teeth between people buried on the south and medium-sized farm with 16 ruins (Fig. 8). The ¿ rst north sides. These are interpreted as indicating so- archaeological investigation at this site took place cial inequalities in diet and workload. In the present in the late 1990s, when sections of the midden were study, four samples are from the south side of the excavated under the leadership of Georg Nyegaard.8 church, four from the north side, and another two Radiocarbon dates point to settlement from landnam samples are from the east side of the church. to at least 1300. The samples (Table 4) in this study

Table 3. The samples from “Tjodhildes Church”, Brattahlid, Qassiarsuk, Ø29a. DNM = Danish National Museum, KAL = The Anthropo- logical Laboratory, Panum Institute, Copenhagen University.

Reservoir Calibrated Project corrected intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species 14C Age (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 011 DNM CLA-2 CLA-2 “TjodhildeChurch” Human Norse 1155 ± 46 1000 ± 46 1020 (995–1043) -18,1 AAR-1267 I churchyard, Marine mass grave fraction: 0.341 # 012 DNM CLA-1 CLA-2 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1112 ± 51 930 ± 51 1065–1115 -17.5 AAR-1268 I churchyard, Marine (1028–1171) mass grave fraction: 0.412 # 016 DNM 74 1060x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 980 ± 49 880 ± 49 1169 (1061–1222) -19.1 AAR-1272 I–II churchyard, Marine northwest fraction: 0.224 # 017 DNM 380 “Tjodhilde Church” Bos taurus 1040 ± 80 1011 (960–1040) -20.6 AAR-1273 I churchyard # 018 DNM 110 1180x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1229 ± 41 1100 ± 41 976 (894–996) -18.5 AAR-1275 I churchyard, south Marine fraction: 0.294 # 019 DNM 90 1789x01 “TjodhildeChurch” Human Norse 1025 ± 50 870 ± 50 1192 (1122–1228) -18.0 AAR-1276 I–II churchyard, south Marine fraction: 0.353 # 025 DNM 36 1041x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 997 ± 51 890 ± 51 1165 (1046–1218) -19.0 AAR-1568 I–II churchyard, east Marine fraction: 0.235 # 026 DNM 41 1043x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 985 ± 45 870 ± 45 1175 (1061–1226) -18.9 AAR-1569 I–II churchyard, east Marine fraction: 0.247 # 027 DNM 73 1059x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1092 ± 55 870 ± 55 1172 (1063–1227) -16.8 AAR-1570 I–II churchyard, Marine northwest fraction: 0.494 # 028 DNM 66 1054x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1225 ± 51 1070 ± 51 985 (909–1017) -18,0 AAR-1571 I churchyard, north Marine fraction: 0.353 # 165 DNM 86 1070x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse I–II churchyard,south # 187 DNM 2 1029x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse I–II churchyard, northeast. # 189 DNM 120 1794x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse I–II churchyard, south. 14 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 are from the midden excavations, and none of them Gardar at Igaliku, Ø47. The sheep-farming com- have been dated. munity Igaliku, with the ruins of the Norse bishop’s see Gardar, and Igaliku Kujalleq, with the Norse farm Ø66, are situated on Igaliku fjord, neighboring Tunulliar¿ k. Gardar was by far the largest farm in the Norse settlements. The farm was built on the vast lush plain at the head of the fjord within easy access of both Tunulliar¿ k and Igaliku fjords. The Greenland bishop lived here in the period from about 1200 to 1378, and the farm shows all the signs of belonging to the small group of wealthy farms in Greenland. Besides the church, the farm had a large banqueting hall where the bishop and/or the farmer could entertain their guests. With easy access to the sea, there were several large stone-built warehouses for commodities intended for the North European market. The two byres had room for about 100 of the prestigious cattle, yet another sign of wealth, and an arti¿ cial irrigation system helped to optimize the yield of the large enclosed in¿ eld (cf. Arneborg 2005, 2006). A total of 45 scattered ruins have been recorded on the site (Fig. 9), but the number of buildings could originally have been considerably greater. The site was re-occupied by permanently resident sheep farmers in the second half of the 18th century, and many ruins have been torn down and the building materials re-used (For more information about the ruins at Igaliku, see Arneborg [2006]). The size of the byres, as well as the numbers of cattle bones recovered from the midden deposits, demonstrate that the economy of the farm relied heavily on cattle breeding (McGovern 1985:112). Pastures around Gardar are excellent. However, here, as elsewhere, seal hunting was also of considerable importance (McGovern 1985:112). The samples from Gardar include both human bones and bones of domesticates and game animals (Table 5), and all except one (Table 5, # 152) originate from Poul Nørlund’s excavations of the site in 1926 (Nørlund 1930). The human remains are from burials within the northern chapel of the church, including one of the Greenlandic bishops (Gardar I, # 22) (see Arneborg et al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998, Nør- lund 1930:64ff.), a 30–35-year-old male (Gardar X, #20), and an 18/20–35-year-old female (Gardar XI, #21). AMS-dates assign the deceased to the 13th century (Lynnerup 1998:table V). The bishop can

Table 4. The samples from Qorloortoq valley, Ø34.

Project ID Museum ID Provenance Species #Ø34-01 #Ø34-01 Midden Odobenus rosmarus #Ø34-10 #Ø34-10 Midden Phoca groenlandica #Ø34-56 #Ø34-56 Midden Monodon monoceros #Ø34-64 #Ø34-64 Midden Rangifer tarandus Figure 8. Ruin sites in the Qorlortoq valley. After Krogh #Ø34-75 #Ø34-75 Midden Phoca groenlandica (1982). #Ø34-77 #Ø34-77 Midden Phoca groenlandica 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 15 possibly be identified as Olaf, who—according to churchyard east of the church (Degerbøl 1930:183) written sources—was elected bishop in 1246 and (Table 5), but were deposited in a midden prior to the died in 1280/81 (Arneborg 1991). establishment of the churchyard (J. Arneborg, unpubl. Almost all of the animal samples in our study come data). The walrus skulls belong to AU I. from bones that no longer have their original ¿ nd numbers, making it impossible to determine precisely Igaliku Kujalleq Ø66. The Norse farm Ø66 lies where they were found. A number of walrus skulls alongside a minor inlet on the southeastern side of (samples # 310–316) probably all come from the Igaliku fjord. Today, the innermost part of the fjord

Figure 9. Ruin site Ø47: the Episcopal residence Gardar, Igaliku. Map after Krogh (1982). 16 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3

Table 5. The samples from Gardar, Igaliku, Ø47. Calibrated Reservoir intercept į13C Project Museum 14C Age corrected (1 sigma (‰) ID ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 020 DNM X 0915x01 Inside north chapel Male human Norse 1030 ± 65 810 ± 65 1233 -16.8 AAR-1437.1 II of church, Marine (1170–1281) below bishop fraction: 0.499 # 021 DNM XI 0916x01 Inside north chapel Female human Norse 880 ± 90 700 ± 90 1295 -17.6 AAR-1438-1 II–III of church, Marine (1256–1392) below bishop fraction: 0.254 # 022 DNM I 1118x01 Inside north chapel Human Norse 880 ± 55 770 ± 55 1272 -18.8 AAR-1439-1 II of church - bishop Marine (1223–1290) fraction: 0.612 # 149 DNM 70 Surroundings of Equus caballus smithy, ruin 11, and to the west of it # 152 DNM Bos taurus # 153 DNM Bos taurus # 161 DNM Bos taurus # 260 DNM Cystophora cristata # 270 DNM Capra hircus # 281 DNM Ovis aries # 282 DNM Ovis aries # 283 DNM Ovis aries # 284 DNM Ovis aries # 285 DNM Ovis aries # 286 DNM Ovis aries # 287 DNM Ovis aries # 288 DNM Ovis aries # 289 DNM Capra hircus # 290 DNM Capra hircus # 291 DNM Capra hircus # 292 DNM Capra hircus # 293 DNM Phoca hispida # 294 DNM Phoca hispida # 295 DNM Cystophora cristata # 296 DNM Cystophora cristata # 297 DNM Cystophora cristata # 298 DNM Cystophora cristata # 299 DNM Cystophora cristata # 300 DNM Cystophora cristata # 301 DNM Cystophora cristata # 302 DNM Phoca barbata # 303 DNM Phoca barbata # 304 DNM Phoca barbata # 306 DNM Canis familaris # 308 DNM 76 In the great heaps Sus scrofa 1040 ± 45 835 ± 45 1215 -17.11 AAR-6138 II east of the dwelling, Res. age: (1165–1260) ruin 8 0.46 x 450 yeard, marine model 1998 # 309 DNM 70 Surroundings of Sus scrofa 1130 ± 35 875 ± 35 1165 -16.15 AAR-6139 II smithy, ruin 11, and (1075–1205) to the west of it # 310 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus 1390 ± 30 940 ± 30 1050 -13.10 AAR-6140 I the cathedral (1030–1070) # 311 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus the cathedral # 312 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus 1430 ± 30 980 ± 30 1025 -12.73 AAR-6141 I the cathedral (1005–1045) # 313 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus 1420 ± 35 970 ± 35 1030 -12.78 AAR-6142 I the cathedral (1010–1050) # 314 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus I the cathedral. # 315 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus I the cathedral. # 316 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus I the cathedral. 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 17 is dry at low tide, and sediment cores show that 1883:113ff.), the assemblage of animal remains previously fertile areas of land now lie submerged from Ø66 comprises fewer than 100 individual (Mikkelsen et al. 2008). The farm is situated on a bones, and consequently no analysis of the economy large, heavily vegetated plain on a route leading to of the farm has ever been carried out. the large inland area of Vatnahver¿ , which extends In 1926, Aage Roussell (1926 unpubl. report) over 500 km2. More than 20 ruins have been re- dug a small test pit in the churchyard and brought corded at Ø66; the farm has an associated church the remains of four skeletons back to Denmark. The and is regarded as one of the largest in the Eastern two samples from Ø66 included in this project were Settlement (Fig. 10) collected from the churchyard by Roussell in 1926 The Vatnahver¿ region was relatively densely (Table 6). populated during the Norse period, and archaeolo- The church has a rectangular ground plan and is gists have reported erosion and sand drift from sev- dated to after 1300 (Roussell 1941:123ff.). Earlier eral farms (e.g., Vebæk 1943:18ff., 55ff.). In 1894, churches at the site have not been recorded. The Daniel Bruun (1896:374ff) reported that many of burials from which the samples came were in drift the ruins at Igaliku Kujalleq (Ø66) were covered by sand deposited along the south side of the church af- sand, especially those lying to the east of the church. ter the building was constructed; consequently they The rooms of the dwelling house had ¿ lled up with should be later than 1300. Both samples have been sand before the walls collapsed, indicating that sand AMS-dated; one to the time around 1300, the other drift was already a problem when the house was one is dated broadly to the 14th century, most likely abandoned. The church seemed to have been raised the later part of the century, close to 1400. on a sand dune, and burials on the south side of the church were cut down into the sand (Fig. 10B). Russip Kuua, Vatnahverfi Ø71. Farm Ø71 at Despite several excavations during the years Russip Kuua and Ø167 ”Abel’s farm” are both (Bruun 1896:368ff., Clemmensen 1911, Holm situated in Vatnahverfi. The ruins at farm Ø71 lie

Figure 10a. Ruin site Ø66. A: Igaliku Kujalleq. Map after N.A. Møller and C.K. Madsen (2005), and B (following page): church and dwelling. Map after Bruun (1896). 18 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3

Figure 10b. Ruin site Ø66: B. church and dwelling. Map after Bruun (1896). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 19 in an open grassy area on both sides of a stream In total, 19 ruins have been recorded at the site. connecting the two lakes of Saqqaata Tasia and Of these, seven are situated on the south side of the Skyggesø. Dwelling structures and byre/barn river and the remainder on the north side. Of the complexes have been found on both sides of the many ruins, 11 were more or less excavated in 1949 stream. Whether the two farms were occupied by C.L. Vebæk (1992:23ff.). Seven ruins were inves- simultaneously or not is unknown, although arte- tigated on the north side of the river and four on the facts from the two houses seem to support the idea south side (Fig. 11). of contemporaneity, and we may be dealing with a The three samples from Ø71 in this project are multiple farm with more than one household. The from cattle bones; they all originate from the ruin site has not suffered from erosion or sand drift. 12, situated on the north side of the river (Fig. However, dental microwear studies on mandibles 11, Table 7). The house is of the long-house type from Ø71 south farm show that the sheep and with a dwelling at one end and a byre/barn at the goats ingested high levels of soil and grit. This other. The samples are from dwelling rooms II and phenomenon is associated with sparse or patchy VI. The samples from room II are dated within the vegetation cover and is perhaps indicative of pas- period ca. 1000–1300. The sample from room VI is ture degradation (Mainland 2000). dated to the 14th century.

Table 6. The samples from Igaliku Kujalleq, Ø66.

Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept į13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU

# 023 DNM Gardar XII3 0919x01 Churchyard Human Norse 880 ± 55 610 ± 55 1392 -15.8 AAR-1441-1 III Marine (1312–1417) fraction: 0.612

# 024 DNM Gardar XII4 0920x01 Churchyard Human Norse 890 ± 45 690 ± 45 1297 -17.3 AAR-1442 II–III Marine (1279–1317) fraction: 0.441

Figure 11. Ruin site Ø71. Map after Vebæk (1992).

Table 7. The samples from Vatnahver¿ , Ø71.

Project 14C Age Calibrated intercept į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 110 DNM D23/1991 Ruin 12, room 2 Bos taurus 735 ± 35 1280 (1265–1290) -20.14 AAR-6143 II # 111 DNM D23/1991 Ruin 12, room 6 Bos taurus 700 ± 40 1290 (1280–1375) -20.39 AAR-6144 II–III # 117 DNM D23/1991 Ruin 12, room 2 Bos taurus 965 ± 35 1030 (1020–1155) -19,54 AAR-6145 I 20 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 The composition of the faunal material from At Ø167, animal husbandry seems to have been of Ø71 and the neighboring farm Ø167 (see below) slightly greater importance, and seal hunting cor- is almost identical (McGovern 1992:93ff.). About respondingly less important, than at Ø71. As at all 20% of all bones are from cattle, ca. 40% are sheep/ other Norse farms, the harp seal is the dominant seal goat, whilst the remaining ca. 40% are from seal. species.

Figure 12. The central ruins at Ø167. Map after Vebæk (1992). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 21 “Abels gård”, Vatnahver¿ Ø167. Further on in single stray find, and the one sample collected in Vatnahver¿ , 3–4 km from Russip Kuua (Ø71), farm ruin 7 (the human skull), all samples come from Ø167 lies in a small mountain valley. The medium- ruin 1, where they were either collected inside the sized Ø167 farm was initially registered in 1948, building in rooms I and II, III and IV, or V or from and archaeological excavations were conducted at the midden. the site under the direction of C.L.Vebæk in 1949 The ruins were not excavated stratigraphically, (Vebæk 1992:45ff.). The ruin group comprises 15 and a glance at the excavation plan of ruin 1 (Fig. 13) ruins (Fig. 12), of which the following were stud- shows that the house, or at least the central part of ied: The dwelling (ruin 1), ruin 2 (also a habitation the building, has had more than one building phase. structure, possibly part of ruin 1), what is described Vebæk (1992:46ff.) points out that rooms 1a and as the traces of an earlier building between ruin 1 1b belong to an earlier phase. Rooms I and II at the and ruin 2 and also ruin 7, which must be regarded eastern end of the building were remarkably well- as a centralized farm complex. The chronological preserved, with ¿ replaces in niches in the wall. Ar- relationship between ruins 1 and 2 and the central tefacts found in the room indicate a date after 1200; farm complex, ruin 7, is unclear. As at Ø71, the site we do, however, have radiocarbon dates that indicate has not suffered from erosion or sand drift. activities in the 11th century (AAR-6132). Room III Fragments of a human skull were found in the is in the central part of the building, and several passage of the centralized farm ruin 7. The circum- building phases were recorded here. The artefacts stances of this strange deposition are unknown. from the room cannot be dated. With regard to room However, as only small parts of the skull were V, Vebæk does not mention more than one phase. found, it must lie in a secondary position. The skull Artefacts from this room are from the period after has been radiocarbon dated to around AD 1275 1200. AMS-dates con¿ rm that the house has several (Vebæk 1992:108). phases, that the oldest parts are from the landnam A total of 23 samples (including bones of period, and that it is not possible to establish a secure domesticates as well as of seal) from Ø167 are local chronology (Table 8). included in the project (Table 8). Apart from one

Table 8. The samples from Vatnahver¿ , Ø167. Calibrated Project 14C Age intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 081 KNK D24/1991.290 Stray¿ nd Sus scrofa # 087 KNK D24/1991.291 House 7, passage Bos taurus between room III and IV # 088 KNK D24/1991.292 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 089 KNK D24/1991.293 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 090 KNK D24/1991.294 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 091 KNK D24/1991.295 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 092 KNK D24/1991.296 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 093 KNK D24/1991.297 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 094 KNK D24/1991.298 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 095 KNK D24/1991.299 Midden, house 1 Ovis aries # 108 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room III Bos taurus 940 ± 35 1040–1150 -20.02 AAR-6133 I (1025–1160) # 109 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room I and II Bos taurus 970 ± 40 1030 -20.45 AAR-6132 I (1020–1155) # 112 KNK D24/1991 Midden, house 1 Bos taurus # 113 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room V Bos taurus 855 ± 40 1195–1210 -20.71 AAR-6136 II (1160–1235) # 114 KNK D24/1991 House 1, wall between Bos Taurus 675 ± 35 1295 -20.71 AAR-6137 III room III and IV (1285–1380) # 115 KNK D24/1991 House 1, wall between Bos taurus room III and IV # 116 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 118 KNK D24/1991 Midden, house 1 Bos taurus # 119 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room V Bos taurus 780 ± 45 1265 -20.01 AAR-6135 II (1220–1280) # 120 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room III Bos taurus 1090 ± 30 980 -20.40 AAR-6134 I (900–995) # 121 KNK D24/1991 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 122 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room I and II Phoca groenlandica # 123 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room I and II Cystophora cristata Ø167 Human skull 710 ± 50 1275 -19.1 K-5889 II (1280–1305) 22 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3

Figure 13. The dwelling, ruin no. 1 at ruin site Ø167. Map after Vebæk (1992).

Figure 14. The ruin site Ø149, Narsarsuaq. Map after Vebæk (1992). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 23 Narsarsuaq Ø149. The Norse farm Ø149 at on the island of Uunartoq. These springs may have Narsarsuaq in Uunartoq Fjord was ¿ rst identi¿ ed been one of the attractions and perhaps even formed by Poul Nørlund and later accepted by C.L.Vebæk part of the economic basis of the farm. Iceland is well as the Benedictine convent referred to by Bárðarson known for its many hot springs, which were consid- (Halldórsson 1978:135, Jónsson 1930:23). The ruins ered to be curative (Sveinbjarnardóttir 2005). of the high-status farm lay spread across a large The ¿ rst archaeological excavations took place plain, from where a total of 21 features, including in 1945-46 and again in 1948 under the direction of home-¿ eld dikes, have been recorded (Fig. 14). C.L. Vebæk (1991). The following ruins were inves- Ø 149 is situated on a peninsula between Lich- tigated (Fig. 14): church and churchyard (ruin 1), tenau Fjord and Uunartoq Fjord in the less densely sections of the dwelling (ruin 2), the stable/barn inhabited southern region of the Norse Eastern Settle- complex (ruin 9) and a small stable (ruin 7). Neither ment (Fig. 4A). The site lies close to the hot springs the buildings, which resemble all other Norse farms,

Table 9. The samples from Narsarsuaq, Uunartoq, Ø149.

Reservoir Calibrated Project Museum 14C Age corrected intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*)(1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 007 DNM I:7 1000x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse 845 ± 50 580 ± 50 1401 -15.9 AAR-1263 III Marine (1329–1428) fraction: 0.600 # 008 DNM I:10 1001x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse 937 ± 53 610 ± 53 1389 -14.8 AAR-1264 III Marine (1312–1414) fraction: 0.729 # 009 DNM II:1 1002x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse 886 ± 48 640 ± 48 1322 -16.3 AAR-1265 III Marine (1301–1399) fraction: 0.553 # 010 DNM I:6 0999x01 Churchyard, stray¿ nd Human Norse 852 ± 44 590 ± 44 1399 -16.0 AAR-1266 III Marine (1325–1418) ` fraction: 0.588 # 212 DNM I:2 0995x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse # 213 DNM I:3 0996x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse 910 ± 35 605 ± 35 1340–1390 -15.24 AAR-6146 III Res. age: (1320–1405) 0.68 # 214 DNM I:4 0997x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse 1005 ± 35 700 ± 35 1290 -15.27 AAR-6147 III Res. age: (1280–1305) 0.67 # 215 DNM I:5 0998x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse 940 ± 35 665 ± 35 1305 -15.83 AAR-6148 III Res. age: (1290–1325) 0.61 # 216 DNM I:6 0999x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse 1050 ± 40 710 ± 40 1290 -14.61 AAR-6149 III Res. age: (1270–1305) 0.75 # 217 DNM I:7 1000x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse III # 218 DNM I:10 1001x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld I Human Norse III # 219 DNM II:1 1002x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse III # 220 DNM II:3 1003x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 221 DNM II:9 1009x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 222 DNM II:4 1004x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 223 DNM 1005x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 224 DNM II:6 1006x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 225 DNM 1007x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 226 DNM II:8 1008x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 227 DNM II:10 1010x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 228 DNM II:11 1011x01 Churchyard, grave¿ eld II Human Norse # 229 DNM 1012x01 Churchyard, fence NE Human Norse # 230 DNM 1014x01 Churchyard, fence NE Human Norse # 231 DNM 1018x01 Churchyard, heap 1 Human Norse # 232 DNM 1013x01 Churchyard, fence NE Human Norse # 233 DNM 1022x01 Churchyard, heap 2 Human Norse # 234 DNM 1021x01 Churchyard, heap 2 Human Norse # 235 DNM 1017x01 Churchyard, stray¿ nd Human Norse # 236 DNM 1023x01 Churchyard, stray¿ nd Human Norse # 237 DNM 1141x01 Churchyard, stray¿ nd Human Norse 24 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 nor the artefacts recovered, provide any indications Herjolfsnes at Ikigaat, Ø111. The farm at Her- that the farm at Narsarsuaq had any special function, jolfsnes (Ø111), with its church and well-built ban- and none indicate that it served as a convent. queting hall, differs from the other high-status farms The faunal material is limited (n = 610). Seal with regard to location. The farm lies southernmost bones dominate, accounting for 61% of the total in the Eastern Settlement on a peninsula that extends bone assemblage. Domesticated animals make up directly out into the Atlantic Ocean ca. 50 km from 33% of the bones, with almost equal numbers of Cape Farewell (Fig. 4A). The vegetation is sparse, cattle and sheep/goat remains (Vebæk 1991:71ff.). although lush grass grows in sheltered spots in the Thirty samples from Ø149 are included in the mountains. The ruins lie on a small promontory, project (Table 9). All are from human burials within which is only sheltered from the Atlantic storms by the churchyard, including ¿ nds from two “grave some small islands and rocky skerries; this is not a ¿ elds” I and II. The church is of the long house type typical location for a Norse farm. The number of re- dated to after 1300. Older phases of the church have corded structures at the site is 12 (Fig. 15). However, not been recorded. According to Vebæk, grave ¿ eld I due to both landslides and erosion, some ruins may was excavated in two layers, whereas only the upper have been either buried or lost to the sea. Ruins may layer of grave ¿ eld II was excavated. Skeletons from also have been removed when a small trading post grave ¿ eld I are dated to the 14th century. The young- was established here in 1834 (Nørlund 1924:15). est is from about 1400. The skeletons from grave In the written sources, Herjolfsnes is bound up ¿ eld II are most probably from the same period. with trade and the sea, and this may very well have

Figure 15. The ruin site Ø111, Herjolfsnes, Ikigaat. Map by N.-C. Clemmensen and H.C. Kapel (2008). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 25 been the basis for the social position of the farm. church, the ruin group comprises a dwelling, a sup- Herjolfsnes may have been the ¿ rst place travellers posed stable/barn complex, a smithy, and outhouses. came to after having crossed the North Atlantic and The main excavations of the site took place in 1921 the last when they set sail (cf. Arneborg 2006). under the direction of Poul Nørlund (1924). Twelve ruins have been recorded at Herjolfsnes The Herjolfsnes church is of the Romanesque (Fig. 15; Arneborg 2006:74ff.). Other than the type (Fig. 16), and radiocarbon dates for both cloth

Figure 16. The Church and churchyard at Ø111. After P. Nørlund (1921).

Table 10. The samples from Herjolfsnes, Ikigaat, Ø111.

Reservoir Calibrated Project Museum 14C Age corrected intercept į13C (‰) ID ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 013 DNM 18 0906x01 Churchyard Human Norse 899 ± 84 550 ± 84 1418 (1329–1456) -14.4 AAR-1269 III Res. age: 0.776 # 014 DNM 1 1105x01 Churchyard Human Norse 750 ± 56 500 ± 56 1437 (1413–1467) -16.2 AAR-1270 III Res. age: 0.565 # 015 DNM 4 1106x01 Churchyard Human Norse 767 ± 45 520 ± 45 1430 (1407–1447) -16.3 AAR-1271 III Res. age: 16.3 # 201 DNM 0903x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 202 DNM 0905x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 203 DNM 0907x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 204 DNM 1108x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 205 DNM 9 1110x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1000 ± 35 730 ± 35 1285 (1260–1295) -15.94 AAR-6127 II Res. age: 0.60 # 206 DNM 11 1111x01 Churchyard Human Norse 960 ± 35 640 ± 35 1320 (1300–1385) -14.98 AAR-6128 III Res. age: 0.71 # 207 DNM 12 1120x01 Churchyard Human Norse 930 ± 30 635 ± 30 1320 (1305–1390) -15.41 AAR-6129 III Res. age: 0.66 # 208 DNM 13 1121x01 Churchyard Human Norse 980 ± 35 690 ± 35 1295 (1285–1305) -15.54 AAR-6130 II # 209 DNM 1146x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 210 DNM 19 1676x01 Churchyard Human Norse 995 ± 25 700 ± 25 1295 (1285–1305) -15.42 AAR-6131 II # 211 DNM 1677x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III Comments: #013 Found together with hood DNM D10605 AD1390–1490 (AAR-1289). #014 Found together with dress DNM D10581 AD1380–1530 (AAR-1288). #015 Found together with hood DNM D10606 AD1300–1370 (AAR-1290). #205 Found together with hood DNM D10597. #206 Found together with dress DNM D10583. #210 Found together with fragmented dress DNM D10577. 26 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3

Figure 17. Ruin site at V48, Niaquusat. The Inuit structure in front of the Norse farm is from the 17th–18th centuries. The Norse midden was excavated 1976–1977. Map after J. Meldgaard (1977). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 27 found in the graves and skeletons show that the comprising herbs, angelica, and willow. Relatively church was still in use during the ¿ rst half of the 15th steep crags surround the site on three sides, and the century (Arneborg 1996, Lynnerup 1998). The dates farm area itself was limited. The site has been known all fall within the period from the late 13th to the since the beginning of the 19th century and even then early 15th century, and the project’s undated samples it was described as being so poorly suited to farming may well derive from the same period, time period that the Norse inhabitants must have lived off ¿ sh- III) (Table 10). ing (GHM III:837). A total of three ruins have been There are no assemblages of faunal remains from recorded here. Situated centrally on the plateau is a Ikigaat and, accordingly, only the human skeletons small, presumably centralized farm complex, and from the 1921 excavations are included in the proj- in the mountains are two enclosures. None of these ect (Table 10, Fig. 16). remains has been archaeologically investigated. In front of the central house, closer to the fjord, lies a The samples from Western Settlement sites 17th–18th century Thule culture long-house (Gulløv Samples from six localities in the Western Settle- 1983:162). ment have been included in this study. Of these, ¿ ve The 1976–1977 excavations at Niaquusat con- are located within the Ameralik-Ameralla fjords in centrated on the Norse midden in order to study the the southern part of the Western Settlement, whilst economy of the farm. Two main trenches were dug the sixth, Ujarassuit, lies in the inner reaches of running downhill from the central farm building Nuuk fjord (Fig. 4B). (Fig. 17). Trench A was excavated in 1976 under the direction of Jeppe Møhl, and trench CD was ex- Niaquusat V48. The midden at the small farm at cavated in 1977 under direction of Tom McGovern. Niaquusat, situated at the mouth of Ameralla fjord, Both trenches contained deposits extending from was investigated 1976–1977. The farm lies on the the initial settlement around AD 1000 to the aban- sunny side of the fjord in an oasis of lush vegetation donment of the Western Settlement in the second

Table 11. The samples from Niaquusat, V48. The pre-Norse dates may be from paleo-Eskimo activities on the site.

Calibrated Reservoir intercept(s) Project 14C Age corrected (1 sigma į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 029 KNK 985x3000 Midden, A9 layer 1, Canis familaris III 19, and 20 # 030 KNK 985x3001 Midden, A15 layer Canis familaris 1050 ± 35 625 ± 35 1330 -12.99 AAR-6098 III 40–50, 32, and 33 (1310–1395) # 031 KNK 985x3002 Midden, A9 layer Lepus arcticus 130–140, 23, and 24 # 032 KNK 985x3003 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 930 ± 35 1045–1155 -21.49 AAR-6099 I 100–bottom, 22–down (1030–1160) # 033 KNK 985x3004 Midden, A9 layer Capra hircus III 20–30, 19, and 20 # 034 KNK 985x3005 Midden, A9 layer Rangifer tarandus 19 and 20 # 035 KNK 985x3006 Midden, CD9, D13–14 Rangifer tarandus layer 17/20, 16/17, or 15 # 036 KNK 985x3007 Midden, CD9, D13 Balaena mysticetus? II–III layer 14, 55, 50, and 35 # 037 KNK 985x3008 Midden, D9 layer Bos taurus 950 ± 40 1000–1190 -20.5 CAMS- I 110–120, 5, 7, and 9 62000 # 038 KNK 985x3009 Midden, C9 layer 70–80, Bos taurus 19/24 # 039 KNK 985x30?? Midden, D14 layer Capra hircus II 50-60, 53/29 # 040 KNK 985x3011 Midden, D13 layer Capra hircus 60–70, 55, 57, and 39 # 045 KNK 985x3012 Midden, A10 layer Rangifer tarandus 90–100, 22, and 23 # 046 KNK 985x3013 Midden, A9 layer Rangifer tarandus 1165 ± 45 890 -19.62 AAR-6103 Inuit? 120–130, 23 (780–960) # 047 KNK 985x3014 Midden, A10 layer Rangifer tarandus 120–130, 23 # 048 KNK 985x3015 Midden, A10 layer Rangifer tarandus 130–140, 23 # 053 KNK 985x3016 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 850 ± 50 xxxx -20.47 CAMS- 110–120, 22, and 23 62001 28 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 half of the 14th century (Arneborg 1991, McGov- abandonment. The presence of the Thule culture ern 1985:115–116, Møhl 1982). The chronology long-house at the site further supports the view that of trench CD has been established on the basis of Niaquusat was an excellent location for seal hunting. radiocarbon dates (Arneborg 1991). The present Among the domesticates are pigs, cattle, sheep, and study includes 44 samples from Niaquusat from goats, with a majority of the latter two (McGovern landnam around 1000 to depopulation around 1350 1985:116). (Table 11). More than 80% of all faunal remains (n = 17,791) Sandnes, Kilaarsar¿ k, V51, the Sandnes farm, excavated from the midden are of seal, with an lying at the head of Ameralla fjord, has an associ- increase over the period from initial settlement to ated church. The site is regarded as the largest and

Table 11, continued. Calibrated Reservoir intercept(s) Project 14C Age corrected (1 sigma į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 056 KNK 985x3018 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 945 ± 30 1040–1150 -20.84 AAR-6104 I 140–150, 24, and 25 (1025–1160) # 059 KNK 985x3017 Midden, A10 layer Bos taurus 130–140, 23, and 24 # 072 KNK 985x3020 Midden, A10 layer Phoca groenlandica 90–100, 22, and 28 # 073 KNK 985x3019 Midden, A10 layer Phoca vitulina 120–130, 23 # 074 KNK 985x3020 Midden, A9 layer Phoca groenlandica 110–120, 22, and 28 # 075 KNK 985x3021 Midden, A9 layer Phoca groenlandica 1580 ± 35 1130 ± 35 880 -14.19 AAR-6105 Inuit? 140–150, 22, and 23 Res.age: 1 (820–905) # 076 KNK 985x3023 Midden, A9 layer Phoca groenlandica 110–120, 22, and 23 # 077 KNK 985x3024 Midden, A10 layer Phoca hispida 90–100, 22, and 28 # 078 KNK 985x3025 Midden, A9 layer Whale 110–120, 22, and 23 # 079 KNK 985 Midden, A10 layer Odobenus rosmarus 1535 ± 50 1085 ± 50 915 -12.59 AAR-6106 Inuit? 150–160, 25 Res.age: 1 (875–990) # 139 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina 10–20, recent surface # 140 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina III 40–50, 33 # 141 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina 1280 ± 35 830 ± 35 1190 -12.31 AAR-6110 II 110–120, 34, and 35 Res.age: 1 (1160–1225) # 142 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina III 50–60, 33 # 143 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina II 100–110, 34, and 35 # 144 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina III 30–40, 32 # 145 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina III 50–60, 33 # 146 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina I 130–140, 36 # 148 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca barbata III 40–50, 32, and 33 # 150 KNK 985 Midden, D10 layer Sus scrofa I 120–130 26, and 27 # 155 KNK 985 Midden, C14 layer Bos taurus 700 ± 40 1340–1400 -21.21 CAMS- II 90–100, 62, 64, and 60 62002 # 157 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Bos taurus III 50–60, 33 # 159 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Bos taurus III 30–40, 32 # 162 KNK 985 Midden, B3 layer 80–90 Bos taurus # 354 KNK 985 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 110–120, 22, and 23 # 355 KNK 985 Midden, C14 layer Bos taurus II 90–100, 62, 64, and 60 # 356 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Bos taurus III 30–40, 32 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 29 wealthiest in the southern part of the Western Set- On the basis of the artefacts discovered, the tlement, and is the center of the region. The farm is Sandnes farm was most likely occupied from the situated close to the shore at the head of Ameralla landnam around 1000 up until the time of the de- fjord on the south-facing moraine slopes of the val- population of the Western Settlement. This timing ley connecting Ameralla fjord with Kapisillit fjord also applies to the church, which is of Romanesque in the extensive Nuuk fjord system. The open valley type. Older churches on the site or older phases of offered plenty of pasture and ¿ elds for hay-making, the church have not been recorded. and the river in the valley supplied water for the The zooarchaeological record indicates that farm. Today, the site can hardly be reached by boat, the Sandnes economy was based primarily on especially at low tide when the sandy bottom lies hunting, especially of seal, although caribou is dry. The very fact that currently the church is sanded also well represented. Cattle and sheep/goats are up and À ooded at high tide shows that the landscape represented in almost equal numbers. There do not has changed dramatically since the Norse settlers seem to be any changes through time, except that arrived, and much land has been lost to the sea. goat numbers seem to increase relative to sheep Only seven ruins have been recorded on the Ki- (McGovern et al. 1996). laarsar¿ k plain (Fig. 18; Bruun 1918:95ff., Roussell Seventy-four samples from Kilaarsar¿ k, includ- 1936), and archaeological investigations have been ing both human and animal bones, are included carried out on several occasions. Poul Nørlund (1930 in the project. The human remains derive from unpubl. report) and Aage Roussell (1932 unpubl. re- Nørlund’s and Roussell’s archaeological investiga- port, 1936) excavated the site in 1930 and again in tions in 1930. All of the animal bones come from 1932, and part of the midden between the dwelling McGovern’s midden excavations in 1984. A chro- (ruin 4) and the churchyard was excavated under the nology of the midden deposits has been established direction of Tom McGovern in 1984 (T. McGovern, on the basis of radiocarbon dates (McGovern et al. 1984 unpubl, report; McGovern et al. 1996). 1996), and the supplementary dates obtained in this

Figure 18. Ruin site V51, Sandnes, Kilaarsar¿ k. 1) church, 3) 11th-century houses, 4) dwelling, 5) byre/barn, 6) byre/stable/ barn, 7) workshop, 8) fence. A) paleo-Eskimo site, B) midden excavation 1984, C) excavation 1984, D) fence, E) irrigation channel (?), and F) fence. Map after Roussell (1932) and Krogh (1984). National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark and The Greenland National Museum and Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. 30 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3

Table 12. The samples from Sandnes, Kilaarsar¿ k, V51.

Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 001 DNM XI 0929x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1030 ± 45 700 ± 45 1297 -14.8 AAR-1143 II–III Res. age: 0.729 (1295–1317) # 002 DNM X 0928x01 Churchyard Human Norse 865 ± 40 560 ± 40 1408 -15.2 AAR-1144 III Res. age: 0.682 (1390–1428) # 003 DNM XXX 0960x01 Churchyard Human Norse 940 ± 45 690 ± 45 1301 -16.2 AAR-1145 II–III Res. age: 0.565 (1282–1322) # 004 DNM XXIX 0960x01 Churchyard Human Norse 970 ± 40 610 ± 45 1390 -14.1 AAR-1146 III Res.age: 0.812 (1323–1412) # 005 DNM XXXI 0959x01 Churchyard Human Norse 940 ± 40 690 ± 40 1301 -16.2 AAR-1147 II–III Res. age: 0.565 (1284–1320) # 006 DNM XXXV 0964x01 Churchyard Human Norse 970 ± 40 670 ± 40 1307 -15.4 AAR-1148 II–III Res. age: 0.659 (1290–1328) # 156 KNK 4 Midden, I, 58, Bos taurus II 70-80 cm # 158 KNK 4 Midden, III, Bos taurus 510 # 160 KNK 4 Midden, I, R7, Bos taurus 60–65 cm. # 178 DNM I 0922x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 179 DNM II 0923x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 180 DNM IV 0924x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 181 DNM VI 0926x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 182 DNM VI 0926x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 183 DNM VIII 0927x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 184 DNM XII 0930x01 Churchyard Human Norse II–III # 185 DNM XIV 0931x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 191 DNM XVI 0933x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 192 DNM XVI 0933x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 190 DNM 0932x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 193 DNM XVIIa 0934x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 194 DNM IXVIIb 0935x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 195 DNM XVIIc 0936x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 196 DNM XVIId 0937x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 197 DNM XVII 0938x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1177 ± 45 951 ± 45 1038 -16.73 AAR-5257 I Res. age: 0.50 (1021–1151) # 238 DNM 0944x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 239 DNM 0945x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 240 DNM XXII 0947x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1183 ± 29 941 ± 29 1045 -16.42 AAR-5258 I Res. age: 0.54 (1030–1116) # 241 DNM XXXIV 0963x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 242 DNM XL 0969x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 243 DNM XXXIX 0968x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 244 DNM XXXVI 0966x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 245 DNM V 0925x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 246 DNM III 1679x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 247 DNM XXXII 1612x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 248 DNM XXXVIII 1126x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 249 DNM XX 1123x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 250 DNM XXI 1131x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 251 DNM XXXIX 0968x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 252 DNM XIII 1128x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 253 DNM XL 0969x01 Churchyard Human Norse 923 ± 26 688 ± 26 1296 -16.57 AAR-5259 II Res. age: 0.52 (1287–1305) # 254 DNM XXXIII 0958x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 255 DNM XXXIII 0958x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 256 DNM XXXIV 0963x01 Churchyard Human Norse 910 ± 25 677 ± 25 1299 -16.60 AAR-5260 II–III Res. age: 0.52 (1291–1309) # 257 DNM XXXIV 0963x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 258 DNM XXVII 0957x01 Churchyard Human Norse 989 ± 24 696 ± 24 1294 -15.46 AAR-5261 II Res. age: 0.65 (1285–1303) # 259 DNM XXVII 0957x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 390 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q9, Bos taurus II 19 # 391 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q8, Ovis/Capra II 19 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 31 project are in keeping with these earlier dates. The Nipaatsoq V54. Naajaat Kuaat is the gateway to archaeological dates for the skeletons are based on the large inland delta that leads melt water from the the AMS-dates from this project (Table 12). glacier Kangaasarsuup Sermia and water from the lakes Isortuarsuk og Kangerluarsunnguup Tasersua9, Naajaat Kuaat V63. Moving from Kilaarsar¿ k out into the fjord. Here, on a plateau rising above up through Naajaat Kuaat, which today is almost en- Najaat Kuaat, is the middle-sized Nipaatsoq farm, tirely sanded up, farm V63 is situated on the eastern and an hour’s walk further towards the glacier lies shore of the fjord. The farm is situated on a small GUS (see below). The landscape around Nipaatsoq luxuriant plateau close to a small stream. Today, is open, with low vegetation consisting of grasses, grasses, herbs, and willow dominate the vegetation. lichen, and shrub. Along the streams, and in moist There is not much space for buildings; indeed there areas, the vegetation includes willow and birch. are only the remains of a poorly preserved building, The farm at Nipaatsoq is of the centralized type presumably representing a small, centralized farm. (Fig. 19). The ¿ rst archaeological investigations On the hillside behind the house ruin are the well- took place in 1952 under the direction of Jørgen preserved remains of a stone storehouse (skemma). Meldgård, and in 1976–1977 Meldgård and An- No investigations have been carried out, apart from dreasen carried out more excavations (C. Andreasen, a minor test pit in the midden in 1977 (J. Meldgaard, 1977 unpubl. report). National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Den- The economy of the Nipaatsoq farm was based mark, pers. comm.), and the one sample included on a combination of sheep and goat husbandry and here (#154) is from the 1977-test pit, however, with- hunting (seal and caribou in particular). In the as- out any chronological information. semblage, 39% of the total number of bones (n =

Table 12, continued. Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 392 KNK 4 Midden, I, T10, Ovis/Capra II 19 # 393 KNK 4x1301.a Midden, I, 46 Ovis/Capra I # 394 KNK 4x1301.b Midden, I, 46 Ovis/Capra I # 395 KNK 4x1273 Midden, I, 34 Bos taurus II–III # 396 KNK 4x1165 Midden, I, 59 Bos taurus 1000 -20.52 AAR-5748 I (980–1020) # 397 KNK 4x1156 Midden, I, 59 Ovis aries I # 398 KNK 4x1175 Midden, III, 50 Rangifer tarandus cm to subsoil # 399 KNK 4x1291 Midden I, 60 Bos taurus I # 400 KNK 4x1167 Midden I, 60 Ovis/Capra I # 401 KNK 4x1159 Midden I, 64 Rangifer tarandus I # 402 KNK 4 Midden, I, T8, Bos taurus II 48 # 403 KNK 4 Midden, I, S8, Ovis/Capra II 48 # 404 KNK 4x54 Midden, I, 4 Bos taurus 1000–1015 -20.61 AAR-5749 I (985–1020) # 405 KNK 4 Midden, I, 47, Ovis/Capra II ¿ re place # 406 KNK 4 Midden, I, T10, Rangifer tarandus II-III 12 # 407 KNK 4 Midden I, 66 Ovis/Capra I # 408 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q9, Bos taurus 1035 -20.67 AAR-5750 I 66 (1020–1155) # 409 KNK 4x1217 Midden, I, 65 Bos taurus 1045–1155 -20.60 AAR-5751 I (1035–1160) # 410 KNK 4x1040 Midden, I, 50 Ovis/Capra I # 411 KNK 4x1311 Midden, I, 50 Rangifer tarandus I # 412 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q10, Rangifer tarandus II–III 30 # 413 KNK 4 Midden, I, T10, Rangifer tarandus II-III 11 # 414 KNK 4x1043 Midden I, 58 Capra hircus II # 415 DNM Unit 3, bottom Bos taurus 995 -20.25 AAR-5752 I layer (975–1020) # 416 DNM Living house 4, Rangifer tarandus 1275 -19.08 AAR-5753 II upper layer (1225–1285) 32 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 2451) comes from seal, while caribou account for and Arneborg 1992). Unlike other known Norse ru- 20% (McGovern 1985:119). ins, no structures were visible on the surface, as they Seven samples from Nipaatsoq are included in were covered by layers of sand and gravel up to 1.5 the project, all from the 1976–1977 excavations. m in thickness. The layers were probably the result Based on the dating of the building, the samples of increased run-off, and consequent increased sedi- from the interior of the farm should belong to the ment deposition, from the glacier Kangaasarsuup late Norse period.10 An early date for one of our Sermia, which expanded with The Little Ice Age. samples from room 4 does, however, indicate mixed Changes in the course of the stream immediately layers (Table 13). prior to the discovery of the site meant that it was being eroded and thus became visible again. Today, The Farm beneath the Sand (GUS). The middle the area is totally dominated by a barren, sandy sized farm GUS was discovered in 1990 (Andreasen delta with very little vegetation. When the farm was

Figure 19. Ruin site V54, Nipaatsoq. The centralized farmhouse was excavated 1952 and again in 1976–1977. Map after Andreasen (1982).

Table 13. The samples from Nipaatsoq, V54. Sample #42 may be from post-Norse Inuit activities on the site.

Project Calibrated intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (1 sigma range) VPDB LAB ID AU # 041 KNK 991x2000 Room 6, koord. 6 Ovis aries 1300–1375 (1290–1385) -19.70 AAR-6100 III 490,1/212,60. Niv. 17 # 042 KNK 991x2001 Room 4, 50–55 cm Rangifer tarandus 1475 (1445–1605) -17.93 AAR-6101 Inuit? below surface # 043 KNK 991x2002 Room 4 Ovis aries 1060–1155 (1030–1185) -19.28 AAR-6102 I # 044 KNK 991x2003 Room 4 Capra hircus III # 147 KNK 991 Midden, koord. 493/187 Phoca barbata

# 151 KNK 991 (Rosa) Bos taurus 1290 (1280–1375) -20.48 AAR-6111 II–III # 163 KNK 991 Midden Bos taurus 1300–1375 (1295–1385) -19.61 AAR-6112 III 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 33 inhabited, however, the environment was rather dif- the stratigraphic analyses of the building complex11 ferent. The sandy area was probably lush pasture and (Table 14). perhaps there was also a lake (Schweger 1998). To- day, there is no water source near the farm, in itself Ujarassuit (Anavik) V7. The ¿ nal farm in the a clear indication that the landscape has undergone Western Settlement that has contributed samples to considerable changes since Norse times, because the project is the high-status farm Anavik at Ujar- a farm could not have been established in an area assuit. The farm is situated on a raised beach terrace without easy access to fresh water. at the head of Nuuk fjord (Fig. 4B). The region con- Archaeological investigations at GUS were car- tains but few Norse sites. Apart from Anavik, three ried out between 1991–1996. Based on an analysis other farms have been recorded in the Ujarassuit of the faunal remains (identi¿ ed animal bones n = Fjord. The church and the farmhouses lie spread 8250), the economy of the farm relied on a combi- over the large À at plateau where conditions for hay- nation of sheep/goat husbandry and hunting/¿ shing. making would have been excellent (Fig. 21). Today, Cattle were kept primarily for secondary production the vegetation consists of grasses, herbs, and dense (milk), whereas sheep and goats were kept mainly willow scrub. Seven house ruins have been recorded for their meat (Enghoff 2003:87). During the whole at the site, including one of the most well-preserved period of settlement, the wild fauna shows a slight stone houses in the Western Settlement. predominance compared to domesticated animals. The main investigations of the site took place in However, through time, the exploitation of seals 1932 (Roussell 1941:32ff), when the church (ruin increased compared with caribou, and the same ap- 1), stable/barn complex (ruin 3), dwelling (ruin 2), plies to sheep/goat compared with cattle (Enghoff and sections of the midden in front of the house were 2003:89). investigated (Aa. Roussell, 1932 unpubl. report12). At GUS, it was possible, for the ¿ rst time in the According to Roussell´s report, animal bones were history of Norse archaeology, to uncover a Norse found in the midden deposits in front of the dwell- farm extending from the initial settlement around ing, but these do not appear to have been taken back 1000 to the last house on the site. During its later to Copenhagen. In 1982, new excavations were car- 14th-century phases, the farm was of the centralized ried out at the site (Kapel 1982, unpubl. report).13 type with a stable/byre with room for one or two Among other things, a small trench was opened up head of cattle (Fig. 20) in the churchyard in order to obtain human bones for A total of 51 samples from GUS (including both į13 C analysis. The arm positions of the dead date the domesticates and game animals) are included in the excavated burials to the 13th–14th century and radio- present study (Table 14). Four samples (#104–#107) carbon dated human remains from the 1982 excava- are from the ¿ rst building on the site, built around tions are from the 14th century (Table 15). The į13 C 1000. The rest are from the time after ca. 1250. analysis demonstrated that the dietary basis of the Apart from samples #60, #67, #267, and #276, which individuals investigated was predominantly marine. were AMS-dated in connection with the present Ujarassuit has provided 15 samples for the pro- study, dates are based on earlier AMS-dates and ject, originating from nine individual skeletons, all

Figure 20. The Farm beneath the Sand (GUS) all phases 1991–1996. Greenland National Musuem and Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. 34 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 excavated by Roussell in 1932. Unfortunately, the two AMS-dated skeletons, nothing can be said about skeletons no longer have their original ¿ nd numbers, the chronology of the samples (Table 16). and it is therefore not possible to correlate them with the excavation plans. Also, with the exception of the

Table 14. The samples from The Farm beneath the Sand (GUS).

Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept(s) į13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB LAB ID AU # 049 KNK 1950x1521.1 Room 1, in front Rangifer tarandus III of ¿ replace # 050 KNK 1950x1487 Room 1 Rangifer tarandus III # 051 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Rangifer tarandus III of ¿ replace # 051.1 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Rangifer tarandus III of ¿ replace # 052 KNK 1950x1487 Room 1 Rangifer tarandus III # 054.1 KNK 1950x1487.3 Room 1 Bos taurus III # 054.2 KNK 1950x1487.3 Room 1 Bos taurus III # 055 KNK 1950x1531 Room 1 Rangifer tarandus III # 057 KNK 1950x1432.1 Room 1 Equus caballus III # 058 KNK 1950x1432 Room 1 Bos taurus III # 060 KNK 1950x0678 Room 3 Bos taurus 619 ± 26 1317–1388 (1301–1396) -19.9 AAR-5400 III # 061 KNK 1950x0577 Stray¿ nd Bos taurus # 062 KNK 1950x0359 Room 10, wall Ovis aries III or roof # 063 KNK 1950x0577 Stray¿ nd Capra hircus # 064 KNK 1950x0445 Room 3 Ovis aries II–III # 065 KNK 1950x0386 Room 3 Ovis aries II–III # 066 KNK 1950x0352 Stray¿ nd Capra hircus # 067 KNK 1950x0575 Room 1, roof ? Equus caballus 536 ± 30 1410 (1334–1425) -21.2 AAR-5401 III # 068 KNK 1950x1531 Room 1 Phoca groenlandica III # 069 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Phoca groenlandica III of ¿ replace # 070 KNK 1950x1487 Room 1 Phoca groenlandica III # 071 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Phoca groenlandica III of ¿ replace # 104 KNK 1950x2849 First long house Bos taurus I # 105 KNK 1950x3451 First long house Ovis aries I # 106 KNK 1950x3437 First long house Rangifer tarandus I # 107 KNK 1950x3072 First long house Rangifer tarandus I # 261 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Phoca vitulina # 262 KNK 1950x2712 Stray¿ nd Phoca vitulina # 263 KNK 1950x3347 Room 28, À oor Phoca groenlandica II # 264 KNK 1950x2712 Stray¿ nd Phoca hispida # 265 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Bos taurus # 266 KNK 1950x2712 Stray¿ nd Equus caballus # 267 KNK 1950x0575 Room 1, roof ? Equus caballus 566 ± 36 1335–1401 (1326–1413) -20.0 AAR-5405 III # 268 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Capra hircus # 269 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Capra hircus # 271 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Capra hircus # 272 KNK 1950x0712 Units R & V Capra hircus # 273 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus 785 ±30 1260 (1220–280) -19.58 AAR-4461 II # 274 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus II # 275 KNK 1950x2442 Room 7:1 À oor Ovis aries II # 276 KNK 1950x3259 Stray¿ nd Ovis aries 825 ± 33 1220 (1191–1259) -16.3 AAR-5406 II # 277 KNK 1950x2744 Stray¿ nd Ovis aries # 278 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Ovis aries # 279 KNK 1950x2713 Stray¿ nd Ovis aries # 280 KNK 1950x2767 No information - Ovis aries not found in GUS database # 307 KNK 1950x0007 No information Equus caballus # 317 KNK 1950x0410 Room 1, wall or Vetacea sp. III roof # 318 KNK 1950x0561 Room 1 Vetacea sp. III # 319 KNK 1950x0631 Room 3, À oor Vetacea sp. II–III # 431 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus II # 432 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus II 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 35

Figure 21. Ruin site V7, Anavik, Ujarassuit. 1) church, 2) dwelling, 3) byre/barn, 4) stable, 5) workshop/storage 6) ware house, 7) stable, 8) home-¿ eld fence, and 9) home-¿ eld fence. Map after Roussell (1932). Danish National Museum.

Table 15. Radiocarbon dates on skeletons found in the churchyard in Ujarassuit in 1982. Dated by H. Tauber, Copenhagen 1982. Recali- brated 2003 by J. Heinemeier. The dating of KNK6x1121 is inexplicable.

Reservoir 14C Age corrected Calibrated intercept(s) į13C (‰) Lab ID Museum ID Species Provenance (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB AU K-4117 KNK 6x1090 Human bone Churchyard 910 ± 50 677 ± 50 1299 (1283–1323) -16.6 II–III K-4119 KNK 6x1121 Human bone Churchyard 560 ± 45 332 ± 45 1535–1618 (1499–1642) -16.7 ? K-4120 KNK 6x1091 Human bone Churchyard 890 ± 50 572 ± 50 1404 (1329–1427) -15.0 III

Table 16. The samples from Anavik, Ujarassuit, V7.

Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept į13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 166 DNM A 0990x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 167 DNM A 0990x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 168 DNM A 0990x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 169 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 170 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 171 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 172 DNM C 0993x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 173 DNM D 0994x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 174 DNM U4 E 0992x01 Churchyard Human Norse 825 ± 33 592 ± 33 1394 -16.6 AAR-5403 III Marine fraction: 0.52 (1323–1407) # 175 DNM X F 1644x01 Churchyard Human Norse 959 ± 38 818 ± 38 1219 -18.5 AAR-5404 II Marine fraction: 0.29 (1186–1261) # 176 DNM G 1645x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 177 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 198 DNM H 1578x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 199 DNM H 1578x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 200 DNM I 1639x01 Churchyard Human Norse 36 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Literature Cited Arneborg, J., J. 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Innselset, and I. Øye (Eds.). “Utmark” The Out¿ eld as 1 Industry and Ideology in the Iron Age and the Middle When the project commenced in 1998, all the human re- Ages. UBAS International 1. University of Bergen mains held at the Panum Institute were Danish property, Archaeologica Series, Bergen, Norway. 251 pp. and thanks are due to the then Museum Director Niels- Øye, I. n.d. Mat og drikke i middelalderen. Exhibition Knud Liebgott of the National Museum in Copenhagen catalogue. Bergen Museum, Bergen, Norway. for permission to use the material from the collections. Ownership of all Greenlandic human remains was transferred to Greenland in 1999 in connection with an exten- Unpublished Reports and Diary Notes sive repatriation project (1984–2001) in which museum artefacts were transferred from the Danish to the Green- Andreasen, C. 1977 Unpublished report, Nipaatsoq, V54 land National Museum. All Greenlandic human remains 1976–1977. In The Greenland National Museum and are still kept at the Panum Institute in Copenhagen. Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. 2All faunal remains mentioned are kept at the Zoological Kapel, H.C. 1982. Unpublished report Ujarassuit (Anavik) Museum in Copenhagen. We thank the Greenland Nation- 1982. In the National Museum of Denmark, Copenha- al Museum and Archives, The National Museum of Den- gen, Denmark and The Greenland National Museum mark, and The Zoological Museum for permission to use and Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. the faunal remains from these collections for this study Kapel, H.C. Unpublished report Ø17a, Narsaq. 2003—In 3Another late-15th-century date, sample #42, from Nipaat- the National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, soq is not included here because it may derive from later Denmark and The Greenland National Museum and Inuit presence in the area. Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. 4A possible third church in the Western Settlement (at McGovern, T.H. 1984. Upublished report Kilaarsar¿ k V23a) is not mentioned here, as information about the (Sandnes) 1984. In the National Museum of Denmark, site is very limited. Copenhagen, Denmark and The Greenland National 5 A total of ¿ ve samples from large whales, probably Museum and Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. Greenland whales. Nørlund, P. 1930. V51 Sandnæs. Unpublished diary, 6Unpublished reports and documentation are kept in Nar- in the National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, saq Museum and in the Greenland National Museum and Denmark. Archives. Roussell, Aa. 1926. Bemærkninger vedrørende ruing- 7Our sampling was completed before the 2006–2007 ex- ruppe 64a og 64b samt kirkegaarden i Kagsiarsuk, cavations. Igalikofjord sommeren 1926. Unpublished report 8Analyses of the animal bones by Georg Nyegaard are at In the National Museum of Denmark , Copenhagen, the ¿ nal stages (2011). The documentation from the exca- Denmark. vation is in Qaqortoq Museum. Roussell, Aa. 1932. Unpublished report Greenland ex- 9Today the lake Kangerluarsunnguup Tasersua provides pedition 1932. In the National Museum of Denmark, water for the hydroelectric plant at Buksefjorden, and the Copenhagen, Denmark. stream has dried up. 10The archaeological assessments are based on Claus Andreasen´s unpublished reports in The Greenland Na- tional Museum and Archives. 11The analysis of the farm building was carried out by Guðmundur Ólafsson, the National Museum of Iceland and Svend Erik Albrethsen, The National Cultural Herit- age Agency, Copenhagen. 12Reports are kept in the National Museum of Denmark. 13Excavations were headed by Hans Kapel and Jette Arneborg. Unpublished reports in the National Museum of Denmark and in the Greenland National Museum and Archives.