MONTHLY July 2017 CONTENTS
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Cases of Crimea, Eastern Ukraine, South Ossetia and Abkhazia
Revista UNISCI / UNISCI Journal, Nº 43 (Enero/January 2017) EU SANCTIONS POLICY TOWARDS POST-SOVIET CONFLICTS: CASES OF CRIMEA, EASTERN UKRAINE, SOUTH OSSETIA AND ABKHAZIA Maria Shagina 1 University of Lucerne Abstract : Going beyond the focus on the sanctions´ effectiveness, this article is rather interested in the investigation of EU internal dynamics of decision-making. Looking at post-Soviet frozen conflicts, namely Crimea, Eastern Ukraine, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the article analyses the internal tensions between Russia-friendly and Russia-hawkish states in the EU process of imposing sanction regimes. Despite potential economic losses and political tensions, in some cases the EU decides and successfully manages to impose sanctions, whereas in other cases no punitive measures are undertaken. Comparing cases with and without sanction regimes, this article aims to uncover the ´black box´ behind the EU´s decision to impose sanctions. It aims to analyze why and under what conditions the EU is ready to resort to sanctions in post-Soviet conflicts. Keywords : EU sanctions, Post-Soviet conflicts, Russia, Eastern Europe Titulo en Castellano : La política de sanciones en los conflictos postsoviéticos: Los casos de Crimea, Ucrania del este, el sur de Osetia y Abjasia Resumen: El artículo se centra en la investigación de la dinámica interna del proceso decisorio de la UE, y no tanto en la efectividad de las sanciones. Examinando los conflictos enquistados de Crimea, Ucrania oriental, sur de Osetia, y Abjasia, el artículo analiza las tensiones internas entre los Estados Miembros de la UE, los pro-rusos y los más firmes con respecto a Rusia, en el proceso de imposición de sanciones. -
Jihadism: Online Discourses and Representations
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 Studying Jihadism 2 3 4 5 6 Volume 2 7 8 9 10 11 Edited by Rüdiger Lohlker 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 The volumes of this series are peer-reviewed. 37 38 Editorial Board: Farhad Khosrokhavar (Paris), Hans Kippenberg 39 (Erfurt), Alex P. Schmid (Vienna), Roberto Tottoli (Naples) 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 Rüdiger Lohlker (ed.) 2 3 4 5 6 7 Jihadism: Online Discourses and 8 9 Representations 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 With many figures 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 & 37 V R unipress 38 39 Vienna University Press 40 41 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; 24 detailed bibliographic data are available online: http://dnb.d-nb.de. -
Strong Men, Weak State: Power Ministry Officials and the Federal
Strong Men, Weak State Power Ministry Officials and the Federal Districts PONARS Policy Memo 284 Brian D. Taylor University of Oklahoma October 2002 Vladimir Putin's KGB past, strong state rhetoric, and specific policy decisions (Chechnya, the attacks on media oligarchs Boris Berezovskii and Vladimir Gusinskii, etc.) have heightened fears of the return to a police state in Russia. The creation of seven federal districts in May 2000, five of which were headed by police and military generals, seemed to provide further evidence of this authoritarian drift. Two and one half years later, we can now draw some conclusions about the extent to which Putin's federal reforms are based on the use of military and police power. Although some of the nightmare scenarios have not materialized, the degree to which power ministry officials dominate federal district structures is striking. Paradoxically, however, the presence of so many officers in these positions will ultimately weaken, rather than strengthen, Putin's efforts to build a strong state. In the twenty-first century, effective state administration relies as much on horizontal ties as on vertical ones. As a general rule, Russian officers lack the political skills and training required to create these ties. Russia's strong men are likely to create a weak state. Coloring the Regions Khaki "Power ministries" or "power structures" (silovie strukturi, or siloviki for personnel from these structures) are the catchall terms used to describe Russian government bodies whose personnel carry weapons or wear uniforms. There are more than a dozen such agencies in Russia. The three most important are generally considered to be the Armed Forces, the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), and the Federal Security Service (FSB). -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
Beaten up for Speaking
BEATEN UP FOR SPEAKING OUT AttAcks oN hUmAN RIghts dEfENdERs IN thE RUssIAN fEdERAtIoN Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal declaration of human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2011 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson house 1 Easton Street London Wc1X 0dW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2011 Index: EUR 46/038/2011 English Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo : People hold portraits of journalist and environmental activist mikhail Beketov as they take part in a protest against a November 2008 attack in Khimki by unknown assailants in which he was severely beaten and left for dead. he spent three weeks in a coma, had one leg amputated and lost his ability to speak. -
Russian NGO Shadow Report on the Observance of the Convention
Russian NGO Shadow Report on the Observance of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment by the Russian Federation for the period from 2001 to 2005 Moscow, May 2006 CONTENT Introduction .......................................................................................................................................4 Summary...........................................................................................................................................5 Article 2 ..........................................................................................................................................14 Measures taken to improve the conditions in detention facilities .............................................14 Measures to improve the situation in penal institutions and protection of prisoners’ human rights ..........................................................................................................................................15 Measures taken to improve the situation in temporary isolation wards of the Russian Ministry for Internal Affairs and other custodial places ..........................................................................16 Measures taken to prevent torture and cruel and depredating treatment in work of police and other law-enforcement institutions ............................................................................................16 Measures taken to prevent cruel treatment in the armed forces ................................................17 -
War Against Terrorism and the Conflict in Chechnya: a Case for Distinction
The War Against Terrorism and the Conflict in Chechnya: A Case for Distinction SVANTE E. CORNELL More than any other conflict, Chechnya epitomizes the old saying that "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter." Since the first Chechen war began in 1994, the Russian government has portrayed the war as one against ban- dits and Islamic fundamentalists. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the label changed-now Chechens are referred to simply as "terrorists." Western states have for the most part thus far refrained from accepting the Russian position at face value, seeing the conflict primarily as an ethnic war. While recognizing Russia's territorial integrity, Western and Islamic states see the Chechen rebels as more or less legitimate representatives of the Chechen people, considering that the current Chechen president, Asian Maskhadov, was elected in elections deemed free and fair by international observers in 1997. Moreover, the international commu- nity has condemned the Russian military's massive human rights violations in the prosecution of the war. That said, during the course of the second war, which began in October 1999 and rages to this day, there has been an increasing concern with regard to the radicalization of parts of the Chechen resistance movement and its links to extremist Islamic groups in the Middle East. The attacks of September 11 introduced a new paradigm into world politics, and Chechnya has since been one of the regions most affected by the increased focus on terrorism. Indeed, it did not take long after 9/11 for the Russian government to draw comparisons between the terrorist attacks on the United States and the situa- tion in Chechnya. -
President Putin and His Generals Bureaucratic Control and War-Fighting Culture
President Putin and His Generals Bureaucratic Control and WarWar---FightingFighting Culture Pavel Baev November 2001 PONARS Policy Memo 205 International Peace Research Institute Since the attacks on the United States on September 11, Russian president Vladimir Putin has moved Russia decisively toward the West, staking out a prominent place in the U.S.- led antiterrorist coalition. He has also redefined the war in Chechnya as just another theatre in this global campaign, thereby hoping to reduce the level and intensity of Western criticism. Putin quickly allied with the West diplomatically and politically in antiterrorist efforts, but the ability of the Russian military to be a useful partner in this campaign may inhibit Russia’s desire/efforts to be a useful contributor to the joint efforts in combating terrorism. Will Putin be able to transform the Russian military into a reliable partner with the West and, perhaps down the road, for NATO? Although the answer involves a host of issues, from resources available to the military to hunger and violence in the barracks, the key to successful military reform will be whether or not the military leadership accepts Putin’s authority. The president has shown skill and firmness in consolidating his control, but his relations with the top brass are far from being problem-free and hidden tensions might be building. Cadre Reshuffling Putin’s uncertain control over the military leadership manifested itself most obviously in July 2000 when Defense Minister Igor Sergeev and Chief of the General Staff Anatoli Kvashnin clashed head-to-head over priorities in resource allocation. Putin rightly saw more to that public scandal than just personal animosity and did not rush with disciplinary actions. -
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Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 121 – November 2015 Russia’s Renewed Military Thinking: Non-Linear Warfare and Reflexive Control by Can Kasapoglu1 Introduction: A Renewed Russian Military Thinking Since the Russo – Georgian War in 2008, the Russian Armed Forces’ new way of warfighting has been drawing attention. Especially following the The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with Crimean campaign, which ended up with the illegal annexation of the sound and timely analyses and recommendations peninsula in March 2014, and given Moscow’s ongoing open and covert on current issues of particular concern for the Al- liance. Papers produced by the Research Division military activities in Eastern Ukraine and recently in Syria, many experts convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience of the international strategic community and con- started to focus their assessments on what they call Russia’s hybrid, or non- tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. linear, warfare. On the other hand, there are also some voices in the Western The RD’s civil and military researchers come from strategic community advancing the analysis that Moscow’s understanding a variety of disciplines and interests covering a broad spectrum of security-related issues. They of non-linear warfare is simply an “attempt to catch up conceptually to the conduct research on topics which are of interest to the political and military decision-making bodies realities of modern war with which the United States has been grappling for of the Alliance and its member states. 2 over a decade in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere.” The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Indeed, the Russian and the Western understandings of hybrid warfare North Atlantic Treaty Organization or the NATO Defense College. -
Case Study Illustrating the Shortcomings of International Criminal Law: Chechnya Stacie Powderly
Washington University Law Review Volume 82 | Issue 4 January 2004 Case Study Illustrating the Shortcomings of International Criminal Law: Chechnya Stacie Powderly Follow this and additional works at: http://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Stacie Powderly, Case Study Illustrating the Shortcomings of International Criminal Law: Chechnya, 82 Wash. U. L. Q. 1553 (2004). Available at: http://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol82/iss4/10 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CASE STUDY ILLUSTRATING THE SHORTCOMINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW: CHECHNYA Anywhere, anytime I could recognize that soldier. I want him and the others responsible for the deaths of the people to be punished. I am ready to repeat my testimony anywhere, in any court. “Ibragim I.,” recounting the murder of his uncle Ahampash Dudayev. Don’t you dare touch the soldiers and officers of the Russian army. They are doing a sacred thing today—they are defending Russia. And don’t you dare sully the Russian soldier with your dirty hands! Major-General Vladimir Shamanov, commander of the troops at Alkhan-Yurt, dismissing calls for accountability for the -
Full Issue/Número Completo
ISSN 1696-2206 Nº 17 Mayo / May 2008 RUSIA: PERSPECTIVAS PARA LA PRESIDENCIA DE MEDVEDEV RUSSIA: PERSPECTIVES FOR THE MEDVEDEV PRESIDENCY (Javier Morales, coord.) Jesús de Andrés y Y Putin encontró el camino. Instituciones y régimen UNISCI Rubén Ruiz político en la Rusia del siglo XXI Andrei Melville Russia in Today’s World: An Experiment in Multidimensional Classifications UNIDAD DE Francesc Serra Rusia ante, contra o con Occidente: diferentes posiciones INVESTIGACIÓN en las relaciones entre dos ejes complementarios del SOBRE poder mundial SEGURIDAD Y Alexander Savelyev Russian Defense and Arms Control Policy and its COOPERACIÓN Prospects after the Presidential Elections INTERNACIONAL Antonio Sánchez La seguridad energética rusa: entre Europa y China Javier Morales ¿Estado de Derecho o “democracia soberana”? Una RESEARCH aproximación al proyecto político de Dmitri Medvedev UNIT ON INTERNATIONAL MIGRACIONES / MIGRATIONS SECURITY AND COOPERATION Gustavo Díaz y Migración y seguridad en España: la seguridad Gracia Abad humana y el control de fronteras. El caso de Frontex EUROPA / EUROPE Jorge Tuñón ¿Cómo las regiones influyen en el proceso decisional comunitario? Mecanismos de activación ascendente de las entidades sub-estales europeas ESPACIO POSTSOVIÉTICO / POST-SOVIET SPACE Komil Kalanov and Sacred Places and “Folk” Islam in Central Asia Antonio Alonso ASIA-PACÍFICO / ASIA PACIFIC Andrew N. D. Yang The Military of the People’s Republic of China: Strategy and Implementation MEDITERRÁNEO / MEDITERRANEAN David Bayón La Unión por el Mediterráneo: -
MEMORIAL Leningrad Were Buried During World War II
NO. 3 1795 САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГ-ТАЙМС WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 29, 2014 WWW.SPTIMES.RU DMITRY LOVETSKY / AP LOVETSKY DMITRY Valentina Kiseleva, 76, who remained in Leningrad during the blockade, walks past a wreath at the Piskaryovskoye Cemetery where most victims of the Siege of MEMORIAL Leningrad were buried during World War II. More than 1 million people died during the 872-day siege, which was finally lifted on Jan. 27, 1944. SOCHI BUSINESS Billion-Dollar Postal Blues LOCAL Doubts Linger Blockade Over Games Survivors Honored With less than ten days to go The Boris Eifman before they start, the Sochi troupe honors Olympics are still dividing Consumers caught up in battle veterans. Page 3. local opinion. Page 8. over e-commerce. Page 6. LocalNews www.sptimes.ru | Wednesday, January 29, 2014 ❖ 2 Local Activists Protest in Kiev VK Founder Durov By Sergey Chernov THE ST. PETERSBURG TIMES Sells Stake in Website St. Petersburg’s liberal and left-wing ac- tivists have offered their support to the RIA NOVOSTI said it was probably based on the protests currently taking place in Pavel Durov, the founder of company’s value of $3-4 billion. Ukraine with one-man rallies and pick- VKontakte, said on Jan. 24 that he Previous media reports said ets, a vigil and visits to Kiev. Pickets had sold his stake in the immensely that Durov and his VKontakte have been held near the Consulate Gen- popular social-networking website team were planning to quit and eral of Ukraine and on Nevsky Prospekt that has often been dubbed “Rus- engage in a new project, but his since mid-week while on Jan.