Intimacy and Inequality: Manumission and Miscegenation in Nineteenth-Century Bahia (1830-1888)
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
INTIMACY AND INEQUALITY: MANUMISSION AND MISCEGENATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY BAHIA (1830-1888) Jane-Marie Collins, BA, MA. Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Hispanic and Latin American Studies. April 2010 Abstract This thesis proposes a new paradigm for understanding the historical roots of the myth of racial democracy in Brazil. In order to better comprehend the co-existence of race discrimination and racial democracy in Brazil it is argued that the myth itself needs to be subjected to an analysis which foregrounds the historically unequal relations of both race and gender. This study demonstrates how the enigma that is Brazilian race relations is the result of two major oversights in the scholarly work to date. First, the lack of critical attention to the historical processes and practices which gave rise to the so-called unique version of race relations in Brazil: manumission and miscegenation. Second, the sidelining of the role of gender and sex, as well as the specific and central place of black women’s labour, in theoretical formulations about Brazilian race relations. The overarching intellectual aim of this thesis is to invert the way notions of familiarity and intimacy have been represented in the history of miscegenation and manumission in Brazilian slave society. The role of intimacy in the social history of race relations is instead shown to be firmly located within a hierarchy of race and gender inequalities predicated on the inferiority of blacks and women. In turn, this thesis explores how these race and gender inequalities intersected to inform and shape enslaved women’s versions of resistance and visions of freedom. In doing so this study unpicks some of the notions of advantage and privilege traditionally associated with women in general and light skin colour in particular in the processes of manumission and miscegenation; notions that are foundational to the myth of racial democracy. Through an examination and analysis of primary sources pertaining to the lives of enslaved and freedwomen and their descendants in nineteenth-century Bahia, this study brings together different areas of their lived experiences of enslavement, manumission, miscegenation and freedom as these women came into contact with the authorities at pivotal moments in their lives. Collectively, these sources and the analysis thereof expose the limitations of advantage or privilege that have been associated with being female, parda or mulatta in the historiography of Brazilian slave society in general and the literature on manumission in particular. By foregrounding and highlighting the ways in which overlapping inequalities of race, gender and status determined experiences of enslavement and expectations of freedom during slavery, this study produces a new approach to interpreting race and gender history in Brazil, and a more comprehensive understanding of Brazilian slave labour relations. CONTENTS Acknowledgements. iv Glossary. v Section One: Introduction. Part 1. Introduction and overview. 2 Part 2. Intimacy and Inequality: inverting the paradigm of racial democracy. 12 Section Two: Becoming Freed. 2.1 Introduction. 17 2.2 Manumission in comparative perspective. 19 2.3 Manumission in Africa. 21 2.4 Manumission in the Americas. 27 2.5 Manumission in Brazil. 33 2.6 Manumission, a gendered perspective: assessing advantage. 41 2.7 Childhood manumissions, Salvador 1830-1871. 46 2.8. Disputing and defending freed status. 70 2.9 Conclusion. 81 Section Three: Work, Wealth and Mobility. Part 1: The Demographics of Slavery in nineteenth-century Brazil. 3.1 Introduction. 89 3.2 The slave trades: trans-Atlantic and domestic. 90 3.3 Brazilian slave societies: provincial profiles. 94 3.4 Conclusion. 100 3.5 Occupational hierarchies, race and gender. 101 3.6 Conclusion. 115 Part 2: Manumission and Mobility. 3.7 Introduction. 122 3.8 Manumission and creolisation. 123 3.9 Manumission and mobility. 126 ii 3.10 Lourença on liberty. 127 3.11 Markets, labour and love. 130 3.12 Africanas and brasileiras, libertas and livres. 135 3.13 Motherhood and marriage. 139 3.14 Material wealth. 141 3.15 Markets and mobility. 146 3.16. Lourença’s last words. 153 3.17 Conclusion. 155 Section Four: The Enslaved Family: Unity, Stability and Viability. 4.1 Introduction. 160 4.2 The historiography of the Brazilian slave family: an overview. 162 4.3 Slave family 1: African/urban. 179 4.4 Slave family 2: mixed race/mixed status. 200 4.5 Slave family 3: married/rural. 216 4.6 Slave family 4: slave/free marriage. 227 4.7. Conclusion. 233 Section Five: Resistance. 5.1. Introduction. 240 Part 1: Flight 5.2 Paradigms. 246 5.3 Male flight. 250 5.4 Female flight: single women. 255 5.5 Female flight, family and protection. 263 5.6 Conclusion. 279 Part 2: Murder. 5.7 Introduction. 285 5.8 Case studies. 292 5.9 Analysis. 302 5.10 Conclusion. 323 Part 3: Infanticide. 5.11 Introduction. 326 5.12 Infanticide and slave resistance. 339 iii 5.13 Infanticide and Illegitimacy: a question of honour? 344 5.14 Conclusion. 349 Section Six: Conclusion. 355 Appendix. 368 Sources and Bibliography. 381 iv Acknowledgements. This thesis has proved, if nothing else, that there is an inverse relationship between the length of time it takes to complete a thesis and the number of people that need to be thanked. This is because the longer it takes to complete, the less likely you are to advertise the fact by calling on colleagues, friends and strangers to assist you. As a result, some of my deepest gratitude goes to people who barely remember me it is so long ago since they had contact with me and my thesis. First then, thanks to those who showed belief in me before the idea of self-belief had even entered my consciousness let alone my vocabulary. They include former staff at ILAS, University of Liverpool, particularly Rory Miller and John Gledson. My years spent there as a student where, ironically, some the most invigorating and productive years spent in academia to date. Other academics at other institutions have helped me along the way. Notably, Hilary Owens at the University of Manchester, João José Reis, Maria Inês de Oliveira and Maria José de Souza Andrade at UFBA. I owe thanks to colleagues at my current place of employment, SPLAS, University of Nottingham, for their patience and support in allowing me the time see this through and for always being so positive and encouraging. A special thank you is owed to the colleague who kindly and generously agreed to undertake the final and longest phase of supervision, Professor Dick Geary. A mention must go my trade union colleagues at UoN too, Chris, Mike and Pat, for taking over all my union commitments to get this thesis finished; thank you, it worked. I am very grateful to all the research assistants who worked with me along the way, particularly Virlene and Vera for their support and dedication to the research in Bahia. A big thank you to Vera for her wonderful companionship over the years. On that note too the biggest debt of gratitude goes to Bella, Cida and family for their support at every turn. Finally, thanks to Dave, Nina and Lois, for being there most of the time and not being there some of the time. Although completed as a staff PhD at the University of Nottingham, the research for this thesis was originally funded by the then British Academy for the first two years of study at the University of Liverpool. Since being in post at the University of Nottingham, the university and my department, SPLAS, have also provided financial support for subsequent research trips. v Glossary. Primary Sources. APEB - Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia Sec. Jud. - Secção Judiciária. Sec. Jud., LRT - Secção Judiciária, Livros de Registro de Testamentos. Sec. Jud., LN - Secção Judiciária, Livros de Notas. Journals. HAHR - Hispanic American Historical Review. JLAS – Journal of Latin American Studies. LBR - Luso-Brazilian Review. 1 SECTION ONE INTRODUCTION 2 PART 1. Introduction and overview. The publication of Gilberto Freyre’s Casa Grande e Senzala in 1933 marked a watershed in the historiography of Brazilian slavery as Frank Tannenbaum noted in his introduction to the English translation of 1963.1 While politicians, intellectuals, chroniclers and travellers, both in times of slavery and after, tended to associate race mixture with promiscuity and racial degeneration, Freyre proclaimed miscegenation as a statement of Brazilian racial authenticity, a symbol of the making of a modern democracy. The ability to mix racially was interpreted by Freyre and his followers as a mark of distinction in the history of New World race relations; Brazil had produced a unique form of democracia racial.2 The other historical cornerstone of the myth of racial democracy has been manumission. In his 1946 comparative study of slavery and race relations in the Americas, Tannenbaum, a contemporary of Freyre, first drew attention to the historical role of both processes in the formulation of race relations in the respective hemispheres.3 As Carl Degler pointed out in his 1971 revision of the Tannenbaum thesis, although his study was not directly concerned with Brazilian slavery per se, Tannenbaum frequently drew examples from Brazil to illustrate his argument about the fundamental differences between the slave regimes across the Americas.4 As the 1 Gilberto Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala: formação da família brasileira sob o regime de economia patriarcal (Rio de Janeiro: Maia and Schmidt, 1933). Gilberto Freyre, The mansions and the shanties: the making of modern Brazil, trans. and ed. Harriet de Onís, introd. Frank Tannenbaum (New York: Knopf, 1963). 2 For a discussion of the background to the origin of the term, see Antônio Sérgio Alfredo Guimarães, “Racial Democracy,” in Imagining Brazil, ed.