Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
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Bahrain Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Bahrain Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.89 # 56 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 4.35 # 87 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 7.43 # 21 of 128 Management Index 1-10 4.18 # 91 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Bahrain Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Bahrain 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 1.3 HDI 0.806 GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 7.6 HDI rank of 187 42 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 75 UN Education Index 0.747 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 88.6 Gender inequality2 0.288 Aid per capita $ - Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Bahrain’s democratic reform process has come to a standstill since 2009, which marked the 10th anniversary of King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa’s accession to power. The positive developments in civil and political liberties observed with the start of the reform process in 2002 have in recent years been counteracted by repressive state tactics in which freedoms of expression and assembly have suffered most. -
Kingdom of Bahrain Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
Kingdom of Bahrain Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 27th Session of the UPR Working Group Submitted 22 September 2016 Submission by Bahrain Human Rights Observatory (BHRO): Creation of parties and non-governmental organizations Freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration Excessive suppression of protests Freedom of opinion and expression BHRO : Bahrain Human Rights Observatory Mrs. Jalila Al-Salman Mobile: +97336595325 e-mail: [email protected] Background: This report, addressed to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) session on Bahrain, covers the period from the end of the UPR in May 2012 up to the writing of this report in April 2016. The report is based on the Bahraini Constitution and the laws acted upon domestically. It is also founded on the United Nation’s Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as major conventions and treaties that Bahrain had endorsed in this field. The figures and statistics in this report depend on our observations of the violations committed. Bahrain’s enforcement of the 2012 Human Rights Council’s Recommendations: The United Nation’s Human Rights Council issued, in its second cycle in May 2012, 21 recommendations regarding the freedom of opinion, expression, peaceful assembly and association. Albeit Bahrain had roughly agreed upon all the recommendations mentioned, nothing had actually changed except an enhancement in the level of suppression against protesters. The Humans Rights Council had advised to make space for a political opposition. However, the Bahraini authorities did not comply with these recommendations, and more so pressured political associations to dissolve The Islamic Action Society [also known as Amal Party] in 2012 and chased down al-Wefaq National Islamic Society and the National Democratic Action Society (Waad) until al-Wefaq was dissolved in June 2016. -
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 6, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 95-1013 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary The uprising that began in Bahrain on February 14, 2011, at the outbreak of the uprisings that swept several Middle Eastern leaders from power, began a political crisis that has defied resolution. The crisis since 2011 has been more intense than previous periods of unrest in Bahrain, and demonstrates that the grievances of the Shiite majority over the distribution of power and economic opportunities have not satisfied by reform efforts instituted since 1999. The bulk of the Shiite majority in Bahrain says it demands a constitutional monarchy in which an elected parliament produces the government, but many in the Sunni minority government of the Al Khalifa family believe the Shiites want outright rule. In March 2011, Bahrain’s government rejected U.S. advice by inviting direct security assistance from other Gulf Cooperation Council countries, declaring a state of emergency, forcefully suppressing demonstrations, and arresting dissident leaders and pro-opposition health care workers. Although the state of emergency ended on June 1, 2011, a “national dialogue” held in July 2011 reached consensus on only a few modest political reforms. Hopes for resolution were raised by a pivotal report by a government-appointed “Independent Commission of Inquiry” (BICI) on the unrest, released November 23, 2011, which was critical of the government’s actions against the unrest as well as the opposition’s dismissal of all of the government’s reform proposals. -
Bahrain's Sectarian Challenge
BAHRAIN'S SECTARIAN CHALLENGE Middle East Report N°40 – 6 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: A DIVIDED NATION................................................................. 1 A. LEGACIES OF POLITICAL TENSION.........................................................................................1 B. BAHRAIN IN REVOLT.............................................................................................................2 C. SIGNS OF AN APPROACHING BREAKDOWN? .......................................................................3 II. GRIEVANCES................................................................................................................ 5 A. A DISAPPOINTING REFORM...................................................................................................5 B. ANTI-SHIITE DISCRIMINATION ..............................................................................................7 C. POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT ...........................................................................................9 III. SHIITE STRUCTURES AND POLITICS: DISPELLING MYTHS ...................... 11 A. FOUNDATIONS OF DISTRUST ...............................................................................................11 B. RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY AND THE LOYALTY QUESTION .......................................................12 C. SHIITE POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS.....................................................................................14 -
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated February 5, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary An uprising against Bahrain’s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories, but observers praised the newly elected lower house of the Assembly for naming a woman as its speaker. The Bahrain government’s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally” in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government’s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. -
Nonviolent Action Strategy: Lessons from Bahrain's Demonstration
Spring 2012 Nonviolent Action Strategy: Lessons from Bahrain’s Demonstration Movement Loghman Fattahi From February 14 to March 16, 2011, a These three pillars are equally vital in demonstration movement swept Bahrain maximizing and managing participation in a employing nonviolent action strategy to effect nonviolent action movement. The balancing of political and economic change in country. The these pillars is key to chipping away at the state's success of a nonviolent action strategy rests on the pillars of support and achieving the aims of the ability of organizers to maximize the participation movement. of individual and collective actors in the Despite major achievements, the nonviolent demonstration process. Participation increases the action movement in Bahrain did not induce true probability of overcoming the state's pillars of democratic reform. Although most Shiite citizens power, chiefly its security forces. Maximizing and participated in the demonstration process, this managing participation is best achieved by religiously homogenous group was not sufficient building upon and sustaining the three pillars of a to compel king al-Khalifa to adopt democratic nonviolent action strategy: nonviolent unity, reforms. Had a large number of Sunni citizens planning, and discipline. participated in the movement, it would have The unity pillar demands building and increased its probability of success because sustaining a multilateral coalition representing the Sunnis, unlike Shiites, are a pillar of support of diverse socio-political interests of a state. The the al-Khalifa dynasty. nonviolent coalition must then secure Analyzing the relationship between overwhelming consensus on a concrete set of maximum participation and pillars of support for socio-political objectives to maximize the number the regime, this paper argues that the nonviolent of participants involved and guide the political action movement’s failure to unite Bahrain's 1 objectives of the demonstration movement. -
Popular Protests in North Africa and the Middle East (Iii): the Bahrain Revolt
POPULAR PROTESTS IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST (III): THE BAHRAIN REVOLT Middle East/North Africa Report N°105 – 6 April 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. POLITICAL TENSIONS AND MOBILISATION – SOURCES OF GRIEVANCE . 2 A. POLITICAL STALEMATE ................................................................................................................ 3 B. SECTARIAN DISCRIMINATION ....................................................................................................... 4 C. ECONOMIC COMPLAINTS .............................................................................................................. 5 III. THE PEARL SQUARE REVOLT................................................................................... 6 IV. THE SHIITES’ RELATIONSHIP WITH IRAN ........................................................... 9 V. SUNNI ISLAMIST GROUPS (PRO-REGIME) .......................................................... 12 A. THE ISLAMIC NATIONAL FORUM (AL-MINBAR AL-WATANI AL-ISLAMI) .................................... 12 B. THE ISLAMIC AUTHENTICITY SOCIETY (JAMIAEEYAT AL-ASALA AL-ISLAMIYA) ........................ 13 VI. THE LEGAL POLITICAL OPPOSITION .................................................................. 14 A. AL-WIFAQ: A PAN-SHIITE POLITICAL GROUPING ..................................................................... -
Sectarianism and Political Activism
BAHRAIN'S SECTARIAN CHALLENGE Middle East Report N°40 – 6 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: A DIVIDED NATION................................................................. 1 A. LEGACIES OF POLITICAL TENSION.........................................................................................1 B. BAHRAIN IN REVOLT.............................................................................................................2 C. SIGNS OF AN APPROACHING BREAKDOWN? .......................................................................3 II. GRIEVANCES................................................................................................................ 5 A. A DISAPPOINTING REFORM...................................................................................................5 B. ANTI-SHIITE DISCRIMINATION ..............................................................................................7 C. POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT ...........................................................................................9 III. SHIITE STRUCTURES AND POLITICS: DISPELLING MYTHS ...................... 11 A. FOUNDATIONS OF DISTRUST ...............................................................................................11 B. RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY AND THE LOYALTY QUESTION .......................................................12 C. SHIITE POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS.....................................................................................14 -
Bahrain's Prisoners of Conscience Name Affiliation Statements by Human Rights Groups on Charges Against the Prisoners S
Bahrain’s Prisoners of Conscience Name Affiliation Statements by human rights groups on charges against the prisoners Sentence Mahdi Abu Deeb was given 10 years in prison…for peacefully expressing [his] views.” 5 years Mahdi Abu President of the Bahrain (link) “According to Mahdi, he was beaten when he was arrested, handcuffed, (reduced Deeb Teachers’ Association blindfolded and verbally abused…Their trial was a farce, falling far short of any from 10) recognizable international legal standards.” (link) President of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights “Mr. Rajab has been targeted for his tireless efforts at highlighting gross human rights President of the Gulf violations in Bahrain.” (link) “Rajab’s activities do not warrant any prison time… By Center for Human Rights persisting in the practice of imprisoning citizens simply for exercising their right to Deputy Secretary General gather peacefully and express their opinions, the Bahraini regime is once again 2 years Nabeel of the International demonstrating the hollowness of last year’s promised reforms.” (link) “Nabeel Rajab (reduced Rajab Federation for Human should be immediately released from prison. Human Rights First considers his from 3) Rights conviction to be politically-motivated and a denial of his freedom of expression. He Advisory Committee should be released immediately and the conviction quashed. He should be allowed to member of Human Rights go about his activities as a human rights defender without being harassed or jailed by Watch’s Middle East the authorities.” (link) Division “Al Khawaja was sentenced to life in prison after being arrested, tortured and given an Abdulhadi Co-founder of the Bahrain unfair trial in a military court after he took part in the pro-democracy protest. -
The Journal of Social Sciences Research ISSN(E): 2411-9458, ISSN(P): 2413-6670 Vol
The Journal of Social Sciences Research ISSN(e): 2411-9458, ISSN(p): 2413-6670 Vol. 6, Issue. 7, pp: 691-699, 2020 Academic Research Publishing URL: https://arpgweb.com/journal/journal/7 Group DOI: https://doi.org/10.32861/jssr.67.691.699 Original Research Open Access Political Reform and Its Impact on Representing the Bahraini Political Associations in the Elections of the House of Representatives (2002-2018) Bashar Awad Al-Tarawneh Assistant Professor, the department of political sciences, the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Applied Science Private University, Amman, Jordan Abstract This study aimed at identifying the political reform and its impact on representing the political associations in the elections of the Bahraini House of representatives (2002-2018). The study used the analytical descriptive approach in order to describe the political reform that took place in Bahrain, describe the elections of the Bahraini House of representatives and analyze the amount of representing the political associations in the Bahraini House of representatives. The study results showed that the role of political reform that took place in Bahrain resulted in positive outcomes during the issuance of the most important law for the political associations, law No. (26) for the year 2005, which was later amended by issuing the law No. (34) for the year 2014. The results also revealed that the amount of representing the Bahraini political associations in the elections of 2002 was high; however, after those elections, the Bahraini political associations began gaining less seats in the elections of 2006, 2010, 2014 and 2018. The study recommended that the Bahraini political associations should promote themselves under the regulations of law that organizes its work in order to communicate its vision and plans to all the categories of the Bahraini population. -
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated June 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Bahrain is a small island nation, ruled by a hereditary monarchy, that is in a partnership with other Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf called the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman). Bahrain is led by King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, who succeeded his father, Shaykh Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, upon his death in 1999. U.S.-Bahrain ties are long-standing and have deepened over the past four decades as the Gulf region has become highly volatile. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948, and the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991. In 2004, Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally.” There are nearly 5,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, serving at the naval facility and other bases in Bahrain, and the country is a significant buyer of U.S.-made arms. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition combatting the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group’s fighters in Syria that year. Bahrain generally supports de facto GCC leader Saudi Arabia, which provides Bahrain with substantial financial support. In 2015, Bahrain joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. -
Popular Protests in North Africa and the Middle East (Iii): the Bahrain Revolt
POPULAR PROTESTS IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST (III): THE BAHRAIN REVOLT Middle East/North Africa Report N°105 – 6 April 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. POLITICAL TENSIONS AND MOBILISATION – SOURCES OF GRIEVANCE . 2 A. POLITICAL STALEMATE ................................................................................................................ 3 B. SECTARIAN DISCRIMINATION ....................................................................................................... 4 C. ECONOMIC COMPLAINTS .............................................................................................................. 5 III. THE PEARL SQUARE REVOLT................................................................................... 6 IV. THE SHIITES’ RELATIONSHIP WITH IRAN ........................................................... 9 V. SUNNI ISLAMIST GROUPS (PRO-REGIME) .......................................................... 12 A. THE ISLAMIC NATIONAL FORUM (AL-MINBAR AL-WATANI AL-ISLAMI) .................................... 12 B. THE ISLAMIC AUTHENTICITY SOCIETY (JAMIAEEYAT AL-ASALA AL-ISLAMIYA) ........................ 13 VI. THE LEGAL POLITICAL OPPOSITION .................................................................. 14 A. AL-WIFAQ: A PAN-SHIITE POLITICAL GROUPING .....................................................................