The Armenian Road to Democracy Dimensions of a Tortuous Process
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Doing Business Guide in EMEIA: Payroll Operations
Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations Introduction This booklet contains market-by-market newly established, stand-alone guidance1 on key HR payroll matters to operations. Where the EMEIA operation be considered as you expand your is a regional headquarters or a holding operations across EMEIA. company for foreign subsidiaries, or if In our experience, careful consideration there are existing operations in EMEIA, of these matters at the outset is the other considerations must be taken into most effective way of avoiding any account. issues and ensuring an optimal setup In all situations, we recommend that you structure of your business and seek specific professional advice from employees in new EMEIA markets. the contacts listed in each chapter. They This booklet is general in nature and not will take into consideration your specific to be relied on as professional advice. circumstances and objectives. Furthermore, the chapters focus on NB: This guide will work best with Adobe Acrobat Pro. 1 This information was compiled in July 2019. 2 Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations EY contacts Payroll Operate Services Sheri Sullivan Michael Van Den Brand EY Global Payroll Operate Leader EY EMEIA Payroll Operate Leader T: +17168435050 T: +34 933 666 340 E: [email protected] E: [email protected] Country Payroll leader Email address Armenia Kamo Karapetyan [email protected] -
"Prisoners of the Caucasus: Literary Myths and Media Representations of the Chechen Conflict" by H
University of California, Berkeley Prisoners of the Caucasus: Literary Myths and Media Representations of the Chechen Conflict Harsha Ram Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPSs mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ Prisoners of the Caucasus: Literary Myths and Media Representations of the Chechen Conflict Harsha Ram Summer 1999 Harsha Ram is an assistant professor in the Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures at UC Berkeley Edited by Anna Wertz BPS gratefully acknowledges support from the National Security Education Program for providing funding for the publication of this Working Paper . -
Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading. -
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: the Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States © 2021 IAI in the Eastern Mediterranean by Adel Abdel Ghafar ABSTRACT The role played by countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Eastern Mediterranean is becoming increasingly ISSN 2610-9603 | ISBN 978-88-9368-177-3 important. This calls for an assessment of their evolving relationship with countries in the region, as well as their involvement in the Libyan conflict. Increased involvement by Gulf actors may inflame existing regional rivalries and geopolitical tensions. The interests of GCC countries in the Eastern Mediterranean are first analysed in the broader context of regional rivalries. Special attention is then devoted to Egypt, Libya, Lebanon, Greece and Cyprus, while considering the role of other key regional actors such as Turkey and Israel. Recommendations on why and how the new US administration should intervene to decrease regional tensions are provided. Gulf countries | Eastern Mediterranean | Turkish foreign policy | Egypt | keywords Libya | Lebanon | Greece | Cyprus | Israel IAI PAPERS 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY 2021 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY IAI PAPERS Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean © 2021 IAI by Adel Abdel Ghafar* Introduction In August 2020, United Arab Emirates (UAE) Minister of State Anwar Gargash tweeted: “the signing of the maritime boundary demarcation agreement between Egypt and Greece is a victory for international law over the law of the jungle”.1 This thinly veiled insult, directed at Turkey, was the latest salvo in the growing competition in the Eastern Mediterranean. -
ICC-01/18 Date: 16 March 2020 PRE
ICC-01/18-111 17-03-2020 1/10 NM PT Original: English No.: ICC-01/18 Date: 16 March 2020 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Péter Kovács, Presiding Judge Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut Judge Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou SITUATION IN THE STATE OF PALESTINE Public Amicus Curiae Submission of Observations Pursuant to Rule 103 Source: Intellectum Scientific Society (hereinafter Intellectum) No. ICC-01/18 1/10 ICC-01/18-111 17-03-2020 2/10 NM PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence Paolina Massidda States’ Representatives Amici Curiae The competent authorities of the ▪ Professor John Quigley State of Palestine ▪ Guernica 37 International Justice The competent authorities of the Chambers State of Israel ▪ The European Centre for Law and Justice ▪ Professor Hatem Bazian ▪ The Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust ▪ The Czech Republic ▪ The Israel Bar Association ▪ Professor Richard Falk ▪ The Organization of Islamic Cooperation ▪ The Lawfare Project, the Institute for NGO Research, Palestinian Media Watch, & the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs ▪ MyAQSA ▪ Professor Eyal Benvenisti ▪ The Federal Republic of Germany ▪ Australia No. ICC-01/18 2/10 ICC-01/18-111 17-03-2020 3/10 NM PT ▪ UK Lawyers for Israel, B’nai B’rith UK, the International Legal Forum, the Jerusalem Initiative and the Simon Wiesenthal Centre ▪ The Palestinian Bar Association ▪ Prof. -
Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6 -
Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap
POLICY CARNEGIE BRIEF ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 87 A p r i l 2 0 1 0 Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap THOMAS DE WAA l Senior Associate, Russia and Eurasia Program S u m m a r y n Armenia and Turkey have embarked on a historic normalization process, but it is now in trouble and the United States needs to take a lead in rescuing it. n If Armenia and Turkey succeed in opening their closed border it will transform the South Caucasus region. But Azerbaijan, Turkey’s ally and the losing side to Armenia in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, has understandable fears. The international community must invest more resources in resolving the Karabakh conflict and breaking the regional deadlock it has created. n The annual debate over the use of the word genocide to describe the fate of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 has turned into an ugly bargaining process. It is time to take a longer view. President Obama should look ahead to the centenary of the tragedy in 2015 and encourage Turks to take part in commemorating the occasion. THE ArMENiA–TUrKEY the House International Affairs Committee prOTOCOlS voted on March 4 to call the 1915 killings In October 2009 Armenia and Turkey began genocide, causing Turkey to recall its ambas- a historic rapprochement, signing two pro- sador from Washington. Turkey’s outspoken tocols on normalizing their relations that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan fur- showed them a way to escape their tragic ther undermined hopes for normalization past. In 2010, the process has run into trou- in a March 17 BBC interview in which he ble. -
Recasting Russia
georgi derluguian RECASTING RUSSIA midst the clouds of apocalyptic farrago surrounding the attacks of September 11, the most significant immediate Achange in world politics has been largely obscured. The American bombardment of Afghanistan has relocated Russia within the international geopolitical order. Putin’s accession to power on the last day of 1999 was welcomed by Western capitals from the start. Blair sped to embrace him on Clinton’s behalf before he had even been installed by the manipulated popular vote of spring 2000, while relations between Moscow and its creditors in Berlin and Washington were held on an even keel throughout. But the operation that secured Putin’s domestic victory at the polls—the unleashing of a murderous second war in Chechnya—remained something of a foreign embarrass- ment. Although Clinton could freely hail the ‘liberation of Grozny’, for European sensibilities—at any rate on the continent—the mass killings and torture of Chechens was a troubling spectacle. Germany did its best to smooth over such misgivings, pentito Foreign Minister Fischer acting in the best traditions of the Wilhelmstrasse during the Armenian massacres. But public opinion—even occasionally the European Parliament—remained uneasy. Republican victory in the Presidential elections of 2000 promised fur- ther difficulties. Where Clinton and Gore had been intimately connected to Yeltsin and protective of his successor, Bush’s programme was critical of American complicity with the kleptocracy in Russia, and dismissive of the need to save Moscow’s face, pressing ahead regardless with the new version of Star Wars on which Washington had already embarked. Between European humanitarian hand-wringing and American real- politiker cold-shouldering, Russia under its former KGB operative was little more than an uncomfortable guest at the banquets of the G7. -
Energy-Efficien Buildings in Armenia: a Roadmap
Energy-Efficient Buildings in Armenia: A Roadmap Insights and pathways for better buildings 2020-2040 Energy-Efficient Buildings in Armenia: A Roadmap Insights and pathways for better buildings 2020-2040 Energy-Efficient Buildings in Armenia: A Roadmap Table of contents Table of contents Executive summary ........................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 5 Status and key indicators .................................................................................................................. 6 Influencing factors ............................................................................................................................. 9 Deploying efficient technologies ...................................................................................................... 15 Getting future-ready......................................................................................................................... 25 Towards a roadmap for Armenia’s buildings ................................................................................... 29 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................................... 35 References and resources ............................................................................................................. -
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia February 2021 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of “International Republican Institute’s” Center for Insights in Survey Research by Breavis (represented by IPSC LLC). • Data was collected throughout Armenia between February 8 and February 16, 2021, through phone interviews, with respondents selected by random digit dialing (RDD) probability sampling of mobile phone numbers. • The sample consisted of 1,510 permanent residents of Armenia aged 18 and older. It is representative of the population with access to a mobile phone, which excludes approximately 1.2 percent of adults. • Sampling frame: Statistical Committee of the Republic of Armenia. Weighting: Data weighted for 11 regional groups, age, gender and community type. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.5 points for the full sample. • The response rate was 26 percent which is similar to the surveys conducted in August-September 2020. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. 2 Weighted (Disaggregated) Bases Disaggregate Disaggregation Category Base Share 18-35 years old n=563 37% Age groups 36-55 years old n=505 34% 56+ years old n=442 29% Male n=689 46% Gender Female n=821 54% Yerevan n=559 37% Community type Urban n=413 27% Rural n=538 36% Primary or secondary n=537 36% Education Vocational n=307 20% Higher n=665 44% Single n=293 19% Marital status Married n=1,059 70% Widowed or divorced n=155 10% Up -
'Populism': Armenia's “Velvet Revolution”
The Armenian Studies Program and the Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies present the 42nd Educator Outreach Conference Authoritarianism, Democratization, and ‘Populism’: Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” in Perspective Saturday, May 1, 2021 Livestream on YouTube University of California, Berkeley From end March to early May 2018, a series of peaceful protests and demonstration led to the resignation of Prime Minister (PM) Serzh Sargsyan, whom the then ruling Republican Party he chaired had newly nominated for that office. Having completed his two terms as President, from 2008 to 2018, Serzh Sargsyan’s attempt to remain in power became obvious. This attempt also made it evident that the amended 2015 Constitution, which he had promoted to invigorate democratization by shifting power from the office of the President to the Parliament and the office of the Prime Minister, was merely a ploy to extend his rule. It was also the proverbial “last straw that broke the camel’s back.” A kleptocratic, semi-authoritarian regime that appeared to control all the levers of power and of the economy suddenly, and unexpectedly, collapsed. This regime change—which the leader of the protests and incoming new prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, referred to as a “Velvet Revolution”—was peaceful, something unusual for a post-Soviet republic. Subsequent parliamentary elections brought to power a new generation, younger deputies mostly between the ages of twenty-five to forty. A similar generation change also characterized the formation of the government. Youth, however, also means inexperience as almost none of the new deputies and ministers had held any political position in the past. -
Armenia-Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
Armenia‐Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno‐Karabakh Conflict Resolution Air University Advanced Research Program Next Generation Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance Aigerim T. Akhmetova Squadron Officer School Class – 21C March 31, 2021 "Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency." Abstract The Nagorno‐Karabakh territorial dispute is one of the longest inter‐ethnic conflicts from the former Soviet Union, devastating Azerbaijan and Armenia since 1988. The geographic location complicates the situation from a geopolitical perspective by bringing several outside stakeholders to the discussion table. The efforts of one key organization to mitigate the conflict, the Minsk Group, have been questioned by both Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Minsk Group was established in 1992 to provide a peaceful resolution to this territorial dispute by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Competing regional and international interests further complicate this stalemate and finding a single resolution that fits all involved parties’ interests has been an arduous path. This paper explores the complexities of this conflict, discusses if Minsk Group should continue leading negotiation efforts, and proposes possible courses of actions for the international community to take with these countries. Background and Involved Parties The inter‐ethnic tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Karabakh region can be traced back to the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union era (Migdalovitz 2001, 6). For a brief period in 1921, Nagorno‐Karabakh (NK) was part of Armenia before Stalin acknowledged their ties to Azerbaijan (ibid).