Sectarianism and Political Activism
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Sectarianism in Syria
SECTARIANISM IN SYRIA SURVEYSURVEY STUDYSURVEY STUDY STUDY FEBRUARYFEBRUARY 2016 FEBRUARY 2016 2016 Sectarianism in Syria: Survey Study Copyright © 2016 The Day After. All Rights Reserved. The Day After (TDA) is an independent, Syrian-led civil society organization working to support democratic transition in Syria. In August 2012, TDA completed work on a comprehensive approach to managing the challenges of a post-Assad transition in Syria. The initial Day After Project brought together a group of Syrians representing a large spectrum of the Syrian opposition — including senior representatives of the Syrian National Council (SNC), members of the Local Coordination Committees in Syria (LCC), and unaffiliated opposition figures from inside Syria and the diaspora representing all major political trends and components of Syrian society — to participate in an independent transition planning process. The Day After (TDA) Istanbul, Turkey Address : Cihangir, Palaska Sk NO: 1/2 D:3 Beyoğlu-İstanbul, Turkey Tel : +90 (212) 252 3812 Email : [email protected] Skype: TDA-SY www.tda-sy.org 2 AN INDISPENSABLE INTRODUCTION 5 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND SAMPLE 8 CHAPTER I: RECOGNIZING AND ASSESSING THE SECTARIAN SITUATION IN SYRIA 13 Opinions on the existence of numerous religious sects 13 Sectarianism: in what sense? 14 Sectarianism as a problem 15 The causes of the sectarian problem 19 CHAPTER II: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE SECT 21 Disclosing affiliation to a particular sect 21 The importance of the sect and its presence 22 About the Syrian -
Bahrain Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Bahrain Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.89 # 56 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 4.35 # 87 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 7.43 # 21 of 128 Management Index 1-10 4.18 # 91 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Bahrain Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Bahrain 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 1.3 HDI 0.806 GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 7.6 HDI rank of 187 42 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 75 UN Education Index 0.747 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 88.6 Gender inequality2 0.288 Aid per capita $ - Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Bahrain’s democratic reform process has come to a standstill since 2009, which marked the 10th anniversary of King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa’s accession to power. The positive developments in civil and political liberties observed with the start of the reform process in 2002 have in recent years been counteracted by repressive state tactics in which freedoms of expression and assembly have suffered most. -
Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation
Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation BY RADWAN ZIADEH n the aftermath of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda, in 2005 the General Assembly of the United Nations established Ian initiative known as the “responsibility to protect” (R2P). The R2P concept departs from traditional principles of international relations regarding the protection of national sovereignty, stating that sovereignty is not a right but a responsibility. R2P argues that when a regime commits war crimes and crimes against humanity, it forfeits its sovereignty, and the international com- munity then has the right, indeed the responsibility to take necessary measures to protect civilians and prevent further crimes against them. This principle has not been applied in Syria, where indiscriminate aerial bombardment has taken the lives of more than 20,000 civilians so far.1 Bashar al-Assad’s forces have made extensive use of weapons of mass destruction, including SCUD missiles and chemical weapons, against areas of Syria with utter disregard for the lives of Syrian civilians or for the amount of destruction done to residential areas and infrastructure. The fractured Syrian military opposition, which includes extremist radical elements like the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, have also commit- ted crimes, such as kidnapping religious leaders and destroying Shia mosques in pro-Assad com- munities. If one compares the conflict in Syria to other conflicts that have occurred throughout the world labeled “civil wars,” it is clear that the term “civil war” is far from the reality of the situation in Syria. In fact, Syria is in the midst of a popular revolution against an authoritarian regime. -
Briefing Paper Submitted to the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition
BRIEFING PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE COMMISSION ON FLAGS, IDENTITY, CULTURE AND TRADITION MEETING IN BELFAST 04 & 05 SEPTEMBER 2017 SECTARIANISM: WHAT’S THE PROBLEM? Michael Rosie, University of Edinburgh Michael Rosie is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of Edinburgh. He has worked at the University of Edinburgh since 2000, initially as a Research Associate and subsequently, from 2002, as a full time member of staff in the Department of Sociology. His key academic interests are focussed upon the political sociology of Scotland within a broader interest in religious and irreligious identities in secularising societies; nationalism, national and localised identities; and the politics of prejudice and 'sectarianism'. He served on the Scottish Government’s independent Advisory Group on Tackling Sectarianism between 2012 and 2015 offering advice to Ministers on how to develop and assess work, policy and resources to tackle sectarianism in Scotland. He subsequently undertook the role of independent advisor to the Scottish Government on the subject of Marches & Parades, reporting in October 2016. He was formerly Director of the University of Edinburgh’s Institute of Governance, and has been closely involved in the journal Scottish Affairs since 2004, assuming the editorship in January 2016. Key publications on sectarianism include The Sectarian Myth in Scotland: Of Bitter Memory and Bigotry (Palgrave, 2004); Sectarianism in Scotland (with Steve Bruce et al, EUP, 2004); and ‘Tackling Sectarianism in Scotland’ (ed.), Special Issue of Scottish Affairs (EUP, 2015). He has also published widely on national identities and politics, as well as upon protest policing; media and nationalism; and religion/secularisation in Scotland. -
Kingdom of Bahrain Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
Kingdom of Bahrain Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 27th Session of the UPR Working Group Submitted 22 September 2016 Submission by Bahrain Human Rights Observatory (BHRO): Creation of parties and non-governmental organizations Freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration Excessive suppression of protests Freedom of opinion and expression BHRO : Bahrain Human Rights Observatory Mrs. Jalila Al-Salman Mobile: +97336595325 e-mail: [email protected] Background: This report, addressed to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) session on Bahrain, covers the period from the end of the UPR in May 2012 up to the writing of this report in April 2016. The report is based on the Bahraini Constitution and the laws acted upon domestically. It is also founded on the United Nation’s Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as major conventions and treaties that Bahrain had endorsed in this field. The figures and statistics in this report depend on our observations of the violations committed. Bahrain’s enforcement of the 2012 Human Rights Council’s Recommendations: The United Nation’s Human Rights Council issued, in its second cycle in May 2012, 21 recommendations regarding the freedom of opinion, expression, peaceful assembly and association. Albeit Bahrain had roughly agreed upon all the recommendations mentioned, nothing had actually changed except an enhancement in the level of suppression against protesters. The Humans Rights Council had advised to make space for a political opposition. However, the Bahraini authorities did not comply with these recommendations, and more so pressured political associations to dissolve The Islamic Action Society [also known as Amal Party] in 2012 and chased down al-Wefaq National Islamic Society and the National Democratic Action Society (Waad) until al-Wefaq was dissolved in June 2016. -
Sectarianism in the MENA Region
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT WORKSHOP Sectarianism in the Middle East ABSTRACT Sectarian conflict and polarisation has become a key feature of Middle East politics in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings of 2011. This workshop looked at some of the key drivers of this, such as the troubled legacy of foreign intervention, state failure, regional rivalries between Saudi Arabia, Iran and others, ruling strategies of authoritarian regimes as well as the spread of identity and sect-based political movements. With in-depth analysis of the two key arenas of sectarian conflict in the contemporary Middle East, Syria and Iraq, and a paper on the consequences of state collapse, this paper also makes recommendations on how the EU could help reduce sectarian tensions. EP/EXPO/B/AFET/2016/01 EN July 2017 - PE 603.843 © European Union, 2017 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 14/07/2017. Printed in Belgium. Authors: Dr Toby MATTHIESEN, Senior Research Fellow in the International Relations of the Middle East, St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford, UK Dr Simon MABON, Lecturer in International Relations, Director of the Richardson Institute, University of Lancaster, UK. Dr Raphaël LEFÈVRE, Rank-Manning Research Fellow in Social Sciences, University of Oxford, UK. Dr Renad MANSOUR, Academy Fellow, Chatham House, London, UK. Official Responsible: Kirsten JONGBERG Editorial Assistant: Györgyi MÁCSAI Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected]. To obtain copies, please send a request to: [email protected] This paper will be published on the European Parliament's online database, 'Think tank'. -
Walls, Patricia (2005) the Health of Irish-Descended Catholics in Glasgow: a Qualitative Study of the Links Between Health Risk and Religious and Ethnic Identities
Walls, Patricia (2005) The health of Irish-descended Catholics in Glasgow: a qualitative study of the links between health risk and religious and ethnic identities. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1550/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] The health of Irish-descended Catholics in Glasgow: A qualitative study of the links between health risk and religious and ethnic identities Patricia Walls Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Glasgow MRC Social and Public Health Sciences Unit Faculty of Social Sciences January 2005 C Patricia Walls 2005 Abstract The overall aim of this researchis to provide qualitativedata on Glasgow'sIrish- descendedCatholic community,which may help to explainthe health disadvantagefound in quantitativestudies among many generationsof Irish peoplein Britain. It examinesthe ways in which social factorslinked to recognisedhealth risks relateto Catholic versus Protestantidentity and Irish versusScottish origin. Using data from 72 qualitative interviews,with peoplein different religious/ethnic,gender, class and agegroups, the analysisfocuses on threekey areasof social life: employment,communal life and family life. -
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 6, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 95-1013 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary The uprising that began in Bahrain on February 14, 2011, at the outbreak of the uprisings that swept several Middle Eastern leaders from power, began a political crisis that has defied resolution. The crisis since 2011 has been more intense than previous periods of unrest in Bahrain, and demonstrates that the grievances of the Shiite majority over the distribution of power and economic opportunities have not satisfied by reform efforts instituted since 1999. The bulk of the Shiite majority in Bahrain says it demands a constitutional monarchy in which an elected parliament produces the government, but many in the Sunni minority government of the Al Khalifa family believe the Shiites want outright rule. In March 2011, Bahrain’s government rejected U.S. advice by inviting direct security assistance from other Gulf Cooperation Council countries, declaring a state of emergency, forcefully suppressing demonstrations, and arresting dissident leaders and pro-opposition health care workers. Although the state of emergency ended on June 1, 2011, a “national dialogue” held in July 2011 reached consensus on only a few modest political reforms. Hopes for resolution were raised by a pivotal report by a government-appointed “Independent Commission of Inquiry” (BICI) on the unrest, released November 23, 2011, which was critical of the government’s actions against the unrest as well as the opposition’s dismissal of all of the government’s reform proposals. -
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs September 29, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary The uprising against Bahrain’s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has “returned to normal.” The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. The Bahrain government’s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally” in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government’s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. -
Bahrain's Sectarian Challenge
BAHRAIN'S SECTARIAN CHALLENGE Middle East Report N°40 – 6 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: A DIVIDED NATION................................................................. 1 A. LEGACIES OF POLITICAL TENSION.........................................................................................1 B. BAHRAIN IN REVOLT.............................................................................................................2 C. SIGNS OF AN APPROACHING BREAKDOWN? .......................................................................3 II. GRIEVANCES................................................................................................................ 5 A. A DISAPPOINTING REFORM...................................................................................................5 B. ANTI-SHIITE DISCRIMINATION ..............................................................................................7 C. POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT ...........................................................................................9 III. SHIITE STRUCTURES AND POLITICS: DISPELLING MYTHS ...................... 11 A. FOUNDATIONS OF DISTRUST ...............................................................................................11 B. RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY AND THE LOYALTY QUESTION .......................................................12 C. SHIITE POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS.....................................................................................14 -
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated February 5, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary An uprising against Bahrain’s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories, but observers praised the newly elected lower house of the Assembly for naming a woman as its speaker. The Bahrain government’s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally” in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government’s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. -
Nonviolent Action Strategy: Lessons from Bahrain's Demonstration
Spring 2012 Nonviolent Action Strategy: Lessons from Bahrain’s Demonstration Movement Loghman Fattahi From February 14 to March 16, 2011, a These three pillars are equally vital in demonstration movement swept Bahrain maximizing and managing participation in a employing nonviolent action strategy to effect nonviolent action movement. The balancing of political and economic change in country. The these pillars is key to chipping away at the state's success of a nonviolent action strategy rests on the pillars of support and achieving the aims of the ability of organizers to maximize the participation movement. of individual and collective actors in the Despite major achievements, the nonviolent demonstration process. Participation increases the action movement in Bahrain did not induce true probability of overcoming the state's pillars of democratic reform. Although most Shiite citizens power, chiefly its security forces. Maximizing and participated in the demonstration process, this managing participation is best achieved by religiously homogenous group was not sufficient building upon and sustaining the three pillars of a to compel king al-Khalifa to adopt democratic nonviolent action strategy: nonviolent unity, reforms. Had a large number of Sunni citizens planning, and discipline. participated in the movement, it would have The unity pillar demands building and increased its probability of success because sustaining a multilateral coalition representing the Sunnis, unlike Shiites, are a pillar of support of diverse socio-political interests of a state. The the al-Khalifa dynasty. nonviolent coalition must then secure Analyzing the relationship between overwhelming consensus on a concrete set of maximum participation and pillars of support for socio-political objectives to maximize the number the regime, this paper argues that the nonviolent of participants involved and guide the political action movement’s failure to unite Bahrain's 1 objectives of the demonstration movement.