THE RO C E E DI NG S ·_ : . :. p I • 1 • • ' . ,, . OF THE - ~ . . . ' - AFRICAN ULASSICAL .. ., . · ASSOCIATIONS ,,. '· '·.:'", I ' • .

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Vol. 6 1963

CONTENTS

Page J. FERGUSON Catullus and Martial 3 University of Ibadan T. F. CARNEY Notes on the H ecyra of T erence 16 University of Sydney L. G. POCOCK More argument concerning the Elymi Ohristc-hurch, New Zealand and the Odyssey 24 R. K. SINCLAIR Diodorus Siculus and the writing of University of Sydney history 36 W. S. ANDERSON Second thoughts on H ighet's Juvenal the University of California, Berkeley Satirist 45

Reviews

G. E. DucKwORTH, Structural patterns and proportions in Vergil's Aeneid (E. C. Woodcock, Durham); C. R. WHITTAKER and M. E. TouBKIN (eds.), Ex Africa - Latin in Rhodesia, 1962 (D. G. Moore, Birmingham); L. P. WILKINSON, Golden Latin Artistry (N. E. Collinge, Durham); C. HIGNETT, Xerxes' Invasion of Greece (A. E. Wardman, Reading); C. DAY LEWIS (trans.), The Eclogues of Virgil (T. J. Haarhoff, Johannesburg); Sm A. PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE, Dithyramb Trage dy and Comedy , rev. ed. by T . B. L. Webster (W. Ritchie, Sydney); M. AYRTON, The T estament of Daedalus (J. H . Betts, Auckla nd); F. ScHACHERMEYR, Die iigiiische Friihzeit (F. H . Stubbings, Cambridge); L. PEARSON, Popular Ethics in Ancient Greece (A. Kyriakidou-Nestoros, Salonika); R. D. WILLIAMS, P. Vergili Maronis Aeneidos Liber III (J. E. Atkinson, Salis bury); H . D . F. Krrro, Sophocles, Three Trage dies (F. J. H. Letters, Armidale, 1• S. W .); A. H . NASH- WILLIAMS, Soda/es Duo (M. E. Toubkin, Salisbury); W . M. "\!\TILSON, Greek test j1apers for ordinary and higher level (J. M. Coates, Marandellas).

1 EDITORIAL BOARD

Dr. E. BADIAN, Durham Colleges, University of Durham (British Editor);

Prof. T. B. L. WEBSTER, University College, London;

Prof. G. VAN N. VILJOEN, University of South Africa, Pretoria;

Prof. H. F. GUITE, University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (Managing Ed~tor);

Mr. L. M. LAMBIRIS (Technical Editor);

Miss P. FORDER, University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, (Assistant Editor). CATULLUS AND MARTIAL

1 poems would be recognized in the middle of the century.(i) On Lucan the indefatig­ We should li.ke to know what happened able Heitland comments: 'How intimate to Catwllus's poetry between the Augustan Lucan's knowledge of the works of the age and the end of the first century A.D. Republican poets was, we shall neve,r know. General experience suggests that he may Here and there we get a slight reminiscence have undergone some kind of eclipse. He of Lucretius or Catu1llus, ·but I do not infer was popular under Augustus, and Martial is that either of these writers had much in­ witness to his contemporary popularity; it fluence on the P.harsalia.'(4) This is un­ would be unusual in literary history if that questionably just. But Catullus did not offer popularity were sustained throughout the much o.f material use for historical epic or intervening period. Our evidence is insuf­ serious-minded Stoicism, and we may suspect ficient to be dogmatic. If, for example, we that if some of Lucan's juveniiia and occa­ take Phaedrus, his iambics seem to owe no sional poems had survived we would be able debt to those of Catu1llus. There are scarce'ly to detect a stronger influence. any verbal reminiscences. Even his poem This influence can be seen in Statius. Peras imposuit Iuppiter nobis duas: Wight Duff suggested that Statius's fond­ propriis repletam vitiis post tergum dedit, ness(5) for visual imagery might be an in­ alienis ante pectus suspendit gravem. heritance from Catullus. Certainly the Sil­ hac re videre nostra mala non possumus; vae demonstrate knowledge of Catullus; they alii simul delinquunt, censores sumus, also demonstrate small influence. Even in which some people derive from Catullus his hendecasyllabics, in which he is closest to Catullus, he uses a spondaic beginning sed non videmus manticae quod in tergo est, as his norm, giving his verse a heaviness is one of Aesop's fables which became a Stoic from which Catullus's is free, and extends commonplace, and if it is taken from any his poems to a hundred and more lines, far 1 Latin author, it is more likely Horace.( ) beyond the suitability of the metre. It is Persius also alludes to it, and elsewhere interesting that the one unquestionable Phaedrus expands Horace's quotation from Catullus parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.(2) amplexum niveos optatae coniugis artus I have not found any reference to Catul­ is from one of CatuUus' golden hexameters lus in Seneca, except for one quotation in excipiet niveos perculsae virginis artus.(6) the Apocolocyntosis, which is doubtfully by Seneca, but which shows that the Passer The parrot elegy derives from the passer

(1) Cat. 22,21; Hor. Sat. 2,3,299; Phaedr. 4,10; Pe1·s. (4) C. E. Haskins Lucani Pharsalia p. cxxviii. 4,24; Babrius 66 . (5) J. W . Duff, A Literary History of Rome in the Silver (2) Hor. AP. 139; Phaedr. 4,24. Age, p. 493. (8) Cat. 3,12; [Sen.] Apoc. 11. (O) Stat. Silv. 1,2,20; Cat. 64,364.

3 J. FERGUSON

poems, but through Ovid.(7) 'Septemgemi­ There is none from the Peleus and Thetis, ni . .. N ili' is ultimately Catullus but im­ and only one from any of the longer poems, 17 mediately Vergil.(8) 'Diu ne.gata' in Statius's from the hexameter epitha.Ja mium.( ) Four hendecasyllabics may come from Catullus, allusions refer to the elegiac epigrams, one but 'diu ligatam' is more commonly read by to the 'no bile epigramma' on Arri us, (18 ) one 4 editors; ( ) still, the archetype had ' negatam ', to the interpretation of the phrase 'nulla est and Statius's phrase might be counted in its in corpore mica salis',(1 9) one to the Caesar favo ur. Other possible echoes of the first distich (Quintilian is oritical, and scornfu1lly 22 poem (in a Sapphic passage)(10) and the dismisses the author as 'aliquis poetarum ') ( ) 11 21 seventy-sixth( ) are dubious in the extreme. and one to the use of the word 'ploxenus'.( ) Of Catullus's fire and vigour or his light Obviously these citations cannot be taken as conversational touch there is nothing. representing Quintilian's taste in Catullus. Some of them are critica,l, and others merely 2 illustrate points of grammatical interest. Still, after making every allowance for the The outstanding critic of the end of the difficu1lty of fitting an author like Catullus century was of co urse Quintilian - into the critical categories of 100 A.D., the failure to make any judgment or even Quintiliane, vagae moderator summe iuventae, gloria Romanae, Quintiliane, togae,(12) mention of poems which commended them­ selves to the taste of inte'lligent readers in It is illuminating that he treats Catullus his own day and which had influenced the onl y as a writer of lampoons. 'iambus non development of Vergil, Horace and Ovid is sane a Romanis celebratus est, ut proprium decidedly curious and shows a defect in opus; •quibusdam interpositus; cuius acer­ Quintilian's usually very sound taste. The bitas in Catullo, Bibaculo, Horatio '. (13) poems were popular in his day, as we shall Among elegiac poets he commends only see, and one cannot help feeling that he Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid and Gal'lus; deplored their popularity, and their omission among lyric writers H orace alone.(14) Simil­ is deliberate. 'It is not without significance,' arly Catullus's friend Calvus finds mention wrote Wight Duff, 'that the grim wrestlings only as an orator.(15) Catullus is occasionally in Lucretius's so ul or in Catullus's heart quoted throughout the work. But there is appear never to have affected him. The only one citation from the first sixty poems, frenzy of despair and the fires of love are and that from a lampoon not a lyric, and not such stuff as sound oratory is made of; without mentioning the writer's name. and in any case it may be that he shares

(7) Stat. Silv. 2,6; Ov. Am. 2,6; Cat. 2-3 . (15) Id. l0,l,ll5. (8) Stat. Silv. 3,5,21; Verg. A . 6,800; Cat. ll,7. (16) Id. 9,4,141 ; Cat. 29,1-2. (9) Stat. Silv. 4,3,11; Cat. 2,13 . (17) Id. 9,3,16; Cat. 62,45. (10) Stat. Si/v. 4,7,54; Cat. 1,6. (18) Id. 1,5,20; Cat. 78. (11) Stat. Silv. 4,56; Cat. 76,21 . (19) Id. 6,3,18; Cat. 86,4. (12) Mart. 2,90,1-2. (20) Id. ll,l ,38; Cat. 92. (13) Quint. 10,1,96. (21) Id. 1,5,8; Cat. 97.6. Cf. also Festus p. 260 L. (14) Id. 10,1,93 and 96.

4 CATULLUS AND MARTIAL

Horace's antagonism to Catullus and Proper­ or Saturninus, found Catullus's verses durius­ tius, who had the temerity to exalt love into culos is not clear; Pliny's uncle uses the same an absorbing passion and who could never word. It may -be his harsh elisions, or his have taken the Augustan official view of use of conversational phrases, or his metrical marriage as a civic duty.'(22) Quintilian is a irregularities by Augustan and subsequent critic of the Age of Reason; fortunately the standards. The other Catullan friend was age was unreasonable enough for him not Serius Augurinus.(26) He called his verses to ki'll all interest in Catullus. poematia, and the very diminutive implies Catullan standards. He acknowledged his debt 3 can to carmina versibus minutis his olim quibus et meus Catullus When we turn to the circle of Pliny the et Calvus veteresque. younger we ,find clear evidence of the culti­ Here again Pliny applies similar critical vation of Catullus. After all, they were standards. 'multa tenuiter, multa sublimiter, associated with the same area of North multa venuste, multa tenere, multa dulciter, Italy. One of Catullus's poems is an invita­ multa cum bile.' Martial's Caecilianus may tion to Caecilius to come apart for a whi,le have belonged to the same circle; he was from Novum Comum.(23) Pliny's uncle was always reciting Marsus or Catullus, but proud to claim Catu'1lus as his conterraneus wrote himself in the same medium ve,rses in a'lluding to his dedicatory poem in his which Martial considered much inferior.(27) own preface.(24 ) We ca nnot regret the loss of these passion­ Among the younger Pliny's associates he less parodies.(28) mentions two who were imitators of Catul­ Nor can we seriously regret the loss of lus. He writes enthusiastically about Pom­ Pliny's own verses, fulsome though the peius Saturninus.(25) 'praeterea facit versus, flattery of hi s fri ends is. Augurinus's epigram quales Catu1llus aut Ca,lvus. quantum illis continues leporis, · dulcedinis, amaritudinis, amoris! sed quid ad me? inserit sane, sed data opera, mo'llibus leni­ unus Plinius est mihi priores; busque duriuscu'los quosdam et hoc quasi mavult versiculos foro relicto Catullus aut Calvus.' The insertion of the et quaerit, quod amet, putatque amari. diminutive is a neat piece of stylistic wit. ille o Plinius, ille quot Catones! i nunc, qui sapias, amare noli. The passage is interesting, exemplifying what Pliny looked for in a poet-wit, charm, Pliny wrote some schoolboy verses, including bite and tenderness; one does not fed that a Greek tragedy at the age of fourteen. Pliny found Catullus's poetry as disturbing Later, when he'ld up at sea by contrary as the modern reader. In what way Pliny, winds on his return from military service,

(22) J. W . Duff, A Literary History of Rome in the Silver (26) lb. 4,27 . Age, p. 408. (27) Mart. 2,71. (23) Cat. 35. (28) R. Syme, Tacitus, p. 90 writes pungently on these (24) Plin. N. H . Pref. I; Cat. 1,3-4 . poetasters. (25) Plin. Ep. 1,16.

5 J. FERGUSON he tried his hand at elegiacs.( 29) He a'lways against the charge of writing risque verses wanted to be a second Cicero; in this he quotes capacity he fancied himse'lf as an encourager nam castum esse decet pium poetam and patron of literature,(80) and in this ipsum, versiculos nihil necesse est, capacity he befriended Martial, who wrote qui tune denique habent salem et leporem, si sunt molliculi et parum pudici.(42) to him some complimentary hendecasyl­ labics.(81) He tried to write epic at one In another letter his apology quotes Terence time, but it was the thought of Cicero's but not Catullus.43 The truth is that Pliny occasional poetry which directed him again was widely read, and genuinely fond of to eleo-iacs and then to hendecasyllabics.(82) 0 literature; he even cal.led his vi!llas Tragedy He wrote them facilitate corruptus,(83) and and Comedy.(44 ) But his knowledge was where Catul,lus praises the laborious polish wide rather than deep. He had probab'lj of Cinna's Zmyrna, Pliny chides Suetonius read all Catullus, but it had not sunk in. for over-polishing his poetry.(34) He claims There is even a parallel between the occas­ considernble popu'larity for this love~poetry ional verse of Pliny's circle and the occasion­ of his.(35) He essayed other metres too. He al verse which Catullus and Calvus would translated the Greek epigrams of Arrius interchange - only, Catullus and Calvus 36 Antoninus, presumably into elegiacs, ( ) and were poets. Pliny lacked critical judgment, threatens Suetonius with scazon lampoons.(3 7;) and Merrill's summary is just: ' Indeed, He writes to Tacitus of composing poetry Pliny was much too formal to be a poet. 38 while waiting for boars to hunt. ( ) H e H e could not tell the difference between preserves for us two specimens of his art, his verses and those of Catullus, and so he 39 one in hexameters, one in elegiacs;( ) they concluded there was no difference; - so many are harmless but undistinguished, derivative fee t to a line, such and such syllables to a without drawing on one particular source. foot, a tag or two from the epic vocabulary, Another, perhaps one of his translations, and a gracious and complimentary turn of appears in the Anthology.40 He was evident­ expression, - what could be more simple ly keen, and Martia!J speaks of him giving when one gets the knack ? And so he de­ his days to ·Jaw and his nights to verse.(41) lightedly turned off poetry of all varieties Of actual quotations from CatuHus there by the ream, and was sure it possessed the is, I think, only one. In defending himself flavour of H elicon.' (45)

(29) Plin. Ep. 7,4. (3 7) lb. 5,10. (30) Plin. Ep. 3, 15; cf. 1,1 3; 1,1 6; 2,10; 4,18; 4,20; 4,27; (38) lb. 9,10 cf. 1,6. 5, 10; 5,15; 5,17; 6,15; 6,17; 6,21; 7,20; 7,33; 8,4; 8,7; (39) Plin. Ep. 7,4; 7,9. 9,1; 9,8; 9,22; 9,27; 9,3 1; 9,33; 9,38 . (40) Anth. Lat. 710(R). (3 1) lb. 3,21. (41) Plin. Ep. 3,21. (32) lb. 7,4; 7,9. (42) lb. 4,14; Cat. 16,5-8. (33) lb. (43) lb. 5,3. (34) lb. 5, 10. (44) lb. 9,7 . (35) lb. 7,4. (45) E. T . Merrill, Selected Letters of the Younger Pliny, (3 6) lb. 4,18; 5,15. p. xxxiii.

6 CATULLUS AND MARTIAL

4 Martial, such as the hymn to Diana or the epithalamium for Torquatus, than upon With Martia'l it is different. Catullus is those he chooses to recall. But Martial him­ mentioned by name about twenty times by self is rhetorician rather than musician, 46 Martial Bellissima writes:( ) epigrammatist rather than songster. Lepidus 47 48 'Catullo e chiamato doctus,( ) argutus,( ) refers to wit; here the appeal to Martiat is lepidus,(49) a lui Verona deve tanto;(50) della direct and obvious. T ener again picks out a 51 sua poesia sul passero fa lode( ) ed egli quality of obvious appeal, the emotional pensa di poter essere stimato inferiore al element in Catullus's love-poetry.(57) How 52 solo Catullo.( ) Martial wou·ld have responded to this if 'Catullo e detto tener( 53) per i versi soavi Ovid had not intervened we cannot tell. As amatori; e a 'lui e superiore ii poeta pado­ it is his approach to love-poetry is less direct, vano Stella, amico caro di Marziale. Stella more reflective and artificial. FinaJ:ly, there cante iJa colomba d'un amico imitando il is tenuis, which Bellissima does not men­ 54 passero delizia di Lesbia.( ) tion.(58). This can be linked with doctus and · E la cagnolina "Issa" e da Marziale detta means 'elegant' or 'polished'; it again serves 55 piu trista del passero di Catullo,( ) e pit1 to single out Catullus as a neo-A·lexandrian. 56 semplice del'la colomba di Stella.'( ) But whereas doctus comes from Lygdamus These adjectives are revealing. Martial and Ovid,(69 ) tenuis is Martial's own epithet. values Catullus first for his 'learning'. Doctus, A small example of the influence which contrary to what is sometimes said, is more Catu1llus exercised on Martial's imagination than a stock epithet for a poet; it is peculiar­ is to ,be seen in the recurrence of the name ly applied to Catullus, and marks him out Leshia in Martial's poems.(60) The poems as the leading poet of the neoteric schoo'l, concerned are mostly coarse; one is very which adapted Alexandrian poetry to Latin. beautiful: Such adaptations were never mere imita­ arctoa de gente comam tibi, Lesbia, misi, tions, and Martial, who shows his own skill ut sci11es quanto sit tua £lava magis.(61) in adapting Catu:Jlus, is interested in Catul­ lus's ski.Jl in adapting his predecessors. We know nothing of the gir.1 or girJ.s to Argutus, 'melodious', is an appreciation of whom these poems were addressed, but it is the musical quality of Catullus's writing. reasonable to suppose that the name is This is just, though it is perhaps more borrowed by Martia•l from Catullus. visi!ble in poems which 'left no mark on The main verse forms which Martial owes

(46) G. Bellissima Marziale, pp. 162-3. (54) Id. I,7,1-3 . (47) Mart. 14,152,1 ; 7,99,7 cf. 1,61 ,1; 8,73,8; 14,100,1. (55) Id. 1,109,I . (48) Id. 6,34,7-8 . (5 6) Id. 1,109,2. (40) Id. 12,44,5. (57) Cf. Ov. A.A. 3,333; R .A . 757. (50) Id. 14,195,1; cf. 1,61,1; 10,103.5. (58) Id. 10,103,5. (51) Id. 4,14,13-4. (59) Lygd. [Tib.] 3,6,41; Ov. Am. 3,9,62. (52) Id. 10,78,16. (60) 1,34; 2,50; 5,68; 6,23 ; 10,39; 11,62; 11 ,99. (53) Id. 4,14,13 cf. 7,14,3 . (61) 5,68. 7 J. FERGUSON to Catullus are the scazon iambics and ed, m this instance more than once; the hendecasyllabics. His use of metre is more proper name is repeated; and there is no mannered, more stylized than that of Catul­ sharp division between the lines. All these, lus, at least in the latter's occasional poems. except the last, are commonplaces of Mar­ Martial's scazons invariably begin with a tial's usage. We may note first an epigram spondee. His hendecasyllables too have a m which the derivation is perhaps direct: firmer beginning; Catullus allows himself bellus homo et magnus vis idem, Cotta, videri: not infrequently a trochee or iambus in the sed qui bellus homo est, Cotta, pusillus first foot. Again, the end of the line is [homo est.(66) firmer. Catullus achieves a magical effect Here is a more elaborate example: with a monosyllabic ending - 'occidit brevis 62 semper agis causas et res agis, Attale, semper: lux' or 'cum tacet nox'.( ) Martial eschews est, non est quod agas, Attale, semper agis. this except in elision, 'poeta est', or with a si res et causae desunt, agis, Attale, mulas. second monosyllable, 'non vis'.(63 ) Similarly, Attale, ne quod agas desit, agas animam.(67) where Catullus ends his pentameters indif­ There is no need to multiply instances. ferently with words of I , 2, 3, 4, 5, and even The repetitions of this distich are parti­ 7 syllables, Martial usually prefers a dis­ cularly intense, but repetition is a feature syllable, occasionally a quadrisyllable, and a of Catullus's style at all times; it has been trisyllable rarely except with a preceding well studied by Jan Van Gelder.(68) There monosyllable - 'quam leporem' 'et dominus' is a good example in the eighth poem, where 'te tunicae', 'nee sine te' and so on.(64) Still lines 11 and 19 both end with the word he aJ.lows himself much greater freedom obdura. In Martial 4, 30, to pick out one than Ovid, and in this he is reverting to, example, a poem in hendecasyl:Ja.bles, when while refining, Catullus. we find the second line 'piscator, fuge, ne Stylistic influence in general is more nocens recedas' and the fourteenth 'at tu', difficult to eva'luate, but we may notice one (itself reminiscent of Catullus) 'dum potes, or two as pects of Catullus's technique which innocens recede', we feel that we are m a Martial seems to adopt. A rather crude style redolent of Catullus. distich of Catu'llus will serve as a starting­ A third aspect of Catullus's style is place: relevant. Wheeler and Day have rightly multus homo es, Naso, neque tecum· multus argued that in Catullus'·s poetry we can [homo est quin te scindat: Naso, multus es et pathicus.(65) discern the expansion of epigram into 69 elegy.( ) One aspect of this can be seen in The epigram is itself trivial, but stylistically the writing of extended epigrams, which fall interesting. There is an obscenity held up sharply into two parts. The 72nd, 76th and till the 'last word; . the word multus is repeat- 86 th poems may serve as examples. Wein-

(62) Cat. 5,5; 7,7. (67) Id. 1,79. (63) Mart. 3,44,1; 11 ,24,15. (68) J. Van Gelder, De Woordherhaling bij Catullus. (64) Id. 3,94,2; 11 ,93,4; 11 ,99,2; 12,47,2. (69) A. L. Wheeler in AJP 31 (191 5), pp. 155-84; A. A. (65) Cat. I 12. Day Origins of Latin Love Elegy, pp. 106 ff. (66) Mart. 1,9.

8 CATULLU S AND MARTIAL reich has suggested that Martial took this as deliciae, a twelve-year old boy. (77 ) H e com­ 8 part of his own technique for writing pares a lapdog to Leshia's sparrow.(7 ) He extended epigrams, and has instanced 1,104, suggests, perhaps with a double entendre, that where the first half of the poem deals with such a Passer wil.l be his reward for his the 's:pectacula deorum', and the second Ganymede.(7°) He flatters his friend Stella half witih the new spectacle of the god.­ by suggesting that his poem on the death of emperor. his wife's dove is far superior to Catullus.(80) Catullus's intense diminutives find no Finally, he supposes that Catullus might part in Martial, with the exception of have presented his poem to Virgil.(81) In libellus, which is constantly repeated.(7°) One addition he twice borrows from Catullus the suspects that they wou·ld have •been account­ phrase 'Veneres Cupidinesque'.(82) The ed affected in his day. Quintilian does not references tend to concentrate on the poem help us very much here. He allows diminut­ on the sparrow's death. They suggest clearly ives,(71) but keeps a close eye to see that they that this was one of Martial's own favourites, are accurately used. (7 2) H e was certainly and a poem to which an incidental allusion critical of affectation in general.(73) wo uld immediately appeal to his readers. Next to these come the two kissing poems Vivamus and Quaeris quot;(83) again allusions 5 to the two are not easy to disentangle from one another. There are three direct referen­ We turn next to ask which individual ces to these poems. The most interesting is poems of Catullus influenced Martial most. addressed to Diadumenus(84) First and foremost come the two passer poems.(74) We have already seen a quota­ basia da nobis, Diadumene, pressa. 'quot?' inquis, tion from these in t'he Apocolocyntosis. Fur­ oceani fluctus me numerare iubes et maris Aegaei sparsas per litora conchas ther evidence of their popularity appears in et quae Cecropio monte vagantur apes, Juvenal's sixth satire quaeque so nant pleno vocesque manusque thea­ nee tibi, cuius [tro, turbavit nitidos extinctus passer ocellos.(75) cum populus subiti Caesaris ora videt. nolo quot arguto dedit exorata Catullo There are six direct references to the poem Leshia; pauca cupit qui numerare potest. in Martial. He finds it an apt allusion with 6 the gift of a bird-cage.(7 ) He refers to it in This is clearly ·based on the seventh poem; a risque account of a girl who has lost her Martial evidently understood that Leshia

(70) Mart. 1,1,3; 1,2,1; 1,4,l ; 2,1,3; 2,6,1 ; 3.2,1; 3,68.1 and (76) Mart. 14,77. 11 ; 3,97,l; 3,99,1, etc. (77) Id. 7,14,3. (71) E.g. Quint. 11 ,3,175, cf. 8,5,14. (78) Id. 1,109,1. (72) lb. 1,5,46. ' (70) Id. 11 ,6,16. (73) lb. 1,6,40; 4,1,77; 9,3,74, etc. (80) Id. 1,7 ,3 . (74) Dissel, N . ]ahrb. (1909) 65 ff; M . Schuster, W iener (Bl) Id. 4,14,13 . Studien (1928) 95 ff; W. A. Baehrens, Gott. gel. Anz. 187 (82) Mart. 9,11 ,9; 11 ,13,6. (1925), pp. 124 ff. (83) Cat. 5; 7. (75) Juv. 6,7-8. (84) Mart. 6,34.

9 J. FERGUSON was kissing Catulfos, and this makes non­ and sense of the attempt of Ellis and others to vive velut rapto fugitivaque gaudia carpe: take tuae in Catullus as objective and te as perdiderit nullum vita reversa diem.(92) object of basiare.( 85) Martial carefully and It is perhaps more likely, as Stephenson ingeniously varies Catullus's imagery, and suggests, th at this is a·ssimilated Horace twists his reference to counting the kisses. rather than conscious CatuHus,(03) with Elsewhere he commands 'his attendant Din­ maybe a flavour of the Copa. But in one dymus passage the reminiscence of Catullus 1s da nunc basia, sed Catulliana.(SG) ve rbal Here he ha'S more probab·Iy the fifth poem nunc vivit necuter sibi, bonosque in mind soles effugere atque abire sentit, qui nobis pereunt et imputantur. da mi basia mille, deinde ce ntum.(87) quisquam, vivere cum sc iat, moratur?(94) Another epigram, beginning 'There the echo of tantum dat tibi Roma basiorum soles occidere et redire possunt post annos modo quindecim reverso 1s unmistakeal:>le.(9~) quantum Leshia non declit Catullo,(88) coarsens the reference still further. These The odi et amo poems left an impact on are direct references where Martial has Martia 1. But he was not, like Ovid, interest­ emphasized his debt, in order to .get over ed in the psychology of the situation so the point of the coarsening. These poems much as its epigrammatic poss iblities. As also affected his general vocabulary. We Ovid extends the psychological analysis, may remember that it was Catullus who Martial compresses and intensifies the epi_ introduced into Latin verse the conversa­ gram. The .famous tional word basiare, and basiatio is indeed non amo te, Sabidi, nee possum dicere quare: not used again before Martial.(89) Whether hoc tantum possum dioere, non ami te, the fifth poem affected Martial's philosophy which is the original of the stiH more of carpe diem is harder to say. It recurs famous severa-1 times I do not love thee, Dr. Fell. non est, crede mihi, sapientis dicere 'vivam'; The reason why I cannot tell. sera nimis vita est crastina: vive hodie(OO) But this I know, and know full well - I do not love thee, Dr. Fell. and eras vives? hodie iam vivere, Postume, serum itself is a conflation of [est: odi et amo. quare id faciam, fortasse requ1ns. ille sapit quisquis, Postume, vixit heri(91) nescio, sed fieri sentio et excrucior

(85) R . Ellis, A Commentary on Catttll-us ad Joe.; F. Y. (90) lb. 1,15. Simpson, Catullus Select Poems ad Joe. etc. (91) lb. 5,58 . (80) Mart. ll,6,14. (92) lb. 7 ,47 . (87) Cat. 5,3 . (93) H . M. Stephenson, Selected Epigrams of Martial, p. xix. (88) Mart. 12,59. (94) Mart. 5,20,11-4. (89) lb. 2,23,4; 7,95,17 . (95) Cat. 5,4. 10 CATULLUS AND MARTIAL with and not by heart. Fenelon's comment at this nil nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi velle plaeere, point is just: 'Combien Ovide et Martia,J, nee scire utrum sis albus an ater homo.(96) avec leurs traits ingenieux et fa~onnes, sont­ i ls au dessous de ces paroles negligees, ou 'le We may no te in passing that Martial's cceur saisi parle seul dans une espece de frequent use of requiris perhaps derives from desespoir.' 97 Catullus.( ) In the fdllowing epigram CatuNus's dedicatory poem to Nepos has Martial makes play with die divided mind, its expected echoes. Martial's first book, adding a verbal point of his own: after a preface which mentions Catullus, volt, non volt dare Galla mihi, nee dieere begins with an introductory poem in hen­ [possum, decasyll abics. The third book starts with quod volt et non volt, quid sibi Galla velit.(98) some elegia c verses beginning 'hoc tibi quid­ quid id est', w1hich recalls CatuHus's The passage of sense from the first line to the second i,s rarer in Martia-1 than Catullus. quare h abe ti'bi quidquicl hoc Iibelli. Something of Catullus's rhythm and diction T he next poem begins has passed into another epigram: cuius vis fieri, libelle, munus? qualem, Flacee, velim quaeris nolimve puellam? 111 clear reminiscence of nolo nimis facilem diffieilemque nimis. illud quod medium est atque inter utrumque cui dono lepidum novum li'bellum? [probamus: nee volo quod crucial nee volo quod T he la-st poem of the tenth book, which is [sa tiat.(90) addressed to his libellus, is again in hendeca­ syllabics, and laboriosos suggests that the 1iame This again is the origin (through Rufinus) poem of Catullus is somewhere in his mind. of the familiar The next book ,begins I do not love a wanton. I do not love a prude. One is roo easy winning; and one too long pur­ quo tu quo, liber oti ose, tendis [sued. which blends Catullus and Horace.(101) Else­ Clearer in its Catullan derivation is where (in a scazon poem) he, like Catullus, 102 insequeris, fugio; [ug is, insequor; haec mihi refers to his verse as 'meis nugis'( ) and [mens est: his description of his book as velle tuum nolo, Dinclyme, 11 olle volo.(100) nondum muriee eultus asperoque morsu pumice aridi politus Here the agony of Catullus'·s divided mind has become an epigrammatic ambiva:lence, 1s a variant on Catul'lus's neat but ·shallow. One feels t!hat Martial arida modo pumice expolitum.(103) had the shorter epigramli of Catullus by Two other passages which struck Martia-l's heart - but also (in another sense) by head imagination may be singled out. One is

(06) Cat. 85; 93; Mart. 1,32. (09) Mart. 1,57. (97) Mart. 1,1,1; 3,98,1 ; 6,53,3; 6,66,8; 6,77,9; 6,78,7; (100) Mart. 5,83. 6,88,3; 7,34,3; 7,37,7; 10,102,1; 11,60,1. (101) Cat. 1,1,; Hor. Od. 3,3,70. v. 0. Weinreich, Die Distichen des Catu.ll, p. 29. (102) Mart. 1,113,6. (08) Mart. 3,90. (103) Cat. 1,2; Mart. 8,72,1-2.

11 J. FERGUSON naturally Catullus's defence o.f his obsceni­ si te pectore, si tenebit ore, nee rhonchos metues maligniorum, ties nee scombris tunicas dabis molestas.(110) nam castum esse decet pium poetam ipsum, versiculos nihil necesse est.(104) The same implication lies in the words, which Martial has freshly imagined for Martial in t'he ,preface to Book I justifies his himself 'la'scivam verbarum veritatem' by reference quam multi tineas pascunt blattasque diserti to Catullus. He more than once uses Catul­ et redimunt soli carmina docta coci.(110) lus's defence Even here the next '1ine lasciva es t nobis pagina, vita proba, nescio quid plus est, quod donat saecula chartis from which Herrick took his has a ring of Catullus I about it. Jocund his Muse was but his life was chaste, 6 and mores non habet hie meos libellus,(105) We turn next to shghter references which show Martial's .familiarity with certain which are the most straightforward statements, poems of Catullus without indicating a deep 106 but the apologetic theme recurs. ( ) influence. Catullus's twelfth poem is about In Catullus's defence of Cinna's Zmyrna napkin-stealing; it is an occasional piece he abtacks the work of 'Volusius' about an actual episode, and :has no other at Volusi annales Paduam morientur ad ipsam point. Martial's ,poem on the ,same topic et laxas scombris saepe dabunt tunicas.(10 7) may but need not have 'been suggested by Catullus.( 112) His treatment is quite dif­ This amused Martia'l, and he used t!he idea ferent. He gives the thief the fictitious several times. Here it is , as we have seen, name Hermogenes ('Son of the patron of combined with another Catullan passage. thieves'), writes in elegiacs with Hermogenes cuius vis fieri, libelle, munus? at t!he end of the fast eight coupletJs, suggests festina ti'bi vindicem parare, ne nigram cito raptus in culinam by amia,ble exaggeration that sailors reef cordylas madida tegas papyro t'heir sails when Hermogerne's appears, for vel turis piperisve sis cucullus.(108) fear of losing them, and concludes Here the reference is explicitly to mackerel ad cenam H ermogenes mappam non attulit um­ [quam, quod si non scombris scelerata poemata donas, a cena semper rettulit Hermogenes. cenabis solus iam, Ligurine, domi.(109) Even if there is no derivation the comparison In the next book (in Catullus's own hen­ shows Martial to be Catullus's dear superior decasyllabics) the Catullan d erivation 1s as a poet of wit. marked The thirteenth poem is an invitation to

(104) Cat. 16,5-6. (109) lb. 3,50,9-10. (105) Mart. 1,4,8; 11 ,15,13 . (110) lb. 4,86,6-8. (106) Cf. 1,35, 10-1 with Cat. 16,7-8; also 11 ,16. (111) lb. 6,61,7-8. (107) Cat. 95,7-8. (112) Cat. 12; Mart. 12,29. (108) Mart. 3,2,1-5 .

12 CATULLUS AND MARTIAL

Fabullus to dine, but bring his own food - o m1ce !ecrus'. But he ends wiith a sharper cenabis bene, mi Fabulle, apud me - point. Nestor boasts of his poverty. non est paupertas, Nestor, habere nihil.(116) a sort of 'faiith-tea', though Catullus promises to provide a wonderful ointment. Martia'l In the middle of his verses Catullus has three times picks up this poem. One is a bene nam valetis omnes, mere reference to the phrase 'meros amores' pulchre co ncoquitis, nihil timetis. transferred from Catullus's ointment to a 113 This seems to be the source of Martial's woman's girdle.( ) The other references scazons: are more significant. In one Martial sends pulchre va let Charinus et tamen pallet. an invitation to dinner, and uses Catul'lus's parce bibit Charinus et tamen pallet. words bene concoquit Charinus et tamen pallet. cenabis belle, Juli Cerealis, apud me. sole utitur Charinus et tamen pallet. tinguit cutem Charinus et tamen pallet. The technique of transference from hen­ cunnum Charinus lingit et tamen pallet.(117) decaisyNables to elegiacs is of considerable Catullus would not have disowned the interest. But Martial offers a whimsica;l obsceni1ty. Bul Martial is neater, tauter, menu, culminating in a promise not to recite wittier, more rhetorical. Yet Catullus is arnything.(114) In another poem 'he address­ dealing with a real situation; Martial is not. es a host, whom he calls Fabullus, in curt CatuHus is reacting to people, Marlial to hendecasyllables. Fabullus has given him words. ointment but no food; that, says Martial, is t'he fate of a corpse, and t'he biting 'res salsa The fifty-'Seven t!h poem, a ten-line poem attacking Mamurra and Caesar, beginning est' furrher points the reference to Catul­ and ending lus.(115) In these two poems one would not say that Martial was wittier than Catullus, pulcre convenit improbis cinaedis, for here t'he w~t lies in the aUusion itself. teHs 1the same story. Martial was amused by The twenty-'third poem i1s a rather coarse the idea, brnt condensed it into three lines: and crude attack on Furius in his poverty. cum sitis similes paresque vita, Here again we see the contrast between uxor pessima, pessimus maritus, Catullus and Martial. Maritial twice takes miror non bene convenire vobis.(118) up points in this poem. He adapts and Again Martial is neat where Catullus is elaborates the tale of Furius's poverty into sprawling, but Catullus is alive where Mar­ an epigram on one Nestor. In one line tial is dead. Catullus's directness gives more point. That is about all from rhe lyrics. Martia:l Furius has not even a bug to hi's name. This evidently knew and enjoyed the twenty­ is too direct to imitate wit'hout sheer pfa­ seventh poem, the only drinkingsong in 119 giarism, and Martial refines it to 'tritus Catullus,( ) but other suggestions of in-

(113) Cat. 13,9; Mart. 14,206,1. (11 7) Mart. 1,77. (114) Mart. 11,52. (118) Mart. 8,38. (116) Mart. 3,12. (119) Mart. 1,18,1; 9,93; 11,26,3; 11 ,36. (116) Cat. 23; Mart. 11,32.

13 J. FERGUSON debtedness are mostly inept.(120) It is odd It is decidedly curiou,s tihat in one of his that Catullus's Saturnalian poem to Calvus shorter elegiacs Catuillus has ha·s left no mark on Martial's to U mber.(121) verum id non impune feres: nam te omnia One other point merits mention. Martial [saecla wrote a poem on Formiae 'than which,' nascent et, qui sis, fama loquetur anus. Wight Duff wrote with exaggerated enthus­ The reading at the end is an emendation, iasm, 'there are no finer scazons in but a fairly certain one, especially as Martial Latin.'(122) In fact it contains a rather ha,s tedious Ji.s t of aNusive names at one point, quales prisca [ides famaque novit anus.(128) and of fi sh at another. But !he may be Tight in supposing that Martia1l wrote the poem One wonders what workings of the human to rival Catullus's scazom; on Sirmio;(123) the mind metaphorical old ladies had such appearance of the word "phaselon" adds fascination for; if -that is darkness, it is slig-ht confirmation of Vhis.(124) But Mar,tia,l's illuminating tihat their minds worked the poem owes little or nothing in itseltf to same way. In the previous poem also Catullus's, to which it is far inferior. Martial confirms the reading. 'Nostrae We would not expect -the longer poems pectus amicitiae' is not easy to translat e, and to leave much trace on Martial The Attis many editors emend to 'pestis'. But Martial's he knew, for he refer-s to it phrase 'fidae pectus amicitiae' suggests that 'peotus' s'hou:ld remain. (129) A poem which nee dictat mihi luculentus Attis mollem debilitate galliambon.(125) moved Martial more deeply was Catuillus's elegy for his brother, wlhich was at the back Even its metrical brilliance did not appeal of Martial's mind in writing his elegy for to him nor its curious psychology. Martial Alcimu,s, as Lamb pointed out long ago.(130) knew his own limitations. From the ,long Martial does not crudely imitate Catullus, elegiac letter to Manlius, two phrases stuck. but tell-tale phrases announce the echo. His One was the image of a dove's kisses, which poem is sincere, but a shade overstated, 126 we would expect to appeal to Martial.( ) especia:lly in the fast three 'lines. Still, there The other is of greater interest. is something moving in the application of a Catullus wrote poem on a ·bro ther's death to that of a slave. sed dicam vobis, vos porro dicite multis From the remaining elegiacs, apart from milibus et facite haec carta loq uatur anus. uhose quoted earlier, there is next to noth­ Martial has ing, except 'nullaque mica salis' transferred gentibus et populis hoc te mihi, Prisce T erenti, from a pentameter to tlhe start of a hexa­ fama fu isse loq uax chartaque dicet anus.(l27) meter.(1a1)

(120) E.g. the suggestion that Mart. 12,61,9-10 comes (124) Cat. 4,1. from Cat. 36,1 , or Mart. 7,40,2 from Cat. 31,3. Mart. (125) Mart. 2,86,4-5. 3,63 may come from Cat. 24,7, but need not Mart. (120) Cat. 68b, 125 ff; Mart. 11,104,9; 12,65 ,7-8. 6,27,3-4 is surely independent of Cat. 61,2 11 -5. (127) Cat. 68b, 46; Mart. 12,4,3-4. (121) Cat. 14; Mart. 7,53. (128) Cat. 78b,10; Mart. 1,39,2. (122) Mart. 10,30; J. W. Duff, A Literary Histary of Latin (129) Cat. 77 ,6; Mart. 9,14,2. in the Silver Age, p. 515. (130) Cat. 101 ; Mart. 1,88. (123) Cat. 31. (131) Cat. 86,4; Mart. 7,25,3. 14 CATULLUS AND MARTIAL

7 Maritial a literary one. Cae-5ar, Mamurra, Calvms, Rufus, Clodia leap £rom Catu'llusr's To sum up. The influence of Catullus page to meet you. We have no such picture on Martial was considerable. Munro wrote, of the miscellaneous prosopa of Martial's judicioll6ly: 'To Martial, who belonged to poems. the last age in whic'h Roman literary judg­ It fo llows that when Nixon writes 'It is ment was of much value, Catullus was not often that Martial writes, a real love supreme. Martial, obeying tihe irreversible poem. When he does, and succeeds in seem­ verdict of his countrymen, freely acknow­ ing interested and fervent, he is apt to seem, ledged Virgil as sovereign of Latin poetry. also, reminiscent of Catullus', if it is in­ yet he seems to worship him at a distance, tended as a tribute, it is an overstated and hi,s first and second loves, hi& Delia and one;(1 33) so is Macaulay's famous judgment his eme6is, are Catullus and Ovid.'(132) ' ometimes he runs Catullus himself hard.' Martial shows close acquaintance with the (Martial would 'himself have appreciated dedica'tory poem, t:he passer poems, the this last comment; he expressed the hope kissing poems,, Catullus's justification of his that he mig'ht hold second place to Catuilluis obscenities, and odi et amo. This does not alone in Macer's eyes; (134) he did :not disown surprise us, and these poems have left their comparison with Marsus and Catui:lus.)(135) mark elsewhere. It is more illuminating to This is only to say that Belloc is not Donne. find Martial attracted by t'he idea of wrapp­ If we want real love or hate poetry we shall ing bad poetry round fish, his curious go to Donne not Belloc. Yet neither is interest in phrases like 'ca11ta ... anus' and Donne Beliloc, and his epigrams seem crude 'fama ... anus', and his readiness to accept beside those of the lesser writer. We do not Catullus's obscenities. The long poems need to take the extreme view either of scarcely ·touched him; the slight influence Scaliger and Justm; Lipsius, whe preferred of ·the elegiacs is harder to explain. Martial to Catu:Jll.16, or of Muret, who said Martial's choice of metres was influenced that Martial was to Catullus as a buffoon by Catullus; his handling of them was very to a gentleman, and Andrea Navagero, the different. So was his whole approach to Venetian senator who burned a copy of poetry. He had neither CatuHu:s's Alexan­ Martial each year in honour of Catu'llus. drainism nor his Sapphism. Where point is Catullus is an altogether greater poet than wanted he is almost invariably Catullu,s's Martial. But within the strictly limited field superior. But he lacked Catullus's capacity of the epigram Martial remains supreme, to subtain an easy conversational tone, an and not the least interesting aspect of his internie sincerity or a long, polished tour­ dependence on Catullus is the way in which de-force like tJhe epithalamia, the Attis or he takes an idea which in Catullus has been the Peleus and Thetis. Above all Catullus called out by an immediate situation, and lives in a world of people, Martial in a works it into an universal witticism. world of words. Catullus iis a living artist, J. FERGUSON. University of Ibadan.

(132) H. A. J. Munro, Criticisms and Elucidations oj Catul• (134) Mart. 10,78,16. lus, p. 232. (135) Id. 5,5,6 cf. 2,71,3; 7,99,7. (133) P. Nixon, Martial and the Modern Epigram, p. 104. 15 NOTES ON THE HECYRA OF TERENCE

I

THE DRAMATIC CHRONOLOGY OF PHILUMENA'S PREGNANCY

The situation which is basic to (and, lar­ been there a while (11. 185-90), Pamphilus gely, the cause of) the plot of the play con­ returned. The period of his absence is very sists in this, that, although the marriage of inadequately specified : 11. 178-90 cannot be Pamphilus and Philumena has been of ade­ equated with any definite period of months quate duration to allow of a normal pregnancy etc., although a month on shipboard does following upon conception immediately after seem to have been involved (1. 421 ). On the marriage, sexual relations between the seeing Philumena on his return Pamphilus young couple did not commence for some realised instantly that she was in process of time after the marriage, so that it is obvious giving birth(1) to a child that could not be that Philumena's baby cannot be Pamphilus' his (11. 373-77). However, as the child was child. Thus, from the internal evidence of the issue of a pregnancy of normal duration the play, the following sequence of events (11. 392-401 and especially 1. 531 ), Pamphilus emerges: Philumena had been violated by could hardly repudiate it. The impasse is some unknown before her marriage (1. 383). finally resolved when it is discovered that Pamphilus, still in love with his mistress, the unknown who had raped Philumena did not have to do with his wife Philumena some ten months previously was none other on his marriage-night or immediately there­ than Pamphilus (11. 828-31 ). after - as he informed his slave Parmeno a On these data two systems of chronology, few days after the marriage ( 11. 136-7 & 143-5). given below as A and B, have been constructed Gradually, however, the combination of his (figures indicate the number of months before mistress' ill-humour and his wife's sweet the dramatic date of the play) : nature brought him, two months after the A B marriage (1. 392), to switch his affections to the latter. He had become devoted to Philu­ Philumena's violation 9(-10) (9-)10 The marriage 7 9 mena by the time that he came to be com­ Beginning of marital intercourse 5 7 pelled to go to Imbros on business (11. 160- Pamphilus' departure for Imbros 3 5 73). Some time after his departure Philu­ mena left his parents' home for her own A is the view of Donatus; he is followed by parents' home (11. 178-84 ). After she had Schadewaldt, Weber, Stella and, apparently,

(1) W . E . J. Kuiper, Two Comedies by Apollodorus of referring to the still unborn child as of male sex because Carystus, T erence's H ecyra and Phormio (1938) 41 n. 3, a person referred to in a general way in Latin (as In roundly asserts that the child was not yet born when English) is usually put into the masculine gender. At Pamphilus burst in, citing I. 392 as evidence of this. all events, 11. 363, 366 & 375 seem to be written with a But I. 399 seems to indicate that Pamphilus knows of woman in labour in mind, and it would appear that the the existence of a male child. However, this remark labour pains are still in progress after Pamphilus' soli­ may be no more than a general statement, loosely loquy (cf. 11. 412-3) . So K. should be right. 16 NOTES ON THE HECYRA OF TERENCE

2 Sargeaunt.( ) B is that of Hildebrandt; he people, not for gynaecologists; it is the at­ is followed by Kuiper(3) and possibly Ash­ mosphere of stealth and guilt surrounding more; (11) Marouzeau's view(5) cannot be de­ the childbirth, not any calculation of time, finitely assigned to either school. that makes Pamphilus instantly suspect the 9 View A has as its seemingly strongest ar­ worst. ( ) gument the fact that Pamphilus' instant in­ Now it is not merely that the translation dignation at 1. 376 can be justified only if of one verse, 1. 394, is affected by these re­ the baby is the issue of a five-months' preg­ constructions of the chronology of the preg­ nancy; Pamphilus could not without further nancy. As the latter is basic to the whole ado, it is argued, have suspected a delivery structure of the plot, issues of major dramatic after seven months, as such deliveries are not significance are involved. For instance, if rare - and were, in fact, recognized in Roman the chronology is as Donatus suggests, then, law. But Kuiper is surely right when he as Parmeno has been taken into Pamphilus' 6 says ( ) 'at the moment when Pamphilus sees confidence as to the date when intercourse his wife, the child was not yet born (cf. verse began (cf. 11. 143-5 & 409-11), he will realize 392). Consequently even if c. [ sic] is 5 months, that the child is not Pamphilus' as soon as he has no objective reason for his grieved he hears that it has been born, whenever it is fury '. Furthermore, tempore suo of 1. 531 is that he hears the news . So the whole ela­ impossible of a baby born seven months borate business of keeping him in ignorance after marriage. (7) And it is singularly un­ is dramatically inexplicable. This is to attri­ dramatic that neither Phi di ppus (especially bute an elementary mistake in plot-construc­ after 11. 52 7-31) nor Lach es (cf. 11. 631 & tion to T erence, who prided himself on his 642 f. ) think of illegitimacy as the cause of plot-construction. Assuming the chronology the problems of the play, if we are to suppose of school B, on the other hand, Parmeno will that they thought that the pregnancy had take the child for the issue of a seven months' been of only seven months' duration. (8) As pregnancy and therefore not doubt its legi­ Kuiper says, the play was written for ordinary timacy. The duping of Parmeno thus serves

(2) W. Schadewaldt, Bemerkungen m r H ecyra des T erenz, or 399', which does not seem to indicate that he has H ermes 66, 1931, 2-4 & n. on p . 3; E. Weber, Die H ecyra realized that the lines contain a piece of dramatically des T e-renz (D iss . Wien 1939) 106 n. 5; S. Stella, P. T eren­ vital plot-information. zio Afro, H ecyra (19522) 114-5. J. Sargeaunt, T erence (5) J. Marouzea u, Terence, vol. 3 (1961) translates II. 393- (vol. 2 of Loeb edition, repr. I 959) ' translates' II. 392-5, 4 thus: 'car ii paralt que ce n'est qu'au bout de deux at p. 162, as 'No one else knows that she is with child mois qu'e lle a partage ton lit, et a compter du moment and not by yo u. It might be yo u for all that is known, ou elle est venue a toi c'est maintenant le septieme for it is the seventh month of the union, and of course mois'. This translation can be interpreted in support of you know it'. Which at least shows the difficulties that either view. this part of the comedy causes for those who have to (6) P. 41 n. 3; see n. I above. deal with it. (7) On Donatus' chronology, in fact, this line poses such (3) Kuiper, op . cit. 41 -3. difficulties as to have been taken as evidence of an (4) S. G. Ashmore, The Comedies of Terence (19102) 229 inconsistency in the text caused by contaminatio. W eber takes post to mean 'after her marriage' and postquam ad rejects this assumption, but admits that the line is te venit as 'from the time when she first came to your inexplicable on his chronology of the pregnancy: p . 81. embraces'. But in his Appendix he comments (p. 250) (B) Kuiper, 42-3 . '393-4. T hese vss. may be a mere gloss explaining 392 (O) Ibid. 42.

17 T. F. CARNEY

a sound dramatic purpose. Secondly, on of Terence's day. Kuiper was right to in­ Donatus' chronology, Philumena knew that sist that the play was written for ordinary she had not merely lost her maidenhood but people not gynaecologists. More important, that she was pregnant to another man when for Terence and his public a normal preg­ she married Pamphilus. In doing so she nancy was one of ten lunar months, whereas was committing a serious and premeditated for Donatus, writing under the Empire, it act of deceit that is totally out of character was one of nine calendar months. U nder in a virgo of comedy. View B is thus ob­ these circumstances no special value can be viously preferable; if it involves taking the claimed for having the authority of Donatus baby as the issue of a pregnancy of nine to to uphold view A with all its resultant diffi­ ten months, such pregnancies are not rarities culties. and were recognized in Roman law.(10) Kuiper's dating of Pamphilus' departure And this is, after all, what the Latin says for Imbros, however, is not so convincing.(12) (1. 822). In this case, as under a month Miscarriages are not li mited to the final separated rape from marriage, Philumena months of pregnancies (if this is what his cannot have known that she was pregnant argument means; it is rather confused). His at the time of her marriage, and so was contention 'If a ti me shorter than 5 months innocent of serious deceit in marrying. is assumed, it becomes incomprehensible that But it should be realized that two entirely Pamphilus had not noticed his wife's preg­ different systems of chronology are involved nancy befo re his departure' claims more in the work of T erence and that of Donatus. ;1. ttention to verisimilitude in the antecedents The Roman calendar of T erence's day in­ of the action than can be shown to be j usti­ volved a year of 355 days and was based on fi ed. (13) Though Philumena left her in-laws' lunar months. It may be objected that T er­ home some time after Pamphilus' departure, ence may well merely have taken over Apollo­ they are not represented as having noticed dorus' system. But this too involved a year her condition, so we may be meant to sup­ of 354 days and was based on lunar months.(11) pose that it was not evident until the stage Donatus was thinking in terms of the Julian in the pregnancy when Philumena began to calendar, introduced in 46 B. C. to end the avoid Sostrata - and this was some time muddle that had existed in the calendar of after Pamphilus had left (cf. 11. 1 77-84). R epublican Rome prior to Caesar. Nice cal­ Certainty on this point simply is not ascert­ culations of long periods of time, though ainable fro m the internal evidence of the possible in Donatus' day with its Julian play, but dramatic probability is obviously calendar, must have been far less practicable in favour of view B and Kuiper and against wi th the inaccurate system of time-reckoning view A .

(10) Schadewaldt gathers the authorities for these ('A propos du denouement de l'Hecyre', R EA 43, 1941, matters at p. 3 and n. 2 of his articl e. Much depends, 49-55, especially p . 52), the meeting between Pamphilus of course, on what is meant by a month; on this see and Phania (leading to a double recognition-scene text to n. 11. involving Bacchis, hypothecated for Terence's model fo r (11) On the calendar of Terence's day, see OCD p. 156; the H ecyra) is improbable. And it was largely to allow on that of Apollodorus' time cf. ibid. 909-1 0. On T eren­ fo r this that Kuiper had to ass ign fi ve months' absence ce's model fo r the H ecyrn see T . F. Cam ey, T erence, lO Pamphilus. H ecyra (1963), commentary to I. 5 of the Discascalia. (13) See e.g. Stella's commentary to I. 822 . (12) P . 43 n. But, as has been indicated by P. E. Legrand

18 NOTES ON THE HECYRA OF TERENCE

II

THE DOUBLING OF R6LES IN THE HECYRA

In T erence's day opportumt1es for em­ occasional inorganic passages and non-dram­ ployment as an actor were exceedingly atic breaks which occur in them. Thus the limited,(1) a fact which kept troupes small. link-monologue, a solo speech generally elab­ M oreover, because of the length of the stage orating a point already known to the audience and the poor acoustics of the theatres of the and not advancing the action of the plot, Middle R epublic, for clarity's sake the num­ is a device to provide time for a change of ber of speaking parts in any given passage costume by an actor who is to play different of a play was strictly limited. Terence, for parts prior and subsequent to that mono­ 4 instance, never allows a conversation of more logue. ( ) Terence strove for continuous ac­ than three actors.(2) Factors such as these, tion; this practice and the convention of in combination with the use of masks in ' elastic ' time for off-stage action, together acting, led to the doubling of roles, i.e. the with the absence of curtain and scenery, playing of two or more roles by the same argue against the entr'acte.( 5) Why then do actor in one play.(3) That the comedies vacant stages occur ? There are six in the were constructed with this economical use Hecyra, and they clearly are not meant to 6 of actors in mind is amply indicated by the demarcate acts.( ) Again, the only ex-

(1) See T. F. Camey, T erence, Hecyra (Supplement 2 to (5) Cf. my edition of the H ecyra, nn. to 11. 39, 56, 515, PAGA), 1963, n . to I. 1 of the Didascalia. A comparison 879, and Appendix I. T he terms 'act', 'scene' are wi th the total of days allocated to plays under the occasionally used in this note for convenience of Empire is informative: in place of the 17 of Terence's reference Lo orthodox editions. No subscription to the age there was a total of 40 (out of 60 dies jestivi) under theory of the existence of fi ve acts in Terence's day is the Early Empire and 100 (o ut of 175) by 354 A.D .: thereby implied. In referring to act-scene division, the cf. M. Bieber, The History of the Greek and Roman former are cited in Arabic, the latter in Roman Theater (19612) 227 . So the casting suggested by Donatus numerals (i.e. act two, scene four as 2, iv). in his Praejatio is meant for a totally different acting (6) They occur after IL 57, 197, 280, 515, 576 & 798. environment and cannot reflect that of Terence's day. T he first four coincide with entr'actes in the conven­ (2) If a fourth actor joins a trio of speakers, one of the tional act-division of the play, which can be seen in former ceases to contribute to the conversation. S. G. Ashmore, The Comedies of Terence (19102) and J. (3) Cf. H . W. Prescott, GP 18, 1923, 23 f., and W. Beare, Marouzeau, Terence, Comedies, vol. 3 (1961): Prologue­ The Roman Stage (19552) 157 & 297-9, where it is !!. 1-57; Act I (2 scenes) - 59-197 ; Act 2 (3 scenes) - stressed that the Roman stage-tradition was derived 198-280; Act 3 (5 scenes) - 28 1-515; Act 4 (4 scenes) - from the Greek, where the number of trained actors 516-726; Act 5 (4 scenes) - 727-880. S. Stella (P. Terenzio was kept small, and that a troupe of 5 trained actors, A fro, H ecyra, 19522) also has this five-act division of the with some aid from mutes (for walk-on parts), could play, but posits Jive scenes in Acts 4 and 5 (one of perform almost any scene in Roman comedy. which - 5, ii- commences in mid-verse at 1. 7671). (4) Link-monologues occur at II. 327-35; 361-414; 444-50; T he las t two vacant stages, however, fall after the (618-22;) 816-40. Other inorganic monologues have first scene of the fourth act and the second scene of similar dramatic purposes: e.g., the exit-monologue at the fifth act respectively. The problem cannot be solved 794-8 is meant, with the ensuing vacant stage, to facili­ by positing six acts (Act 6 being 11. 799-880), as does tate 'elasticity ' of dramatic time in off-stage action: J. Sargeaunt (T erence, vol. 2, 1959 reprint in the Loeb cf. n. to I. 794 of my edition of the H ecyra and Prescott se ries), because even this breach of the five-act law GP 34, 1939, l f ., 11 6 f., and GP 36, 1942, 1 f. does not account for the vacant stage following 1. 576.

19 T. F. CARNEY planation seems to be that they facilitate a the various personae in the Hecyra make it change of roles (see further below) . obvious that duplication of roles was con­ Though duplication of roles clearly occurs, trived by the playwright in constructing the assignment of the duplicated roles rarely play, as the following table shows. 7 allows of certitude.( ) The groupings of

Persona Plays with Never plays with Total Total Par. Pam. Ph. L. B. So. M. Sos. Syr. Phil. Par. Pam. Ph. L. B. So. M. Sos. Syr. Phil. Philotis Par. ------Syr. - 2 Pam. Ph. L. B. So. M. Sos. - - 7 Syra Par. ------Phil. 2 - Pam. Ph. L. B. So. M . Sos. - - 7 Sosia Par. Pam. - - - - - 2 - Ph. L. B. So. M . - Syr . Phil. 7 Myrrhina - - Ph.---­ 1 Par. Pam. - L. B. So. - Sos. Syr. Phil. 8 Sostrata Par. Pam. Ph. L. - - - 4 - B. - M. Sos. Syr . Phil. 5 Bacchis Par. Pam. Ph. L. - - - 4 - - So. M . Sos. Syr. Phil. 5 Laches - Pam. Ph. - B. So. - 4 Par. - - - M . Sos. Syr. Phil. 5 Phidippus - Pam. - L. B. So. M. 5 Par. - - - - Sos. Syr. Phil. 4 Pamphilus Par. - Ph. L. B. So. - Sos. I - 6 - - - M. - 1syr. Phil. 3 Parmeno - Pam. - - B. So. - Sos. Syr. Phil. 6 Ph. L. - - M . - - 3

The Prologus is not considered here.

The protatic characters and Sos ia are so positioned in the table as to make their marginal importance to the acting clear. This is further indicated by lines: citations above and to the right of these lines belong to these minor parts and so have only marginal significance for this analysis. On the left-hand side of the table, dashes indicate that the character heading the column does not appear with the character in the margin to the left; a name indicates the reverse. On the right-hand side of the table, the opposite applies.

Certain facts emerge very clearly from vacant stage following l. 576, which gives this table, perhaps the foremost being that, the actor time to change the Myrrhina mask the pro tatic personae apart ( and the inorganic for the Sostrata mask. (9) And this is further roles - Philotis, Syra and Sosia - are clearly indicated by the clumsy device of having so apart), there is never more than one Myrrhina's voice heard off-stage at l. 318: female character on stage in any group of the actor playing Sostrata has a speaking speaking roles. This should mean a specialist part in the flanking scenes, and could not in female parts doubling all three roles easily have been got on and off stage as Myr­ 8 Myrrhina, Bacchis, Sostrata.( ) This would rhina in the intervening 55 lines. in turn explain the otherwise inexplicable Of the other main roles Pamphilus and

(7) Cf. G. E. Duckworth, T he Nature of Roman Comedy has almost as much stage-business as Parmeno: cf. II. 743, (1952) 97 on the rarity of an allocation of doubled roles 745, 787 & 790. to which there is general agreement. (9) Cf. n. 6 and discussion in the text. The stage (8) On specialists, see Bieber, I 64; such actors seem to properties of the theatre of T erence's day seem not to have emerged by Plautus' day, as there are indications have been elaborate, and so as to facilitate rapid that he was writing with a specialist in slave parts in exchange of roles costumery was kept simple so that mind: P. P. Spranger, Historische Untersuchungen zu den mere change of mask and attributes sufficed to con­ Sklavenjiguren des Plautus und Terenz (1960) 650 n . 3. stitute a change of role: Beare, 175, 177, 178 & 180; Considerable virtuosity was required of this actor, who see also n. to I. 9 of my edition of the play.

20 NOTES ON THE HECYRA OF TERENCE

Parmeno cannot double, but the latter can at only via the dangerously subjective method double with one of the senes, and doubling of assessing Terence's principles in distribut­ seems indicated by the following facts: an ing the acting-load. And here it may be exit-monologue followed by a vacant stage noted that it would not be out of character twice intervenes between the stage appear­ in the scion of a great Roman household to ances of the senes and that of the servus, (10) be alive to the governing-class problems of and once a link-monologue intervenes between the direction of man-power while simultan­ the appearance of the servus and that of eously blind to the flunkey's job of getting 13 the senes.(11 ) The playwright seems deliber­ characters off the stage and so on. ( ) Firstly, ately so to have contrived things that either then, it would seem that Terence made heavy Laches or Phidippus could double with Par­ demands on his actors, but that he off-set meno, a latitude presumably aimed at easing this by making provision for respites for the producer's task in casting. Possibly actors cast with an exacting group of roles, Phidippus is to be preferred as the double e.g. the specialist in female parts appears because he seems to be allocated more stage­ (on the orthodox act-scene notation) in the business than Laches, and Parmeno clearly following scenes : 2,i as Sostrata; 2,ii as 12 14 required a specialist in stage-business. ( ) Sostrata (but as a non-speaking part) ;( ) This would be consistent with Terence's 2,iii as Sostrata; 3,i as Myrrhina (but only inclination, evident elsewhere in the play, as an off-stage voice for one line); 3,ii as to write parts for acting by specialist actors. Sostrata; 4,i as Myrrhina; 4,ii as Sostrata; Further allocation of roles can be arrived 4,iii as Sostrata; 5,i as Bacchis; 5,ii as Bae-

(10) The vacant stages follow II. 274-80 and 510-5 Terence see Duckworth, 120-1). Failure to write in respectively. In view of the importance and intercon­ stage-directions is noticeable at II. 443, 528, 614-5, 640, nection of the three roles, the non-appearance of the 670, 854 & 877-8. But the expertise under discussion, serous with either senex requires the exercise of consi­ that of the large-scale distribution of acting loads, is derable ingenuity on the part of the playwright. of a different nature, involving over-all problems of (11) LI. 816-40. structure, in which Terence is known to have been (12) Stage-business on Parmeno's part: cf. nn. to II. 436, interested, not minor quasi-technical points of produc­ 443, 868 & 875 of my edition; for Phidippus see 467 tion (such as stage business), which might safely be left & 664. Laches' is one of the larger parts: he gets 7 to an actor-manager as competent as Turpio. scenes to Phidippus' 5. Thus the doubling of Parmeno (14) Mute appearances of speaking-role characters may and Laches might overload an actor. Moreover, as the indicate the splitting of roles in doubling, or latitude exit-monologue before the vacant stage is meant to contrived to allow a producer to split roles at his discre­ facilitate a change of role, the speaker should not be the tion (cf. the discussion on the senes above). This makes actor involved. This is the case with Sostrata at II. 274- for great complexity in the allocation of roles however. 80, so it is presumably the case with Laches, who speaks All three mute appearances can be accounted for by the other such exit-monologue. Again, the fact that supposing a desire on the playwright's part to allow a Phidippus does not foJJow Parmeno's appearance in 1, breathing-space to a much-used actor: thus actor two ii until 2, ii - whereas Laches appears in 2, i - also rests as Syra in 1, ii (if Syra does not leave the stage indicates that the roles doubled were those of Parmeno at I. 83), and as Sostrata at 2, ii in a continuous on­ and Phidippus. stage appearance covering the first two acts and con­ (13) The contention that Terence was not 'a man of tinued into the third. So also the actor playing Laches the theatre' is substantiated by his failures to get Syra rests at 4, ii in view of his speaking role at 3, v and off-stage and to account for Bacchis' ancillae, who never 4,ii-5,ii. reappear from Myrrhina's home (on this failing in

21 T. F. CARNEY

chis; 5,iv as Bacchis. So also the actor doub­ roles cannot be doubled by one actor. (18) ling Parmeno and Phidippus rests from his This role of Pamphilus' comprises an exact­ otherwise continuous on-stage appearance in ing part which demands an actor of stand­ the following scenes: l,i; 2,i; 2,iii; 3,iii; 4,ii­ ing: he has little stage business, but has to 19 iii; 5,i. From all this it would appear that portray the whole gamut of emotions( ) Terence made semi-continuous on-stage use and has the longest on-stage appearance, in of a star actor. One such star is known for the conventional acts 3 and 4, of any actor the Hecyra: Ambivius Turpio, the actor­ in the play, rendering doubling impossible. manager, who took the part of the Prologus. (15) Various devices seem to have been adopted Such a star could not have been left unused to ensure that there is a provision for a subsequently, and we have it on his own respite during this long continuous on-stage admission that he dominated the beginning appearance: thus the actor cast as Pam­ of the action, (16) which should mean that philus has a delayed entrance at 3,ii and he was playing Parmeno. Similarly the stands by as a mute character for much of specialist in female parts will not have been the action in 3,iv and 4,iii. In 4,iv, the long­ left out of the action until 11. 198 ff.; if he est scene in the conventional divisions of played Syra, he would, in conformity with the play, his part in the opening stages of T erence's practice as outlined above, have the action is restricted to a series of asides, been rested in I ,ii ( where Syra is either the longest such series in the play and un­ mute or leaves the stage) . These two actors, usually long for T erence; this would make who have the two most onerous allocations less demands of an actor than a full parti­ of acting, are henceforth in this note to be cipation in the conversation. (20) T he part referred to as actors one and two respectively. requires in act 3 an actor of considerable Though there are never more than three virtuosity, and it would not be in conform­ 17 simultaneous speaking parts, ( ) no three­ ity with Terence's economy in the use of actor rule appears to operate: Pamphilus ap­ actors to leave him unoccupied for the first pears with both senes, so the remaining four 280 lines, especially as the emotional young

(15) Cf. n. to I. 9 of the play in my edition. roles. However, the Romans tended to emphasize the (16) Cf. ibid. l. 39; as Turpio obviously had the major contribution of the star actor (cf. Bieber, 164), and there role, he cannot have been playing either of the protatic is no indication in this play that the over-all acting characters, who are of secondary importance in the load was shared equally, so such imbalance would not action. necessarily have been avoided. Perhaps it is best to (17) Terence is obviously happier with dialogue than conclude that Terence is here providing latitude in with a three-cornered conversation. Where the latter casting for a manager on tour, more than one pattern occurs (ll. 82 ff., 27 1, 318 (an off-stage voice), 613; cf. of role-duplication being provided: cf. n. 14. 770) it is generally brief; occasionally it is avoided by (19) At 11. 281 f. (grief); 320-6 (anxiety); 352 (preoccupa­ the clumsy device of having the third speaker accompany tion); 360 & 439 (anger); 376 (indignation); 444 (despera­ a dialogue by a running commmentary of asides: cf. 3, v. tion); 841 & 856 (joy). A considerable amount of stage­ (18) Sosia could in fact be played by actor two, as he business is also required of him (a t ll. 452, 651 & 653). makes an early entrance and his appearance is flanked (20) Besides this, Pamphilus is 'rested' (in the ense by link-monologues from Pamphilus. This would how­ that he does not make a stage appearance) throughout ever create a erious imbalance in the allocation of the second act and at 4, i an d 5, i-iii. On 'asides' cf. roles among the four actors who are necessary for n. to I. 112 of the play in my edition. production, if there is to be no awkward splitting of

22 NOTES ON THE HECYRA OF TERENCE

Philotis(21) might so conveniently be doubled stage. Actor three (Pamphilus and Sosia) by anyone acting the emotional young Pam­ could easily cope with this fleeting appear­ philus - another indication of specialisms ance as he is off-stage for three scenes (5, in acting in the theatre of Terence's day. i-iii), in which two vacant stages occur. But This assignment of roles suggests that there the two ancillae, to whom reference is made was a fourth actor to play the part of Laches, only at 1. 793 - though they appear to be doubling that of Sosia. Laches' is an im­ on stage for 11. 727-93, necessitate extras, portant part, calling for forcefulness and as all four actors are on stage at some point acting ability, but the total load on actor or other during these lines.(24) This is an four is much less than that borne by his extravagance, as Terence forgets to re-stage three colleagues,(22) so that a junior, less the ancillae at I. 806,(25) an oversight which versatile man could be employed. seems odd in view of his obviously well­ It is impossible to decide on the number thought-out use of actors in the remainder of mute supernumeraries required by the of the play. It may well be that he designed action of the play, but a minimum of two a spectacular tableau-scene, with a massed seems unavoidable.(23 ) Scirtus of 11. 76-80 line-up of personae and resultant spectacle 26 need not appear on stage; the puer of 11. 719- of costumery (the courtesan's household( ) 21 is probably Scirtus once more, and, again, is, after all, a major feature of this scene), need not appear on stage. In the slave scene as a feature of the play.(27 ) At all events, of 11. 415-29 there need be no more than it seems clear that the structure of the He­ one extra accompanying Sosia and Par­ cyra was affected by the necessity that Terence meno (cf. I. 409), and he could very well was under to make allowance for duplication be doubled by actor two (the specialist in of roles by actors who specialized in various 28 female roles), and link-monologues inorgan­ aspects of character-portrayal. ( ) ically flank his - very short - appearance, indicating some form of doubling. At 11. 767 T. F. CARNEY to (apparently) 769 a nutrix is brought on University of Sydney.

(21) Her part calls for the depiction of anger (II. 58 f.; nu.trix must be doubled by actor three, if yet a third 134) ; cajolery (109 f.); commendation (151); doubt (71) extra is not to be postulated. and surprise (66, 138-9 & 157) . (25) Kuiper, 37. (22) The part of Laches involves the longest unbroken (26) On the general simplicity of the costumery see n. 9 on-stage appearance of any actor in the play (five above; the only splash of co lour was provided by the cenes: 4, ii-5, ii). However this includes a mute ornate saffron robes of the meretrices: cf. Duckworth, appearance (4, ii). T here is ample provision of respite, 88-92; Bieber, 154; Beare, 174 f. however, even with the doubling suggested: the actor (27) There may be as many as seven characters on stage, rests off-stage throughout act I , in the following scenes: if Laches' janitor comes on as II . 719 and 733 suggest. 2, iii; 3, i-iii; 4, i and 5, iii-iv, and has an early exit in On such tableau-scenes cf. nn. to II. 443 and 767 of the 3, iv. play in my edition. (23) This gives a sum total of four actors and two (28) On the dependence of playwrights on star actors see extras to stage a show involving 15 characters, and is Heaut. 37-45, where much is made of Turpio's unique clear evidence that the action was designed with ability in playing demanding roles. A star actor could doubling of roles in mind. make all the difference between the success and failure (24) T he lines cover the greater part of the first two of a play, on T erence's own admission: Phonn. 32-3. scenes of act 5, in which Bacchis (actor two), Laches Hence it is unrealistic not to take account of the (actor fo ur) and Phidippus (actor one) appear; the influence upon the creative artist of the limitations and strengths of the interpretative artist. 23 MORE ARGUMENT CONCERNING THE ELYMI AND THE ODYSSEY

I

VERGIL, THE ELYMI AND NAYLIKAA

1. It will be my premise in what follows the tales extant in Vergil's time concerrung that the town of 'Scheria' in the Odyssey the Elymi and their settlements at Egesta, once stood on the sickle-shaped peninsula Eryx and Trapani, the remains of which of 'Drepane' or modern Trapani in western tales when thus corroborated not only bear Sicily; and that the ' Phaeacians ' of the out Thucydides' story of the Elymi and fiction were drawn, in fact, from those prove both it and themselves to be based in ' Phocians from Troy ' of whom Thucydides some degree on real historical fact; but, pre­ tells us in the second chapter of Book VI. Odyssean in origin as they must have been, This premise, based in the first place on nevertheless in turn they corroborate the case Nausicaa's description of the locality in for the Trapanese authorship of the Ocryssey Book VI of the Odyssey, together with its m the most curious and yet positive way. independent corroboration by the Moorish traveller, Ibn Jubayr, written some 1830 2. Odyssean scholarship, I think, has been years later, has not only shown itself to be a little uncomfortable in its intellectual right, in my opinion, during the past ten conscience about Trapani and the Elymi, years, but has proved astonishingly fruitful ever since Butler first brought them into in its results. I take it, with the utmost prominence some seventy years ago. For confidence, to be the master-key to the under­ there never was any good reason why the standing of the Oqyssey. Drepane-Scheria of Argonautica iv 990 and of Evidence and argument in detail for it, the scholia on Od. v 34 should not have been and for its results, have been presented in the Drepane that is now called Trapani ;(3) two books(1) and a number of papers (2). and there were indeed very good reasons I had not, however, fully realized how inter­ why it should. The only thing against it esting the name of Nausicaa becomes, when was that no specific claim for it appears to considered carefully in the light of that have been current in fifth-century H ellas 4 identification. The name, I find, then acts or thereafter. ( ) Ancient Greek scholars, as a sort of evidential catalyst with far-reach­ however, had plenty of local patriotism, but ing historical, literary and scholastic impli­ little historical sense or method of inquiry, cations, simple though it 1s m itself. and for the most part knew little, and cared My argument will be that it bears out less, about the western world from Sicily

(1) The Sicilian Origin of the Odyssey (N. Z. University (3) Trapani appears in antiquity as Drepanon or Press 1957) ch. l; R eality and Allegory in the Odyssey Drepana or, in poetry, Drepane. (Hakkert, Amsterdam 1959) ch. 15 (cited S.0.0. and (4) It is quite clear from Apollonius Arg. iv 985 f. that R.A.0.). once upon a time it had been current (see S.0 .0. 15) (2) To be reprinted shortly in one vo lume as Odyssean but had been overlaid in favour of the Corcyrean Essays. claim. It is nice to think that the truth will out at last. 24 MORE ARGUMENT CONCERNING THE ELYMl AND T HE ODYSSEY

to Gibraltar. In this matter they have been unknown), leaving some acres of rubble but all too religiously followed by scholars ever only the unfinished temple of Ceres still since (see the new Companion to Hom er, pas­ standing. Limestone blocks I suppose could sim, so far as the Odvssey is concerned). always be used elsewhere. The ancient claim of Corcyra to have been the land of the Phaeacians has never been 3. With regard to my own work during 5 in the least convincing. ( ) It is only useful the past few years, reviewers have repeatedly now as a red-herring to be drawn across said, taking the cue from one another per­ the trail of unwelcome truth. So ' orthodox ' haps, that the Odyssey could not possibly be scholarship (or at any rate the Companion a poem of the Elymi, ' for does not Thucy­ to Homer ) still smiles coyly upon it and dides himself call the Elymi /Jae/Jaeoi at the turns coldly away from Trapani and the end of VI 2.6?' None of these ' critics' Elymi, as though they were something not seems to have pondered the fact that Thucy­ quite nice, or fit to be mentioned in good dides has told us only a few lines before academic society. But no serious argument, (viz. in VI 2.3) that the Elymi were, in part so far as I know, has ever been offered against at least, Greek-speaking folk - Trojans, to their claims in connexion with the Odyssey. wit, and Greeks of Phocian stock - as is In the first flush of indignation critics sum­ borne out by their later contacts with Greek­ marily dismissed Butler's ideas about Tra­ speaking Siceliotes in historical times (cf. pani (e.g. in the Classical Review of June 1892 Thuc. VI 6.2), and with mainland Greeks - cf., in later days, H yde, Ancient Greek as well, to all appearances (cf. Thuc. VI 8, Mariners p. 92 n. ) merely on the strength of and see below). In VI 2.6 he is speaking Diodorus' statement (xxiii 9) that Hamilcar offhandedly and in the rather snobbish destroyed Eryx (c. 260 B.C.) and set up Greek way, and lumping the Elymi no doubt a fortified city at Trapani in its place. This all together with the 'barbarian' Carthagin­ statement was taken as conclusive proof that ians, whose subject allies they were. there had never been a walled ' city' at Nor do such critics, if I may digress and Trapani before. But in this the logic was raise the point, seem to remember that al­ at fault. A full history of prehistoric Sicily though far-western Sicily may have been, for has never yet been written, nor were all its the many, a cultural backwater, it was a details known to Diodorus any more than distance of only some sixty miles by land they are known to us. or sea from Trapani to Himera - where Funny things in point of fact happened to the poet Stesichorus flourished and wrote quite a lot of 'cities ' in ancient Sicily - to probably only a generation or so after the Himera, axos, Eryx ( more than once), Odyssey was composed; and that it was only Selinus, Lilybaeum and Matya for example a few days' sail with a fair wind from Tra­ - whilst in later days Egesta, a very large pani to Syracuse (where the Hymn to Apollo city indeed, was also knocked down and is alleged to have been recited c. 600 B.C.(6) carted almost completely away (by persons It has not been modern man only, by any

(5) See schol. on Od. vi 8 and S.0.0. 14 f. Thucydides cared for none of these things (cf. I 21, VI 2.1 and in I 25 was only recording the Corcyrean claim, and 2 al.) . was no doubt being more or less cynical about it. He (6) Cf. Allen, H alliday and Sikes, H

25 L. G. POCOCK manner of means, who has known how to could well be better attested than that there travel far and wide, and to give and receive were at least Greek-speaking settlers among hospitality. (Consider Ibn Batuta and other them who looked upon themselves as being Moors for example, and think of Stonehenge descended from Trojan or Greek or Phocian and the widespread Cromlech culture.) The stock (this latter being borne out by the Phoenicians of Tunisia thought nothing of early coinage of Egesta, cf. P-W xx 1, 481). sailing 900 miles to Tangier or 1500 to Sidon; Such claims would have been absurd if they and a talented man of prosperous se:i.faring could not speak Greek; and absurd it would folk, as were the ' Phaeacian ' Elymi (cf. be to reject altogether the evidence as to Od. vii 78 f. ), may well have had guest­ such claims, which has been handed down friends at Syracuse, or yet further afield by Thucydides, Strabo, Apollodorus, Vergil, - at Sidon or Ras Shamra, perhaps, or Dionysius and others - especially in con­ Rhodes, or indeed with the rhapsodists at junction with what we may now know from Chios ! And though a man of Trapani he the Odyssey, and from the matter that follows. need not necessarily have written his poem there, though I see no reason why he should 5. (i) Vergil clearly had no idea that 7 not have done so.( ) 'Scheria' was to be found at Trapani. For he places the Phaeacians in Corcyra, good 4. It is also becoming the fashion once more orthodox scholar that he was (Aen. iii 291 ), to allude to the Elymi from time to time as and Polyphemus on the slopes of Etna (ib. being 'probably' not a Trojan or Grecian 569, 641 f.), as Euripides had done. The folk at all but mysterious ' natives' (such is fact, then, that he makes Aeneas give his the word they use). The only stated source games at Trapani in Aen. v, as Alcinous for this idea is one sentence from Hellanicus gave his in Odyssey viii, had nothing to do (fifth century B.C.), contradicted by Phil­ with 'Scheria' in Vergil's thought. istus of Syracuse (fourth century), both being (ii) His account of Aeneas' visit to Tra­ reported to us only by Dionysius of Hali­ pani and of the origins of the Elymi differs, carnassus, in I 22. It was popularized in a in its essentials, only in minor details from rather sweeping manner and without any the prose account of his younger contemp­ 9 evidence at all by E. A. Freeman (Sicily orary Dionysius of Halicarnassus. ( ) . He will 1892),(8) who, however, had not a word to no doubt have been familiar with what say about the language they were supposed Thucydides had said about the Elymi in to use. But whatever the origin of the name his Book VI. But he, and Dionysius also, of the Elymi may be, nothing of its sort are clearly working from sources other than

(7) Might I mention that the sites of Styx, Hades, the of the Trojan ships at Trapani (I 52.1 and 4) ; (b) in Gateway of the Sun, the Planctae, Scylla, Charybdis, etc., Aeneas' finding Elymus and Aegestus (as he calls him) etc., etc., were discovered only in New Zealand during already settled among the Sicans of that neighbourhood the last few years, after a lapse of at least 2000? (I 52.J - he does not mention Eryx); (c) in mentioning (8) The wide-ranging historian may sometimes be rather Patron 'the Thyrian' (as he calls him, Vergil's Acar­ a menace. He may not have time to think in detail, nanian, apparently) as joining Aeneas in Epirus, and, yet does not always forbear to pontificate. Then editors with followers of his own (I 51.2), accompanying him to and others quote him, and people believe what they Sicily and finally settling there with same of them - more read, especially if they want to. Greek-speaking folk, please note. (9) Who agrees with Vergil (a) as regards the burning

26 MORE ARGUMENT CONCERNING THE ELYMI AND THE ODYSSEY those of T hucydides, which, though they are Aeneas' visit to Sicily, and made the burn­ in general agreement with him, make no ing of the ships take place in Italy, and hence mention of his important ' Phocians from Troy. ' the foundation of Rome (which seems a pretty (iii) When Aeneas comes to Sicily, ac­ poor tale) - also that Aristotle ' the philo­ cording to Vergil, his brother Eryx and the sopher ' recorded a somewhat similar story. Trojan Acestes (d estined to give his name But the historical value of the sources that to Egesta) appear to have been long esta­ Vergil and Dionysius were following appears blished there (Aen . i 195, 570; v 24, 30 al. ) to be proved by their general agreement - how long we are never told. Elymus is with Thucydides, so far as the origins of also there (v 73), called a Sicilian and close the Elymi are concerned - and the general friend of Acestes (v 300), from whom the beliefs of the Elymi themselves, in antiquity combined settlers, surely (though the point is and thereafter. It is my belief that their disputed), were in time to take their common tradition of the burning of the ships at Tra­ name (cf. Dion. Halie. I 52) . All this can pani also goes back to very early days, and hardly be mere invention. There is no smoke that it was, in fact, if not a tale of Aeneas, without fire, and there surely must be some at any rate a tale of the founding fathers and historical background to the tale. mothers (Aen. v 711 ) of the historical Elymi. (iv) Competing with the Trojans at Aen­ And this, I think, can be proved with cer­ eas' games are friendly Sicans ' in mingled tainty, if the name Nausicaa can mean' burner throngs' (v 293), not necessarily but pre­ of ships ' - as it most assuredly can.(10) sumably understanding Greek. While no Phocians or Phocaeans are mentioned, two 6. (i) Let us now look at the matter from Greeks, interestingly enough, are mentioned, the point of view of the Odyssey. Without Salius and Patron (see n. 9) , one from Ar­ the assistance of Vergil and our premise, cadia and one from Acarnania. One of these, no name would appear less appropriate than and some of his f ollowers with him, we hear ' Burner-of-Ships ' fo r N ausicaa - the charm­ from Dionysius, stayed and settled in Sicily. ing young grand-daughter of 'Swift-ship', (All these tales seem to suggest that there founder of Scheria, and leader of the Phaea­ may have been large numbers of unrecorded cian folk, who loved ships above all things Greek-speaking folk to be fo und in prehistoric (e.g. Od. vi 270; vii 32-6). In consequence Sicily. This may perhaps explain how Pa­ neither scholiasts nor editors, so far as I normus fo r example and other places first know, have ever even considered the natural got in dim antiquity their Grecian names. ) meaning of the name(11) (as it has now for (v) The ' burning of ships' as narrated in years appeared to me, though I had not Aen. v is a natural enough idea, in such days taken in its full reciprocal implications). of folk-dispersal and resettlement, and Dio­ But with that assistance we can hardly nysius tells us in I 71 that Hellanicus, the help concluding that Navat-xa.a must have anti-Elymian (fifth century B. C.), rejected been a traditional girl's name among the

(10) For the vavai- cf. Eurip. Phoen. 170-2: ... says: 'Those of the Phaeacians mostly refer to ships, cp. noµntµav lxwv lµ' wau vavam6µnov ai!eav. For ucfrw Navaiuda (perhaps " hip-skilled") .. .' (perhaps not, I and the termination -uda cf. xweeiv, xwea and various should say, caustical ly). S., I suppose, is taking the others. -itda termination from the root of ualvvµat., which seems (11) So Stanford on 's ignificant names' (at Od. vi, 11-12) to me in any case improbable. (See also postscript below.) 27 L. G. POCOCK

real historical Elymi, from whom the Phaea­ or traditional fact, though still in part topo­ cians of fiction - dating back to ' Homeric' graphical. I am sure that the poet loved his times - have been drawn. western corner of Sicily (so much so indeed The use of it therefore for our N ausicaa was a that he used its scenes for ' Ithaca' also !) . deliberate and, for us, a gorgeously interesting We can now see, and say, that by the use act on the part of our friend the poet. of that single word,(13) Navai-xd. a he once (ii) In my first publication about the more set his mark upon his poem ( a written Odyssey, written in 1954,(12) I said of his poem surely?), proclaiming, privately then topographical word-pictures: 'I believe that to his own compatriots (for no one else would he intended < all these fictitiously named> be likely to know the reference), but publicly places in the poem to be recognizable - to now for all the world to ponder, that ' Scheria' an audience, that is to say, who knew the was of course Trapani, and the 'Phaeacian' key. For he incorporated a system of clues tale a tale of the Elymi, told by a man of to their identity. Whether we can follow western Sicily. < them all> with accuracy or not remains We shall not look on his like, or see such to be seen. But the fact is that the Odyssey a natural artist and wit again. No one else is, amongst other things, a "treasure-hunt", will ever be half so good or half such fun. the prize of which is the reality that lies And what is more he was no more Homer beneath the surface of the poem. ' vVell now, (in my opinion) than I am Martin Luther. after ten years we can offer another clue, Let us at long last give him his due and seek the full implication of which we ought to to understand him and give him back to have realized before; different from the the Ireland of the Mediterranean, to which 14 others, for it deals this time with historical his poem rightfully belongs ( ).

(12) 'The Landfalls of Odysseus, or Clue and Detection Schwyzer naturally looked on .Navut- as a dative. in the Odyssey', reprinted as Ch. III in my SO 0 , in But in addition to vavutnoµnov aveav in n . 10 above, which the words quoted will be found on p . 55. compare such expression as nAd-rat vav<11:.:n6eo1 in L. S. J. (13) So also, I believe, he has given the final clue for 'ship-propelling oars', and vavat.:noi5e, 'the ship-footed the Sirens' Island (the twin isle of Salina-Didyme) by the ones' (as descriptive of islanders), and such names as inflection of a single word, Ee1e171101iv - 'the island of NavaUJoo, and Navutvoo, (Hes. Th. 1016-17), and the Sirens twain' (xii 167 - there were three Sirens in NavaiyivTJ, (Athen. Archon 368-9) - where the Hesiod). He is elsewhere also very strong on brevity as vavai- is pretty clearly not being thought of as a dative. the soul of wit. (Cp. n. 9 in 'Notes on the Odyssey' Nav<11-xda then is quite rightly to be regarded as -a PACA 2, 1959.) peculiarly significant name. It is to be noted also that (14) (Postscript to notes 10 and 11 above.) Under the her bosom-friend at Scheria (Od. vi 25 f.) was the name Nausikaa Pauly-Wissowa gives: '(Etym. M.s.v. daughter of Dymas, a good old Trojan name (cp. [I 718) -xe-xauµl:v'T} [8 E

II

DULICHIUM IN THE ILIAD AND THE ODYSSEY

1. The argument that Trapani and its the purpose of this present paper to suggest environs are 'Scheria' of the Odyssey and the that the poet of the Odyssey - himself, I 'Land of the Phaeacians ' is, on the evid­ think, a seaman of experience(2) - was aware ence, as certain as anything of the sort can of its real position and characteristics, and be - not much less certain, I would say, was influenced by that knowledge when he than the argument that the London of West­ took Isola Lunga for his Odyssean Duli­ minster Abbey, Piccadilly Circus and the chium, and set yet other Ithacan scenes along Thames is to be found in England, not the seaboard of western Sicily. Ontario. It follows, by deduction from that evidence (I would say inevitably), that 2. It is now generally agreed that the Trapanese features have been used not only Catalogue of Ships in Book ii of the Iliad for Scheria but for the scenery of Ithaca is an earlier composition than the rest of also, in this tale of fiction founded, like all the poem, into which it has been introduced good fiction, in some part at any rate on verbatim, regardless of its incompatibilities fact - features which, like the Hill of H er­ with the Iliadic story. This is quite in ac­ mes-Sta Anna, the Isle of Asteris-Form­ cordance with what the poet says himself ica, and the Porcelli-Swift Isles, are un­ in B 484 f., when he invokes the Muses to mistakable at Trapani, but which are not tell the tale ' of which ' says he 'we hear but to be found in the neighbourhood of the the rumour and ourselves know naught'. real Ithaca or Leucas, or, in full combin­ A recent discussion of these matters is to ation, anywhere else on earth. I have long be found in Professor D. L. Page's History felt certain in my own mind, therefore, that and the Homeric Iliad ( 1959) ch. IV. Samuel Butler guessed right in 1891 when In the Iliad, B 625 f., we read that 'those he guessed that in the island scene of Od. of Dulichium, and of the Echinades, the ix 21-6 Marettimo stood for ' Ithaca' (in sacred isles that lie across the sea, opposite the poet's mind, and for the purposes of to Elis, were under the leadership of Meges, that scene), Favignana and Levanzo for a man of minor importance in the story of 'Same' and ' Zacynthus ', and Isola Lunga, the Iliad. Here, however, in the Catalogue, to the northward of Marsala, for 'Dulichium '. no fe wer than forty ships follow him to war; It is fair to ask at any rate that this should while Odysseus, the great hero of the Hom­ be accepted, provisionally, as a hypothesis eric tale, who, we are told in the Catalogue, for serious consideration. led the Cephallenians, and those who lived The identity of the Dulichium of lliad in Ithaca, Neritos, Crocyleia, Aegilips, Za­ 1 ii 625 and 629 has never been agreed upon,( ) cynthus and Samos, and ' those who dwelt from antiquity to the present day. It is upon the mainland opposite', was accom-

(1) See Merry and Riddell on Od. i 246; Leaf on Iliad (2) Or at the very least a member of an essentially B 626. seafaring community - see R .A .O . ,passim and pp. 173 f .

29 L. G. POCOCK panied by twelve ships only - 'one of the B 706, cf. Od. x 137; B 707, cf. Od. xix 184; most insignificant contributions in the whole B 721, cf. Od. v 13 and also 395; B 755, Catalogue', as Professor Page remarks (op. cf. Od. x 514; B 774, cf. Od. iv 626 and xvii cit. 127). The natural interpretation of this 168; B 776, cf. Od. ix 97; B 783, cf. Od. iv would be that Odysseus in the ancient pre­ 292. None of these passages, he says (p. Iliadic tale was of minor importance - at 238), are to be found anywhere else in the the beginning of the war at any rate and Iliad. where naval resources were concerned - It would therefore be working a fashion­ and that the well-nigh forgotten Meges was able doctrine almost to death, in my opinion, in fact lord of a much more important domain to allot all these coincidences to 'oral tech­ in that respect. nique' and 'le style formulaire de l' epopee ', to which one school of scholarship would 3. In his note 32 on p. 163, however, Page even ascribe the strictly topographical and suggests that in the original Catalogue there often complex coincidences to which I have was no Odysseus at all, as there was no drawn attention in my R.A.O. and else­ Ajax; and that he had to be ' clumsily in­ where. The poet of the Odyssey, moreover, serted' later on 'because of his great name allots 12 ships to Odysseus on his return not only in the Iliad but also in the Odyssey '. from Troy, following no doubt the number But in that case they would surely have given in the Catalogue: he seems also to be given him a few more ships, to go with his aware of the greater area and resources of quite impressive territories, while they were ' Dulichium ', from which, in his tale, came about it; and apart from that it seems clear no fewer than 52 suitors, as against twelve that the poet of the Odyssey (or according only from Ithaca (xvi 247 f., 396; xiv 335 f.). to Professor Page's view its various poets) I see no likelihood that all this could have already knew the Catalogue very much, if got into the Odyssey even on the hypothesis not exactly, as we have it now. Samuel that that poem was composed in bits and Butler in The Authoress of the Odyssey, Lon­ pieces long before Odysseus was provided 3 don ( 1897) 235-8 listed the following lines with his twelve ships in the Catalogue. ( ) in Iliad B as being quoted or used or alluded to in the Odyssey : B 46-7, cf. Od. ii 224, 225, 4. In discussing Od. ix 21-6, both in S.O .O. 228; B 184, 217, 218, cf. Od. xix 218, 219, and R.A.O., it has been argued that our 247; B 408, cf. Od. iii 311; B 488, cf. Od. iv poet in that passage is using the Catalogue 240; B 580-1, cf. Od. iv 1 and 10; B 600, as it stands in B 625-37, but that he has cf. Od. iii 386; B 614, cf. Od. v 67; B 670, purposely distorted it, speaking first of 'many cf. Od. ii 12; B 673-4, cf. Od. xi 469-70; islands ' lying 'close to one another, round

(3) There were 13 'kings' in the Land of the Phaeacians, that followed Odysseus forth to war. It is, I think, a Alcinous and 12 others (Od. viii 390-1). In Ithaca also little difficult to ascribe this coincidence also to the (curiously enough) there were 'many kings' (Od. i 394) formulaic style of oral <;omposition. I have never meant - Odysseus himself no doubt and 12 others. From the to say that that style did not exist; but it is not a sort various houses of these paaiMjer;I will have come the of magic formula to explain away or dodge all difficul­ 12 suitors, Telemachus being the scion of the 13th ties in Homeric scholarship. house. This agrees rather closely with the 12 ships

30 MORE ARGUMENT CONCERNING T HE EL YMI AND T H E ODYSSEY

Ithaca' (as in the Catalogue), then cutting eye, ' Ithaca ' in Maretti mo, ' Same ' and down the many to three only, lying ' well ' Zacynthus' in Favignana and Levanzo, and away from it ', and introducing what I main­ ' Dulichium ', bes t of all, by reason of its tain is the private and somewhat preposter­ shape, in Isola Lunga. And he saw nothing ous riddle of 25-6. Apart from this matter, particularly strange in a poet, or poetess, however, so troublesome to try to analyse, of Trapani having looked out upon these there are two points about our poet's treat­ off-shore islands and having used them for ment of the Catalogue which have received that other famous island scene, which they little attention. In the first place he gives so easily called to mind. the impression of having taken away Duli­ This was, all things considered, a unique chium from Meges and having attached it and brilliant effort of originality in the search to the suzerainty of Odysseus (the effect for truth, whether it was right or wrong: being, as no doubt intended, to glorify the but, as it most unfortunately happened, it latter). He does not in fact actually do so proved to be the pioneer's undoing. Instead but he does give the impression. In the of treating it as an hypothesis of first-rate second place, there is no word in the Iliad interest, and therefore to be tested pro and of Dulichium being an island. The only con in every possible way, Butler took it, authority for that is to be found in the once for all, as proof positive of his quite Odyssey, e.g. i 245-6 and ix 24-5. The place unsubstantiated theory of the authoress - which I now think was Meges' Dulichium a young woman, alias N ausicaa, he now felt is not rightly to be described, nowadays at sure, who had never travelled far from her any rate, as 'an island ', whereas the Duli­ home at Trapani, and had therefore used chium of the Odyssey certainly is one. for her tale the only scenery she did know.

5. Butler's discovery of the site of Scheria, 6. When I came to take up Butler's work published first in 1892, was the result of where he had left it, I found before long his suddenly conceived and exciting idea that, so far from this being the case, there that the Odyssey was the work of a young was clear evidence in the poem itself, if you woman. Having looked for Scheria in con­ looked for it as Butler had done in the matter sequence, as a matter of interest, and having of Scheria, that its author had a very good found it, from the map-room of the British general knowledge of the Eastern Mediter­ 4 Museum, he went himself to Trapani. There, ranean and the Ionian Sea;( ) and a sea­ with increasing excitement, he came to the man's accurate and detailed knowledge, not conclusion that Trapanese scenery had been only of Trapani and N.W. Sicily, but of used systematically for Ithaca, as well as places as far apart as the coasts of Crete, for Scheria. It was the island scene of Od. the Bocche di Vulcano and the Straits of ix 21-6, notoriously inappropriate as a des­ Gibraltar. I had to seek other reasons, there­ cription of the real Ithaca and its neighbour­ fore, beside the fact of mere familiarity (im­ ing islands, which gave him his first clue. portant though that remained) for his use Looking out upon the island scene from the of Trapanese scenery for Ithaca. When it heights of Mt Eryx, he saw, in his mind's appeared that all the fictitiously named

(4) Cf. R.A.O. 174, 157-9.

31 L. G. POCOCK places in the poem were real places, all in pects will be. It is firmly marked ' Duli­ Phoenician waters, or within the Phoenician chium ' ( and drawn much too firmly on the sphere of interest, the hypothesis suggested map, I find) in M urray's Small Classical itself that, just as all fiction cannot help but A tlas of 1904, which we used at school in be to some extent allegorical, so, with the my boyhood. The place in question is the traditional adventures of the thirteenth-cent­ long, narrow low-lying spit of land which, ury Odysseus in western waters, the adventure starting at the extreme south-western tip of of an eighth- or seventh-century Elymian the Acarnanian mainland (i.e. at a point hero of ancient Drepane had been inter­ only 2 ½ miles due eastward from the most woven. That would be one good reason, southerly island of the Echinades of B 625, I think the best of all, why Trapani had now Oxia by name) , runs intermittently been used for Ithaca in close and elaborate eastward (see Fig. 2) for a distance of nearly detail, while the pretence that the real nine miles. I had looked at this locality Ithaca was intended had been superficially often enough on the small scale maps (which maintained. One had reflected also that are not to be relied upon in detail), but had Odysseus was the most westerly of all the never fully realized its possible interest be­ great Homeric heroes, a chieftain of the fore reading Professor Page's discussion above Wes tern Isles: and that the coastline of referred to. I then got hold of the Mediter­ N.W. Sicily, looking out westward upon the ranean Pilot, Vols. I and III, and the modern Egadi Islands and the numerous rocky islets 1 in 100,000 maps, from which my present which stud those waters, could hardly fail observations and measurements are derived. to be reminiscent or suggestive of the west­ From the shape of the place, the meaning ward-looking coasts of Acarnania, and the of the name, its proximity to the Echinades numerous islands of the Ionian Sea. As a (B 625), and to the land of Elis (N 692) point of detail also one realized of course this old identification appears to have been the importance of the name and shape of a quite plausible guess at the identity of Isola Lunga as the 'Dulichium' of the Meges' Dulichium - which, however, I have Odyssey. What I failed to notice were the not seen mentioned specifically by any of very remarkable similarities, in everything the modern commentators. The reason for save scale, between Isola Lunga and its its neglect may partly have been because it neighbourhood and what I now take to have was not an island; but mainly, I imagine, given its name to the Dulichium of the because of the fact that it is nothing much Catalogue of Ships. more than mudflat, sand and scrub, to all intents and purposes uninhabitable, in anti­ 7. My identification of the place is not quity as at present. (5) original, though my argument in some res- But some six miles further eastward from

(5) The world level of the seas and oceans is said to site of Carthage has sunk -1, whereas Bizerta has have risen at the rate of 1.2 mm. per annum during the risen_ + 1 (Bayonne + l, Bordeaux -3, Cherbourg +2. last 50 years (i.e. 4.5 inches per century) - cf. The Calais - 2) . In the Mediterranean, the sea is stated to Scientific American, May 1960, p. 73. The land levels, have risen some 9 feet, in relation to the land, at however, have also not been static. E. Sicily has risen Syracuse, and in the bay of Salamis, since classical times 1.2 mm. per annum, Sardinia has sunk -1 p.a. The (and more than that elsewhere) - yet at Marseille there

32 MORE ARGUMENT CONCERNING THE ELYMI AND THE ODYSSEY its present extremity (i.e. on the other side knowledge - and easily defensible for that of the present entrance to the Limni Meso­ reason, like the famous Phoenician harbour longion, with the Limnothalassa Aitolikon of Lilybaeum or Marsala (see Polybius 1. 41 f.). to the east and northward of it) it is continued They are also very well protected from the by yet another 'Dulichium' of a more or weather. When Meges wished to concen­ less identical nature. This runs for a further trate the numerous ships with which he is five miles eastward, at the end of which it credited in the Catalogue, the Gulf of Patras joins the mainland (Fig. 2). The central would appear to have been the very place gap between these two 'Dulichia' may very for it. Its waters are also good fishing grounds. possibly have been smaller in antiquity - The Afediterranean Pilot warns the modern and together they may have hemmed in the navigator to beware of 'large straggling fishing great lagoon, in which the modern port of fleets .. . towing nets ... in pairs' (p. 75). Mesolongi stands, even more strikingly than I would suggest, therefore, that Meges they do at present; and although they them­ perhaps lived in northern Elis amongst the 7 selves would hardly be habitable or 'rich noble Epeians( ) and ruled the maritime and in grain and grass' (cf. Od. xvi 396, xiv 335), island parts of his kingdom from the main­ they might very well have given the name land. From Oxia to Mesolongi it is only of Dulichium to the whole locality including 21 miles as the crow flies (see Fig. 1), 15 the hinterland to the northward,1which might from Mesolongi to the nearest point in Elis, 6 be so described. ( ) It is perhaps worth noting and 19 from Elis back to Oxia, a kingdom that their line is continued by another long and not less compact than that of Odysseus in narrow strip, of mainland this time, lying be­ B 631-7, from Cephallenia to ' the mainland tween mountain and seashore to the eastward. opposite'. Historical reality then may lurk in the importance of an otherwise almost forgotten 8. Apart from being lord of Dulichium Meges, as recorded in the Catalogue of Ships. and the Echinades, Meges was one of the three commanders of the noble Epeians of 9. Reference to the Mediterranean Pilot, Vols Northern Elis (N 692). In spite, then, of I and III will indicate that the coasts of his failure to achieve great glory or public­ western Sicily and the west and southern ity in the Iliad, he must in fact have been a coasts of Acarnania resemble each other ruler of very considerable importance. The closely in other ways than in the island Gulf of Patras is clearly of strategic import­ scenery visible from both. It will not indi­ ance, commanding as it does the approaches cate it, however, half so clearly as will Mr to the Gulf of Corinth. The waters of the Chennells' map of the coastline near Mar­ Limni Mesolongion, as described in the sala and that in the neighbourhood of Oxia Mediterranean Pilot, Vol. III p. 79, are shallow, and Mesolongi. The large scale maps, as but not too shallow for boats with local soon as I looked at them, had shown me, has been no change at all since 600 n.c. (so Diole, south- and westward-facing districts cf. M. Cary, The Four Thousand Years Under the Sea, App. A). There may Geographic Background oj Greek and Roman History (1949). then have been considerable changes in the neigh­ (7) He is mentioned six times altogether in the Iliad, bourhood of Mesolongi in the past 2500 years; but the once only in connection with Dulichium, four times in general nature of the place will hardly have altered connection with Elis or the noble Epeians (B 627, much (cf. Thucydides 2.102, discussing the delta of the N 692, 0 520 and 535 - the other two mentions are Achelous generally). E 69 and T 239) . (6) For the well watered and fertile nature of these 33 L. G. POCOCK forcibly, that I had good circumstantial the Odyssey must have been familiar with 8 evidence to support the thesis of this paper. them both. ( ) He offered at once to draw But to the really expert cartographer the maps of each of them, placing the one above modern large scale map reveals at a glance the other in order to bring out the points more than thousands of words may do and of similarity as clearly as possible, reducing more than dozens of air photos. Mr Chen­ the scale, only, of the Gulf of Patras scene nells' immediate reaction, when I placed to match the area of the Isole dello Stag­ my problems before him, was that the re­ none. I shall now leave the maps to speak semblances between the two localities were for themselves. so remarkable that in the circumstances the L. G. POCOCK inference was inescapable that the poet of Christchurch, New Zealand.

(8) And that precisely, with its implications, is the misdescribe it and to use for it the scenery of a yet thesis of this article. The poet could have described the more western coast. And he most certainly was neither scenery of Ithaca and its environs accurately had he ' Homer' nor a landsman. wished to do so . For reasons of his own he chose to

N. OXIA AKR. EVINOS PATRAIKOS KOLPOS N.

0 1 2 3 4 5 '14t.6a.. SCALE IN Ml LES.

FIGURE I . - Map of coastal areas in the Gulf of Patras. 34 MORE ARGUMENT CONCERNING THE ELYMI AND THE ODYSSEY

MAP2.

z ◄ (!)

MAP

FIGURE 2. - Maps to illustrate similarities in the Mesolongion area in the Gulf of Patras (Map I) and the Marsala area in western Sicily (Map 2): [Map I R .F. I: 300,000; Map 2 R . F. I: 100,000]

(i) General resemblances are the wide shallow embayments with low-lying island barriers extending from either end, toward the centre, of the bays; numerous salt-marshes, similar patterns of reticulation for drainage purposes, and the nature of the hinterland behind the bays. (ii) Particular points of resemblance are indicated by the numbered lines:- (a) River Evinos in Map I (Gulf of Patras) matched by Fl. Marsala in Map 2 (Sicily) (b) Akra Evinos in Map I matched by Capo Liliboeo in Map 2 (c) Site of township (Mesolongion) matched by township of Marsala (d) Akra Tourlidha (Mesolongion) matched by Pta d'Alga (e) Salteno and Stagnone (salt marshes) in either case (as elsewhere also) (f) Nisos Tholi at end of barrier isles matched by Pta dello Stagnone at end of Isola Lunga or Grande (g) Lesser islets landward of barrier isles matched by Motya and various other rocks and islets (h) Island barrier from Akra Skrofa to Nisos Tholi matched by Isola Lunga, similarly low-lying (i) Largest area of natural salt-marshes in either case (j) Numerous ox-bows of Acheloan topography matched by ox-bows of Fl. di Chinisia (k) Direction and site of R. Achelous .matched by direction and site of Fl. di Chinisia

35 DIODORUS SICULUS AND THE WRITING OF HISTORY

Diodorus is one of that considerable band blishes the general method of Diodorus in of Greek writers belonging to Hellenistic presenting his material for the fifth century and Roman times who rarely gain the at­ B.C. and the first half of the fourth (XI­ tention of the classicist. The reasons for this XV), and, though XV may not be assumed neglect are to be found chiefly in the quality, to be entirely 'typical ', the particular feat­ historical as well as literary, of the Library ures that we are about to discuss are also of History. Scholars however may at times to be found in XI-XIV. At the outset a have been too sweeping in their criticisms modern reader is struck by the preface and may not always have analysed Diodorus' (neoolµiov), which is a regular feature and work in sufficient detail, especially in their in which there are usually three elements. (2) examination of his methods in writing history. First, the limits of XV are defined by refer­ On the one hand he has been called a mere ence to the end of the previous book (' the conduit pipe and regarded as a writer who events concerned with the enslaving of the simply reproduces one writer for whole sec­ Rhegians by Dionysius and the capture of tions, and on the other he has been repre­ Rome by the Gauls, which took place in sented as a scissors-and-paste historian who the year preceding the expedition of the 1 constantly combined a number of sources.( ) Persians to Cyprus against King Evagoras') The limit of his originality is said to have and by reference to the end of the present been the reference to his home town and book (' the year preceding the reign of Philip perhaps a few details, very few, about Si­ the son of Amyntas'). Secondly, though it cilian affairs. But in order to gain some comes first in the preface, there is the re­ insight into his methods and some appre­ petition of the 'historian's creed' (3) - it is ciation of the nature and quality of his work our business to add 'just praise of good men we might do well to examine three of the for their noble deeds and mete out just extant books - XV (covering the years from censure upon bad men whenever they do the King's Peace in 386 to 360), XVI (the wrong', and ' by this means we believe we reign of Philip) and XVII (Alexander). It shall induce men whose nature fortunately must be stressed that the features of these inclines them to virtue to undertake the three books are not necessarily to be found noblest deeds because of the immortality in entirety in the other books which have which fame bestows, whereas by appropriate survived, if only for the reason that being obloquies we shall turn men of the opposite a secondary history Diodorus' work is related disposition from their impulse to evil.' to the quality of the authority he uses. Thirdly, we are shown how this applies in A brief examination of XV readily esta- XV: 'since we have come in our account

(1) See E. Schwartz, Griechische Geschichtschreiber (1959), See also works listed in notes 10, 18 and !14. 35-97 (= article in R.E. on Diodorus); F. Jacoby, Die (2) The preface to XI is limited to the definition of Fragmente tier griechischen Historiker (hereafter cited as the scope of the book. F. Gr. H.); J. Paum, Ueber Sprache und Stil des Diodorw (3) Compare the preface to XII and its general moral. wn Sizilien (1955) ; R . Laqueur, Hermes 86, 1958, 257-90.

36 DIODORUS SICULUS AND THE WRITING OF HISTORY

to the period when the Spartans were, of care in matters of chronology, the annal­ contrary to all belief (naeac56~w c; ), defeated istic method itself has serious defects, defects at Leuctra and came to terrible grief, and which become very obvious in a general again failed unexpectedly at Mantinea and history as opposed to a detailed study of a lost the supremacy over the Greeks, we must short period. In XV, for example, chapters set forth the appropriate censure of the 2 to 13 (some sixteen pages of Teubner text) 4 Spartans. '( ) The Spartans, according to cover the two years 386 and 385 and con­ Diodorus, lost their supremacy . because of tain five changes of scene. We begin with their harsh treatment of their allies and Persian measures against Evagoras in Cyprus other acts of folly, and ' were attended by (chs. 2-4), turn to the Spartan siege of such contempt as el"6c; lan ye11ia0at to Mantinea (5), then to Syracuse, which in those who obliterate the virtues of their 386 enjoyed peace, and so we are told mainly ancestors'. of the poems of the tyrant Dionysius (6-7), Whether these moral lessons were drawn and then return to the events in Cyprus in entirely or in part from the fourth century 385 (8-11), only to be led back to Mantinea, historian Ephorus or whether we should see where a surrender was forced (12), and then also the influence on Diodorus of Roman to Dionysius and his settlement of Pharos in attitudes to the past, it is clear that Diodorus the Adriatic. himself subscribed to this view, for the notion These breaks and shifts in the narrative is not limited to the prefaces but is found have, in Diodorus, no real compensation. in many places. Ephorus could be claimed Though link-phrases are frequently used to be the source in each case, but Diodorus' between the various sections, they are for selection of this material or of this view of the most part mere formulas and there is history, if this is the full extent of his debt, seldom any serious attempt to show essential presumably reflects his own attitude. The inter-connections between the events of a w

(•) See XV 88 in praise of Epaminondas. (Ii) E.g. XV 35.3.

37 R. K. SINCLAIR and the death of Epaminondas. He included to XVI, Diodorus stresses that for the period practically all the doings of the Greeks and of Philip ' the acti<;ms embrace a continuity non-Greeks in twelve books. Philistus brought of development culminating naturally' and his history of Dionysius the Younger down in such a case, Diodorus argues, the historian to this year, narrating the events of five years must be at pains not to interfere with the in two books'. (6) These notices relate, in natural pattern of events. Moreover, a clear most cases, to historical writers. view of Philip's achievements and the stages It is not our purpose here to analyse XV in his career is presented: his success is said in detail or to illustrate the lack of balance to be the result not only of his own aee•"11 or demonstrate the superficiality of Diodorus' ( and hence the Greek states 'voluntarily' narrative and interpretations, but simply to submitted to Philip), but also his piety indicate the character of XI-XV: the annal­ (ev ae{Jeta) to the gods: his success was not istic arrangement, the coverage of ' universal due to fortune ('rvx17).(7) We expect then a history ' ( that is, affairs in Greece, Persia clear narrative of the career of this man and Sicily) and the basic outlook of Diodorus. who 'excelled in shrewdness in the art of As to the sources used by Diodorus, suffice war, courage and brilliance of personality', it to say in very general terms that there are and the emergence of Philip as the leader two distinct elements - a chronographical of the Hellenes. work or works (which included literary In the event, however, our hopes are dis­ notices as well as names of officials and a appointed, and only in the early chapters bare record of memorable events), and nar­ of XVI does Diodorus follow out the central rative histories such as Ephorus and Theo­ theme which could have provided a strong pompus. How far the collation of these unity to this book. (8) In these early chapters, two types of material was done by Diodorus which cover the first three years of Philip's is far from certain, but, if we may assume reign, we find a full, precise narrative which that Ephorus followed a chronological se­ shows a good grasp of general principles and quence for the fourth century but used a adopts a eulogistic attitude towards Philip. topical arrangement, not a strict annalistic T4en the centre of attention shifts, though one, then much of the confusion in Dio­ Philip re-emerges strongly again for the 9 dorus' chronology may have arisen from the narrative of the siege of Perinthus in 341 /0.( ) difficulty in amalgamating these two elem­ The main theme of the preface, though not ents. the whole of the preface, and these two sec­ The preface to XVI might raise hopes tions of narrative are derived almost cer­ that the disjointed character of the narrative tainly from the fourth century historian so marked in XV would disappear in XVI, Ephorus: the general characteristics of Ephor­ and indeed it would have disappeared if us' work would suggest this and the exam­ Diodorus had sustained the thesis which he ination of individual fragments supports this outlines in his preface. For in the preface attribution.(10) Ephorus followed a xara ye-

(6) xv 98.3. (10) F. Gr. H. IIA7O; D.S. XVI 14,3; Schwartz, op. cit. (7) XVI 1.4-6. 3-26; Laqueur, Hennes 46, 1911, 161-206 and 321-54; (8) XVI 1-4; 8; 14.1·2. . G. L. Hammond, C. Q. 31, 1937, 79-91 and C. Q. 32, (9) XVI 74-76.4. 1938, 137-51 ; G. L. Barber, The H istorian Ephorus (1935).

38 DIODORUS SICULUS AND THE WRITING OF HISTORY vo~ or topical arrangement in his 'EJ..J..rivixa, their own interests. (13) For these chapters and appears to have carried Greek and Mace­ on the Sacred War Diodorus apparently donian history down to 357 /6 (this in an drew on some monograph, and this might unfinished book) and Persian affairs to the have been the work of Demophilus, the son siege of Perinthus, an event which brought of Ephorus. There is no irrefutable evidence together Greek, Macedonian and Persian for this identification, but his work covered affairs.(11) Ephorus' work therefore did not the Sacred War and the fragments of it are cover the Sacred War, which was related consistent with the interests of the Diodorus by his son Demophilus, by Callisthenes and narrative. (14) by others, while the third century writer Beyond the two sections already discussed, Diyllus of Athens continued Ephorus' work the definition of patterns or related groups by writing on Greek and Sicilian affairs of narrative in Greek affairs becomes un­ down to 341 /0, and on Greek and Persian certain. Indeed there emerges very clearly affairs to c. 296 B.C. one of the difficulties of a ' broad' approach Quite different from the account down to to source identification, that is, an approach 357 /6 is the narrative of the Sacred War which seeks to establish patterns on the basis (357 /6 to 347 /6), for the narrative revolves of the central theme, the depth and accur­ not around Philip, but around the fortunes acy of treatment, the attitude to leading of the Phocians and especially their com­ personalities, and other general features. For manders. (12) The other leading states ( Mace­ here patterns are far from evident, the tempt­ donia, Athens, Thebes and Thessaly) find a ation exists to see common characteristics place only in virtue of their participation in where none really exist, and the whole pro­ the Sacred War, and at that a very subordin­ cess is highly subjective. Yet it may be that ate place. The theme of these chapters is Diodorus drew mainly on one source for most patent in an 'appendix ' (chapters 61-3) the Social War, the fall of Olynthus, the which relates the fate of the Phocian generals hostilities between Philip and Athens from and of their mercenary forces, and preaches 340 to 338 and for the assassination of the lesson of the punishment of sacrilege. Philip.(15) In these chapters the tone ap­ Not surprisingly there is an interest in Delphi pears to be pro-Athenian, there is consider­ and associated themes (e.g. Amphictyonic able interest in anecdotes and personalities procedure, omens), but as well there is in and there is rhetorical colouring. If one these chapters an analysis of motives which source is to be assumed, Diyllus of Athens is more than usually careful for Diodorus. is as good or bad an identification as any The Thebans, for example, are said to have other. (16) acted from svae{Jsw (which is to be expected In the narrative of Sicilian affairs, three in view of the outlook revealed in the pre­ broad groups may be distinguished: the face to XVI) but also because the enforce­ liberation of Syracuse by Dion, Timoleon's ment of the Amphictyonic decisions suited career down to the expulsion of Dionysius

(11) The chapters on Persian affairs (XVI 40.3-52.8 and (H) F. Gr. H . IIA.70, under the fragments of Book XXX possibly 31.1-2) also derive from Ephorus. (= fr. 93-6); Hammond, C. Q. 31, 1937. (12) XVI 23-31.5; 32-3; 35-36.2; 37-9; 56-63. (15) XVI 7.3-4; 21-22.2; 53-5; 64; 77.2-3; 84-8; 91-4. (13) XVI 28.4. (16) F. Gr. H . IIA.73; Hammond, C. Q. 32, 1938.

39 R. K. SINCLAIR

II, and his later career down to his death Diodorus with his chronological framework 19 in 336. (17) The first two are marked by a and also his bibliographical notices,( ) se­ general impartiality which is remarkable in condly, a few scattered brief references to view of the bitter feelings aroused by these events, which may well be derived from a struggles and reflected in Timaeus and other Hellenistic text-book similar to one that has writers. The account is detailed and almost been discovered at Oxyrhynchus,(20) and melodramatic: nothing simply happens, every­ finally the contribution of Diodorus himself thing happens suddenly or unexpectedly. If so far as this can be disentangled. At the Theopomp}ls, as seems likely, was the source least we should attribute to him the refer­ for these _two sections, Timaeus may well ences to Agyrium or the prominence given 21 have been' us d for the third. (18) to his birth place,( ) a statement of changes Most c;lf XVI is therefore comprehended in Sicily during the Roman period,(22) and 23 in five broad groupings, which suggest the link-phrases( ) which, however imperfectly, use of Ephorus until his history ceases, then mark the transition from one area to another. the use . of his 'continuators' Demophilus Other features may be ascribed to Diodorus, and perhaps Diyllus, with reference to Theo­ but we may point out just one: that is, a pompus and Timaeus for Sicily. Hammond refrain or twin refrain - the almost in­ argues that in each section Diodorus relied evitable increase in Philip's power and on a singl_e source and made no attempt to Philip's piety - which is repeated through­ conflate two sources but, while agreeing that out the book, not always with great skill,(24) the bulk of each section probably derives but which appears to mark an attempt by from a single source, I would contend that Diodorus to maintain the thesis of the pre­ , the inadequacy of our information does not face, including the steps by which Philip rule out · :the possibility of at least minor came to lead the Greek world. There are checking of the principal source by reference three main possibilities. The first, that this to another. I am not however suggesting was Diodorus' own idea, is not likely. The a really critical approach by Diodorus, for second is that the evae{Jeta refrain indicates it is clear that while he might and did assert the use of the same source, but the case the primacy of Truth, his real interest in which has been made out for this view sim­ history is that associated with the Stoics - ply brings out the limitations of the approach that is, the social and moral utility of history. from similarity of word or even idea. The The .above analysis, however, does not third seems most probable - that the theme cover all the material in the book. The was suggested to Diodorus, perhaps by Ephor­ residue consists of the chronographical refer­ us' preface, and was repeated by Diodorus ences, derived from a source which provided at what he considered appropriate places.

(1 7) (i) XVI 5-6, 9-13, 15-20; (ii) 65-70; (iii) 72.2-73, (20) XVI 7.2; 22.3; 34.3-5; 52.9; 69.7-8; 71.1-2; 89. See 77.4-83; 90.1. Oxyrhynchus Papyri I, no. XII. (~S) F. Gr. H . IIB.l 15 (Theopompus), IIIB.566 (Timaeus); (21) XVI 82.4 and 5; 83.3 . Laqueur, articles in R. E. on Theopompus and Timaeus; (22) XVI 7 .1. · Hammond, C. Q. 32, 1938; T. S. Brown, A.]. P. 73, 1952, (23) E.g. XVI 5.1 ; 34.3; (more fully) 8.1 . 337-55; K . von 11ritz, A.H. R. 46, 1941 , 765-87; H . D. (24) XVI 1.4; 8.3; 8.7; 22.3; 38 .2; 53.3; 54.1; 60.4-5; 64.3; Westlake, Historia. 2, 1953, 288-307. 69.8; 74.2; 75.1 ; 95.2. (10) E.g. XVI 36.2-5; 14.3 -5.

40 DIODORUS SICULUS AND THE WRITING OF HISTORY

Before we leave XVI, we should note that the poor man who became king of Tyre (as other approaches to the analysis of this book ' an example to those who are not aware of have yielded very different results. On the the sudden changes of fortune'), or referring basis of identity or divergence of individual to the Persian treasures which proved to be details, various attempts have been made to no protection against fortune. (28) But in isolate the sources used by Diodorus. The XVII •VX'YJ is also important at the highest results of what might be called the ' frag­ level. In XVI it had been ruled out as a mentary' approach are frequently most im­ factor in Philip's success, but not so with probable: it has been argued, for example, Alexander. Tvx'Y/ it was, for example, which that Diodorus changed his source eighteen ' did not allow Memnon's a.ee-rri to advance times within four chapters.(25) The weak­ further; by his death the affairs of Darius 29 nesses of this approach are apparent if one went backward. '( ) It was TVX'YJ again which examines some of the assumptions which it provided the a.ee-r17 of Alexander with such seems to imply.(26) It is hardly satisfactory a brave opponent as Darius, and TVX'YJ as to insist that a particular detail could have well as Alexander's strong constitution which been drawn only from the particular frag­ saved him from his serious illness at Tar­ ment which happens to have been preserved. sus. (30) After Issus we are reminded speci­ Again, of all authors Diodorus is not one fically that military successes are often due who may be assumed to be free of errors to •VX'YJ rather than to a.esr17, while pity in transcribing details or in abridging: his (e-1e0 ~) is the fruit of wisdom (cpe6v'Y}at~ ). confusion of the persons of the murderer Many men are exalted by success and be­ of Evagoras and the successor of Evagoras come forgetful of human weakness, but not 27 is notorious, but not unique.( ) Alexander after the battle of Issus. Indeed When we turn to XVII we find that it it was his kindly treatment of the Persian marks a sharp contrast to XVI in a number royal women that provoked these observa­ of ways. In the account of Alexander's tions in Diodorus. (31) In India, however, conquests, for instance, fortune ( TVX'YJ) plays -rvx'Y/ is not prominent - were there fewer a very large part, and indeed fortune and signs of her influence, or did India provide the unexpected changes of fortune virtually sensations enough so that there was no need constitute a theme. But this theme is not to enliven the narrative with TVX'YJ ? Fate limited to the general notion of the frailty ( 17 nsnewµsv'Y/ ), not fortune itself, cut short 32 of mankind. As in his other books, Diodorus Alexander's life. ( ) Tvx'Y/ became a common­ in XVII draws attention to human frailty, place in Hellenistic times, and Tarn could writing up the fate of the Persian royal be right in attributing the application of household after Issus, telling the story of TVX'YJ in XVII to Diodorus himself, though

(25) Laqueur, article in R. E. on Timaeus. Diodorus' constant addiction to naea.1fo~a. (26) The assumptions are not of course unique to the (20) XVII 29.4 (cf. 101.2 - Dioxippus - and XVI 75.1 'fragmentary' approach, but they are open to more - Perinthus). serious challenge in this case. (30) XVII 6.3; 31.6. (27) xv 47.8. (31) XVII 38.5-7 . (28) XVII 36-8; 46.6-47.6; 66.2 (cf. 108.6-Harpalus). (32) XVII 11 6. Cf. XVI 1.5 (Philip) and I 3.2. Compare in particular XIII 20-32, XVIII 59.5-6 and

41 R. K. SINCLAIR it may well have been taken from a source elements, even if all these sources could be such as Cleitarchus. distinguished. Might not Persian affairs, Another point of contrast with XVI is for example, be drawn from Cleitarchus son the strong unity of XVII - a feature to of Deinon, rather than from Deinon direct ? which -cvxri makes a clear contribution. This Or again, as with most of Tarn's source unity is also partly due to the lack of any criticism, his analysis of XVII relies too account of Sicilian affairs and the omission much on a simple dichotomy of favourable of notices of Roman history and bibliogra­ and unfavourable sources and the implica­ phical notice . (33) But the basic fact is tion that a source contains statements that that throughout XVII Alexander holds the are all favourable or all unfavourable. But stage, even if on occasion he is almost pushed here we must limit our discussion to the into the wings - for example, by the de­ problem of M (the 'mercenaries' source') tailed account of the siege of T yre. But and the alleged inconsistencies in the por­ whether Diodorus presents a consistent and trait of Alexander. convincing picture of Alexander is another M, according to Tarn, was Diodorus' question. Some see more than a superficial ' principal guide down to Issus '. H e was unity, while others insist that the picture of a Greek writing from the point of view of Alexander is incoherent and contradictory. the Greek mercenaries in Darius' service, The latter is the view adopted by Tarn, and his object was 'to tell the story of the who would see in XVII a medley of many mercenaries '. (35) But, as Brunt has shown, sources and would reject the idea that the we learn more about the Greek mercenaries basic source of XVII is Cleitarchus of Alex­ from Arrian than from Diodorus and the andria. (34) Tarn would relate the incon­ Greek mercenaries do not fi gure prominently sistencies which he claims to find in XVII in Diodorus. (36) There is, of course, inform­ to the conflicting portraits found by Dio­ ation in Diodorus about Persian plans, and dorus in his sources. So he would detect much of this was undoubtedly obtained from Aristobulus (a civil engineer who accom­ captives (both Greek and Persian). But panied Alexander) as representing the main there is no need to postulate a written source source and as showing a favourable view of (used by Quintus Curtius as well as Diodorus), the Macedonian, and Cleitarchus as a se­ and moreover Arrian, who according to Tarn condary and unfavourable source. Tarn did not know M, is not ignorant in these also makes much of a so-called mercenaries' matters. source, and postulates Diyllus for Greek Two other objections to Tarn's theory affairs, a monograph on H ephaestion and might be made here for they relate to Dio­ other works. But this view makes too little dorus' methods in general. First, there is allowance for transmission by an inter­ the surprising omission in XVII of the in­ mediary source (or sources) of some of these cidents of the Gordian Knot and Mount

(33) As also in XVIII. Note lacuna in XVII between Orienta/is 9, 1952, 202-11 ; L. Pearson, The Lost Hiswries chapters 83 and 84. of Alexander the Great (1960) 217-42. (34) W. W. Tarn, Alexander the Great (1948), vol. II, 63- (35) Tarn, II, 71-5; Pearson, 78-82. 91; J acoby, Griechische Historiker (1956) 332-48 (= article (36) P. A. Brunt, C. Q. N . S. 12, 1962, 141-55. in R . E. on Kleitarchos); H . Strasburger, Bibliotheca

42 DIODORUS S ICULU AND T H E W RlTI 'G OF HISTORY

Climax, which would be even more surpris­ to contrast the Theban reaction to it with ing if Diodorus was using Cleitarchus here. that of others.(41) But, more than this, the But with Diodorus and indeed all writers, relay system is alluded to in two passages omission of an incident does not necessarily in XVI ( the siege of Perin thus by Philip), imply it was missing in its source. More­ and again it is hard to see how this could over, Tarn misrepresents Diodorus when he have been treated by M.(42) But, above all, claims that Alexander's march from Hali­ Diodorus' alleged reliance on M must be 37 carnassus to Cilicia is dismissed in six words. ( ) rejected in view of the frequency with which What Diodorus does is characteristic.(38) the biaboxfJ practice is referred to, parti­ H e states that Alexander gained possession cularly by H ellenistic writers, and in view of many cities, but one naeac56fw~. This of the references to relays in H annibal's city is singled out for detailed notice, unless siege of Selinus and of Himera and Acra­ of course this was in fact, despite his clear gas. (43) The similarity of phraseology in statement, the only episode about which XIII, XVI and XVII is particularly damag­ Diodorus had any information. The episode ing to the M theory. may well appear to us trivial, but we must In short, these arguments for postulating accept the possibility that it was preferred M collapse and the multiplicity of sources by Diodorus to, say, a story about Mount suggested by T arn must be reduced. Similar Climax. conclusions are to be drawn if we examine The second objection relates to the Maced­ the contention that the picture of Alex­ onian practice of fi ghting in relays. Tarn ander is incoherent and contradictory and lists seven references in XVII to this prac­ that this is to be explained by the use of tice and attributes these to M . H e has how­ different sources. Diodorus' characterization, ever to concede that two of these ( against it is true, is not wholly convincing but the the Uxii and at Aornos) 'are probably inconsistencies are much less serious than only Diodorus himself putting in what he Tarn represents. Let us consider, for ex­ 39 has learnt ' - that is, from M . ( ) T wo ample, Alexander's reaction to critical cir­ more (the siege of Thebes) of the seven are cumstances. T arn argues that Alexander's hardly likely to have come from M; for, aµ'Y/xa vta or aywvta is ' not met with after as Brunt has shown, M does not seem to the "mercenaries' source" ceases and should 44 have attempted to tell the story of Greek therefore come from it ' ,( ) but he over­ freedom and there is no apparent reason looks three other relevant occasions. Gauga­ why the writer should have narrated the mela could of course be drawn fro m M , but destruction of Thebes.(40) It might also be this can hardly be argued for Alexander's added that Diodorus makes three distinct aywvta in the face of the restlessness of the and fairly detailed references to the biaboxfJ Greek states (unless it is read back from practice for Thebes and goes out of his way XVII.31.3), and certainly not for the king's

(37) Tam, II, 73. (42) VI 74.2,6. (38) XVII 27 .7-28 .5. (43) XIII 55-6 ('5 ta<'lox11 notion stressed, as at T hebes), (30) Tam, II, 72 and 11 . 2. 59.7 and 85.3. (40) op. cit. 145-6. (44) Tam, II, 67, 11 . 9. (41) Three (not two) distinct passages (XVII 11.J , 12.1,2).

43 R. K. SINCLAIR reaction to the Chaldaean prophecy.(45) An mela, but thereafter increasing so that in explanation of the supposed inconsistencies the eastern campaigns Alexander appears in terms of M cannot therefore be supported. to be master of the situation despite all the But we can go further than this. Viewed difficulties. (49) This confidence was not against the whole of Diodorus' narrative, shaken until the experiences in the Gedrosian Alexander's aµ'Y)xavta or aywvta on the oc­ desert, and was further affected by the casions cited is not necessarily at variance death of Hephaestion and the Chaldaean with his reaction at other times. The essence prophecy. (50 ) of Diodorus' portrait is this. Alexander in Variations in Alexander's reaction may his early years was looked upon as a young therefore be related to variations in the king (veo~) amid immense difficulties, but circumstances and/or to developments in he settled affairs naeac56!w~ xai avvroµw~.( 46) Alexander's character and outlook. As well In the heat of battle, however, Alexander it seems clear that there was much in Alex­ never showed any signs of doubt or per­ ander and his deeds that could only be called plexity, while before a battle his attitude 'inconsistent'. Apparent discrepancies in was normally the same. But before the Diodorus should therefore be considered in battle of Gaugamela the king realised that the light of these possibilities rather than by the whole iss e was at stake and was during a too ready resort to explanations in terms the preceding night seriously troubled. On of different sources. Again, we must re­ the other ha.nd Alexander was liable to cognise that some of the apparent contra­ these feelings of aywvta and aµ'Y)xavla where dictions arise from the very brevity of Dio­ the problem was a protracted one or far­ dorus' account and may be due to the pro­ reaching - e.g., the restlessness of the Greeks, cess of abridgement.(51) In short, there are the danger from Memnon, the difficulties at more ways than one of accounting for ap­ Halicarnassus and Tyre(47) - or where the parent discrepancies, and though the inter­ problem appeared beyond or almost beyond pretations here suggested may perhaps do human control - for example, the depriv­ more than justice to Diodorus or his sour­ ations in the Gedrosian desert or the omens ces, (52) they do indicate one of the great 48 at Babylon. ( ) Furthermore the varying dangers of the source-criticism approach to reactions recorded by Diodorus follow in Alexander, essential though such an ap­ general a pattern of growing confidence - proach is. Vve must beware the temptation, temporarily and seriously broken at Gauga- so to speak, of the deus ex machina.

(45) XVII 56.1-3; 3.1; 116.4. 97 and 98-9. (46) XVII 3.6. (50) XVII 110.8 (Hephaestion). (47) XVII 3.1; 31.3-4; 26.7; 42.5. Apart from Halicarnas­ (51) See, for example, XVII 104.4 and 6 f. Tam (II, 66 sus and Tyre Diodorus does not use dµrr7.avta-. and n. 13 and p. 67) would be ready to discard the (48) XVII 105.6 (tlvbieaev OV1' elc; T~V rvzovaav J.vn17v latter, and ignoring the possibility of variety of circum­ u "al q;eovrloa), 112.4 and 116.4. It is interesting to stances and methods (yet cf. Diodorus' statement in compare Diodorus' use of dywvla in other books (e.g. 104.4) unnecessarily sees a contradiction and despite XIV 24.7 or 40.1.) , though Tarn does not of course 104.7 argues that there is no apparent reason for suggest that the concept of dywvla is derived from M, plundering. but only Alexander's susceptibility. (52) See Pearson, op. cit. 240-2; XVII 79.l. (49) See, for example, XVII 93-4 ('mutiny' - cf. 109);

44 SECOND THOUGHTS ON HIGHET'S JUVENAL THE SATIRIST

Finally, it would appear that what we underlying XVII, though it is not impos­ have in XVII is not two contradictory por­ sible that Diodorus himself may have made traits, but an account of Alexander based some real contribution. on Cleitarchus and to a less extent on Ar­ The conclusion is inescapable that in XV, istobulus and perhaps others, though it is XVI and XVII Diodorus relied very heavily problematical whether Diodorus used Ar­ on his sources. It is equally clear that all istobulus directly. Cleitarchus' account, as three are very different in character and far as we can judge, was not so much an that there is a need for careful examination unfavourable one but one which sought the of each book rather than for discussion based unusual and the sensational, and in Alex­ simply on sweeping assumptions about the ander's expedition there was ample opport­ whole work. unity for this. It is probably to Cleitarchus R. K. SINCLAIR. primarily that we should attribute the unity University of Sydney.

SECOND THOUGHTS ON HIGHET'S JUVENAL THE SATIRIST

Gilbert HIGHET, Juvenal the Satirist: a Study, varied. The general public, classicists and Oxford University Press, 1962; pp. xvm- non-classicists alike, welcomed the book en­ 373; 7/6 (Oxford Paperbacks no. 40). thusiastically. Specialists were less ecstatic. Should the reader care to study some of This book is a paperback reprint of one these cooler reviews, I refer him to CR 69 published in 1954 at 30s. and now priced (1955) 278-81 [Kenney], JRS 45 (1955) at 35s. At 7 /6d I consider this a bargain, 234-5 [Nisbet], and Gnomon 29 ( 195 7) 54-65 and I can only wish that Oxford Press would [Knoche]. I myself consider the first two favor classicists with other scholarly books. the most balanced criticisms of Highet's However, I fear that few scholars write with labors so far printed. When I say this, I that combination of popularization and meti­ should admit that I, too, have reviewed the culous annotation that will make Highet's book in GP 50 (1955) 146-8; I do not now work desirable to the general public and think that I achieved proper balance. I de­ specialist alike. And economic motives being nounced Highet with juvenile fury that what they are, we are not likely to be offered bordered on Juvenalian indignatio, like Ju­ Bailey's Lucretius or Fraenkel's Horace in venal's satirist quite unable to admit the paperback. many virtues of Highet's study. It is there­ When Oxford first published this book, fore because I wish to correct the balance it was reviewed in all the usual journals. of my own printed estimate that I accepted According as the reviewer was of the general the opportunity to write this second review. public or among the specialists, opinions Highet divides his study into three parts:

45 W. S. A DERSON fi rst, a reconstruction of Juvenal's life; second, The sixteen Satires give us approximate analysis of the sixteen Satires; and third, dates for Juvenal's productivity (A.D. 100 an account of Juvenal's survival and in­ to at least 127 ), but to my mind that is all fluence on later writers. Some footnotes they tell us of biographical interest. What appear, but most of the annotation is re­ H. regards as biographical evidence, the legated to the end of the book, where, in anger and fear in the poems, is rather evid­ smaller print, it awaits the scholar. Dis­ ence for Juvenal's ability as a dramatic poet. cussing his points in a familiar, engaging In the Satires he has created a character - style, copiously illustrating his ideas by I would like to call this character Juvenal's analogies from modern literature, Highet satirist - who bears no necessary resem­ appeals in the text to the general reader, who blance to Juvenal, but makes Juvenal's presumably will avoid the more detailed notes. poetry the exciting, new kind of satura that The materials for reconstructing Juvenal's H. and so many of us admire. It is perhaps life are so sparse that it is doubtful indeed amusing to speculate on the real character that much can be accomplished by even of Juvenal, but the Satires must not be used the most clever imagination. We do not as evidence either way unless we have valid know when or where Juvenal was born or outside documentation. If Juvenal is angry when he died. We know nothing of his because of suffering, what suffering do we family or youth; apart from Martial, no have to attribute to Persius and Lucilius to contemporary mentions Juvenal, and he him­ explain their individual vituperative ways; self mentions no identifiable contemporaries. and why isn't Horace the writer of satire What facts do we possess? H . begins with angry when, we know, he bitterly suffered the most obvious fact, the sixteen Satires, in the Civil Wars? Why is the work of and tries to produce a portrait of Juvenal Pope the hunchback and invalid so differ­ at the time when he wrote and published ent from that of bitter Dean Swift? The his poetry. He sees the poet as at first an point has been well made in a recent article angry but frightened man in his 40's who by Kenney [ Cambridge Philol. Soc. 188 ( 1962) attacked the memory of Domitian, then 29-40J that fear is a conventional aspect of slowly, with time and success, became calmer, program satires; and I should add that more contented with life under Hadrian. anger, too, was a convention of ancient Now one has to admit that this is a plaus­ rhetoric. Thus, the dominant emotions of ible construction; some writers do launch the early Satires are conventional and have their careers with shocking denunciations been projected into the poems by the skill­ and then, as they grow older, wiser, and ful poet; and they provide no safe evidence securely established, begin to temper their as to his personality or his sufferings, only fu ry. However, it is not necessary to be­ as to his poetical ability. lieve that Juvenal himself was angry. It is The next fact that H. uses to reconstruct not a fact, H. asserts, that 'satirists are Juvenal's biography must be taken with peculiarly sensitive, and their sensitivity caution, and H . does treat it scrupulously. means suffering' (p. 20). The fervency and It is the fact of Juvenal's exile. As H. shows, sincerity (p. 13) that H. professes to detect a tradition was current by the late 4th or in Juvenal are merely part of the pose of early 5th centuries that Domitian had sent the speaker in Juvenal's Satires. Juvenal into exile in Egypt; a century or so

46 SECOND THOUGHTS ON HIGHET' S JUVENAL THE SATIRIST later, when the Vita Juvenalis began to ap­ we have no good evidence for this exile of pear as a preface to the Mss., this tradition Juvenal, neither in the Satires nor m con­ was already being garbled: the best Vita temporary sources. Suetonius, one might asserts that Juvenal went to his exile at the think, would have mentioned it; in fact, age of 80, apparently under Hadrian ! H. Suetonius tells us that, once his suspicious suggests that Juvenal was exiled in 93, that nature triumphed, Domitian regularly exe­ year when Domitian began to lash out at cuted writers for what he believed to be many Senators and imagined political ene­ veiled comments upon himself. Finally, mies. The cause of the banishment was a other Romans usually took advantage of exile lampoon which attacked some powerful and to write about it (cf. Cicero, Ovid, Seneca, venal courtier under the cover-name of Paris Favorinus). If Juvenal did suffer under and irritated the suspicious Domitian. This Domitian for a lampoon, why was he not exile, then, explains the passion with which proud of this fact and eager to speak of his Juvenal denounces the reign of Domitian; exile? Why did he incorporate this sup­ for it answers the question which H . thinks posed lampoon later of all places in Satire 7 ? fit to ask: ' What happened then to make In my opinion, the exile of Juvenal is a him a satirist ? ' (p. 21). dubious fact which, even if true, would not Again, H.'s argument will appeal to many as necessarily account for any of Juvenal's plausible. However, I doubt that we should poetical qualities. ask such a question as the one he frames, Working back to the years before Juve­ for it cannot be answered so simply. \Vhen nal's exile, H. takes up what may or may not a poet chooses to write satire, any number be a fact of the poet's youth: the lost inscrip­ of motives may spur him on. Horace, for tion from Aquinum. This inscription re­ instance, talks about paupertas; he claims that ferred to the dedication of some item to he is using people as personal documenta; Ceres by a Juvenal who had been an officer others charge him with desiring to injure in a Dalmatian legion and was currently and provoke laughter; he has a complex duumvir and flamen of the deified Vespas­ relation with Maecenas which he seems to ian in Aquinum. H. would date the inscrip­ wish to explain; obviously, too, he wants to tion about 81 because of the reference to vie with Lucilius and to prove himself a Vespasian. He assumes that the three of­ skillful poet, better than the Neoterics, fices listed on the stone befit a young man worthy of standing beside the poets of the of 25, and accordingly he applies the inform­ new generation. A similar variety of reasons ation to our Juvenal when young, deducing probably inspired Juvenal. Using Domitian's a prosperous and ambitious knight already reign as a topic proves little: Tacitus and well on his way at 25 to a promising career. Pliny do the same in the works they publish However, it is by no means certain that a right after Domitian's death, and neither of young man was the dedicator named in the them had suffered exile, but promoted his inscription. M unicipal mayors and flamines career appreciably under Domitian. It was were more often than not older, respected the conventional thing to attack Domitian. citizens. Since, too, the inscription provides Pliny constructs his entire Panegyric upon us with no information that we need to a contrast between the dead monster and interpret the Satires and since H . moves in Trajan, the paragon of virtue. Moreover, the realm of fancy as he tries to connect

47 W. S. ANDERSON that Juvenal with the poet Juvenal, one must nature and the ardour of his conv1ctlon, doubt the merits of his elaborate reconstruc­ which broke so many moulds ' (p. 172). tion. To such an argument, one might reply that The second part of H. 's book treats one any poet who, as H. himself demonstrates, by one each of Juvenal's sixteen Satires; can create such a striking style with such each book, too, receives separate analysis. calculated rhetorical methods as Juvenal This part clearly is the most important for employs , is not likely, when writing, to be all readers, and H. has much to offer. It overwhelmed by his passionate nature. H. could be argued that, condescending to the in fact mistakes the passion of the character, general public more than necessary, he has the actor speaking in the Satires, for the watered down his material and used too mood of the poet who artfully produced it. much on the whole irrelevant illustration But the chief disability of this survey lies from modern literature. evertheless, if the in its very distinction between satirist and specialist protests at the popularistic inter­ poet. If, as H . claims in his opening sentence pretation, he can always find ample matter (p. 2), ' the Roman Juvenal was the greatest fo r thought in the elaborate notes at the satiric poet who ever lived '; then H . 's efforts back of the book. H.'s bibliography is beyond to describe Juvenal fi rst as satirist - by cavil. Anyone who wishes to pursue the which he seems to mean moralist - then analysis of a Satire will find the means to do as poet, are erroneous. The moralist and so by using H .'s notes. the poet are one and the same person; one H. concludes this part with a Survey distorts the picture as soon as one begins to (pp. 161 ff. ), in which he attempts to sum­ separate the moral ideas fro m the poetic marize the special qualities of Juvenal. H ere, element. For the satura adopted by Juvenal I feel, the methods of criticism are deficient, was poetry by definition, and his references and the reader benefits little from H .'s quite to Horace and Lucilius place him decisively frank admiration for Juvenal. H. chooses in that poetic tradition. When a poet goes to treat Juvenal fi rst as a satirist, then as a to work - and literary critics should per­ poet; as if these are two sharply distinct haps be obliged to spend a year writing features of the writer. If we can affirm, poetry before they are allowed to make argues H., that Juvenal essentially told the dogmatic statements about poets - he starts truth, chose important subjects, and ulti­ with an idea and some good phrases, maybe mately proves effective, then we can honor even a few lines. To complete that poem, him as a great satirist. H . does so affirm, however, he must sweat, trying this, trying and he concludes that Juvenal is a distin­ that, always changing words, ideas, perhaps guished satiri'" t. ext, he moves on to Ju­ even the central theme of the poem as ori­ venal the poet. To determine whether a ginally conceived. The point is, Juvenal poet is good or not, we should ask questions certainly did not say to himself: I have a about his ability to construct his long poems, very fine satiric idea, powerful, true, and his originality, and style. But H. lets his morally useful, and now I think I'll slip it biographical tendency interpret the matter into some hexameters. It is highly doubtful of structure, saying: ' Though we admire in my opinion whether Juvenal cared one Juvenal's successes, we must regret his fail­ whit about being true and positively di­ ures and blame them on his passionate dactic; he wrote satura because it was his 48 SECOND THOUGHTS ON HIGHET'S JUVENAL THE SATIRIST kind of poetry. At any rate, I maintain that commonplace of Juvenalian cnt1c1sm, that the first thing we should study is Juvenal Juvenal was totally and mysteriously un­ the poet. My own research has led me to known until the time of Lactantius. He a conclusion about the poet diametrically proves to my satisfaction that at least the opposed to that of H. As I have frequently Christian apologists from the time of Ter­ mentioned in this review, Juvenal the poet tullian possessed some acquaintance with the creates a dramatic character ( whom I call Satires. It follows that we cannot argue too the satirist) to speak indignant words in the confidently from silence, especially in deal­ early books about the tragic decadence of ing with a period that produced few sur­ Rome. I now believe that this 'satirist' is v1vmg writers. Although Juvenal was no so portrayed that no Roman of Juvenal's school text, mss. of the Satires, I believe, day would have subscribed to his rantings were available. Inasmuch as he was so and no Roman was expected to. The 'sat­ popular in the 4th and early 5th centuries, irist' disqualifies himself by his indignation, imitated by Christian and pagan poets, as Juvenal plans it; whereas Horace's 'sat­ rhetoricians, and scholars, it is hard for me irist ' recommends himself by his smiling to accept the theory that he was suddenly irony. Instead, then, of asking whether revived. Juvenal writing satiric poetry told the truth, It remains to mention the critical or select we might better consider the significance of bibliography (pp. 339 ff.) at the end of H.'s Juvenal's original creation, the indignant study: it is a model of its kind. We need satirist. H. and the Romantic critics of the more such bibliographies in scholarly treat­ 19th century have been so worried by this ises. Nowadays, in pursuing scholarly re­ marvellous dramatic character invented by search, it is altogether too difficult to dis­ Juvenal, that they have been unable to tinguish the wood from the trees. H. has discern the poetic genius behind it. The chosen one hundred basic works that, in my didactic Juvenal is probably a total fiction. judgment, can fully represent the best of For my part, I would urge cnt1cs to con­ Juvenalian scholarship. Starting with these, template the possibility that Juvenal wrote anyone can plunge deep into the many grave primarily to give pleasure. Having come and exciting problems raised by this poet. this far in the review, the reader may now That I have discussed H.'s book at such understand why I argued so strenuously length, in such detail, argues my serious against H.'s reconstruction of Juvenal's life: interest in it. I disagree with much of his it rests on what I consider the totally mis­ analysis, but I admire his knowledge of taken identification of Juvenal's satirist and Juvenal and entirely approve of the high Juvenal. estimate he places on the poet. In my The third part of this book deals ably with opinion, then, no competent L~tinist should Juvenal's survival and influence upon later be without a copy of this challenging study, literature. H. investigates the truth of that WILLIAM S. ANDERSON. University of California, Berkeley.

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G. E. DucKWORTH, Suuctural patterns and aid, so to speak of an electronic computer. They proportions in Vergil's .Aeneid: a study in will object that any artist or author with an mathematical compos1uon, University of aesthetic sense of proportion will instinctively avoid overloading one part of his work at the Michigan Press, 1962; pp. x + 268; 50/-. expense of another, and therefore, if approxima­ tions to the Golden Mean are detected, they will ln this book Professor Duckworth claims to have be due to chance or intuition rather than to discovered that Virgil, in putting together in a conscious design. Furthermore, man is prone to structural pattern the smaller units, narrative and seek patterns in things and to wrest evidence to fit other, whid1 he .is known to have composed separate­ his own preconceived ideas. Acceptance of the ly and in no fixed order, calculated the length evidence Duckworth has detected depends on of each unit and contrived that each stage in the accepting the detector's own ana'1ysis of the struc­ progressing edifice should conform to the ratio ture of the Aeneid, and different critics have known as the Golden Section, Golden Mean, analysed it in different ways. or Divine Proportion. The structural pattern of Professor Duckworth himself answers these objec­ the Aeneid is complex, with at least three patterns tions by producing, in the appendices, tables, and superimposed one upon another. There is firstly charts which occupy the major portion of this book, the alternating rhythm between the books of no less than 1044 examples of the Golden Mean odd and even number, secondly a division of which are within the range of .608 and .628, and the whole epic into two halves with parallels so many of them are exact that the law of averages and contrasts between the corresponding books of makes it impossible to attribute them all to chance each half, and finally a tripartite pattern of three or intuit10n. Again, so many occur in patterns and blocks of four books each. In all of these patterns divisions of the Aeneid which are obvious and the Golden Mean appears. disputed by no one, that it is fairer to attribute T he Golden Mean is that ratio between un­ them to Virgil than to Duckworth. equal parts of an artistic composition which has He tells us that he was led to investigate the been considered from ancient times to give the Golden Mean in the Aeneid by Le Grelle's analysis greatest aesthetic satisfaction. It is found in any of Georgics I (in Les Eludes Classiques, 1949). arithmetical series such that each successive number T here are more examples in the Georgics than Le is the sum of the preceding two. In any such series Grelle was aware of. It is well known that Virgil the ratio of each number to the succeeding one relieves the monotony of didactic technical exposi­ soon begins to approximate to .618 (reduced to tion in the Georgics with passages of a descriptive three decimal places). The ratio of the larger of and more general nature. Duckworth has counted these two numbers to tl1eir sum is also .618. If ,the 1352 lines of technical matter and 835 lines of minor part is designated by m and the major by M, descriptive, philosophical, and general matter. The the formula is m /M = M/ (m + M) = .618. This total number of lines in the Georgics is 2187, and exact ratio is reached most quickly in the simplest we find that 835/1352 = 1352/ 2187 = .618 exactly. series, known as the Fibonacci series, of I, I, 2, 3, In the A en eid h e finds the Golden M ean occur­ 5, 8.. . (21 / 34 ,= 6.18). For this reason Virgil is ing in four different types of pattern: (i), the fo und to make most use of this simplest series ,in simplest is a proportion between two passages or fixing the number of lines in the shorter units. divisions, a and b; (ii), there is a tripartite pattern The Golden Mean appears in nature in such ·things where a + b or b + c = M or m; (iii), a tripa,rtite as the shapes of flowers and pine-cones, in the 'sandwich' pattern in which a + c = M or m, so work of Greek architects, in the shape of Greek that the formula is, for example, b / (a + c). Typical vases, and in the works of the Roman poets examples of these are given in pp. 48-57. Catullus, Lucretius, Horace, and Virgil. The discovery that Virgil must have counted the Many scholars and critics will be hurt by the -lines of every passage, from the shortest unit of thought that the A eneid was composed with the thought to the main divisions of each book, and

50 REVIEWS then performed hundreds upon hundreds of theme, Virgil's mathematical method of composi­ mathematical calculations, is almost beyond belief. tion, is of more interest and importance to the The reader will want to test the theory by looking critic than to the general reader. Knowledge of it for examples on his own account. The reviewer does not necessarily increase one's enjoyment in looked for one of the simplest kind, and found one reading, for the shape of a long book, unlike a almost at once in Aeneid IV. The book may bµilding, vase, or statue, cannot be taken in at reasonably be divided i'nto two unequal parts at the once by the eye. But we now know how Virgil point where Dido, convinced at last that her efforts avoided boring the reader by overloading any to defleot Aeneas from his purpose are in vain, theme or episode at the expense of another. One resolves to die. The division may be made either at marvels at Virgil's restraint and powers of self­ line 4-50, or at line 436, where the narrative is criticism, for he must have had to prune away many resumed after D ido's last attempt to use Anna as a a passage and line that pleased him. But when a go-between. If it is taken at the latter point, then brilliant critical work, such as Duckworth's, is lines 1-436 recount the circumstani;es that led up to produced, a note of caution needs to be sounded. the tragedy, and lines 437-705 (269 lines) recount the It must never be forgotten that Virgil's impact" on tragedy itself. It will be found that 269 / 436 = succeeding generations, ancient, mediaeval, and .617, and 436/ 705 = .618. It is difficult not to modern, has been due much more to what he had agree that Professor Duckworth has proved his to say than to the manner and method of presenta­ point. I tion. If his thesis is accepted, Professor Duckworth has Professor Duckworth is to be congratu'1ated on provided future editors and critics with a criterion having made a most important ·contribution to which they cannot afford to neglect. It may ,provide Vergilian criticism. We look forward with interest a test, for example, as to whether suspected lines to his forthcoming book on Virgil, the Poet of are to be rejected or not. It is found, for example, Augustan Rome, in which the theme of this book that the four lines usually italicized at the begin­ will presumably form the subject-matter of only a ning of Book I are required to provide a Golden single chapter. Mean, and if the H elen-passage in Book II is E. C. w OODCOCK. rejeoted, several Golden Means disappear altogether. University of Durham. Even the famous half-lines become important, for many of them need to be counted as fractions, in order to give a closer approximation to the Golden Mean, while others need to be counted as C. R. WttrITAKER and M. E. TouBKIN, whole lines. It may be that Virgil, if he had lived (eds.), Ex Africa - Latin in Rhodesia 1962, to make his final revision, would have left the Faculty of Education Occasional Paper No. former as they are. FinaJ.ly, editors will have a 2, University College of Rhodesia and new aid to the paragraphing of the text. For Nyasaland, 1962; pp. x 95; 7 /6. example, 111 Book XII Hirtzel (O.C.T.) and + Mackail add 725-727 to the preceding passage, and begin a new paragraph with 728. Virgil's mathe­ This is the report of a conference of teachers of matical proportions support Cartault and Sabbadini, South and Central Africa who met to discuss the who began a new paragraph at 725. position of Latin teaching in the schools. The Not less interesting are Professor Duckworth's compilers feel that it is more than a factual record views on the patterns to be found both in the of the conference: it reflects a great degree of structure of the Aeneid as a whole, and in the urgency and anxiety about the teaching of Latin. individual books. Not everyone will agree with his Certainly it does. attempt to find a threefold division in every book, Yet the problems besetting the teaching of Latin with each division itself divided into three, and he are not peculiar to Africa. The same dissatisfaction himself admits that there is difficulty in so dividing with the demands of a syHabus which was accept­ Book V. The Ludus Troiae is scarcely long enough able in the days when a'1most twice as much time to be regarded as a main division. Nevertheless was spent on Latin is voiced in Britain too, in the his analysis and criticisms of the analyses of others main by grammar school teachers. As one who are most stimulating and instructive. His main should know better, I am glad that Latin no

51 REVIEWS longer enjoys a privileged place, enforced by com­ examinations of a number of boards in Britain of pulsion from outside; I believe the removal of Andent History and Literature would seem to compulsion is forcing Latin teachers to come to sa tisfy the demands of many teachers. These are grips with reality. The first signs suggest that arbitrary suggestions, but it does seem that teachers there has not been a drop in the numbers taking should get down to making concrete proposals Latin. Would that in one of the articles in this about the reform of their subject if the current journal - The Pupils Speak - they had told us fears about the future of Latin are to be allayed. why they choose to take Latin in the Sixth Form. As a teacher, this reviewer found particular B·ecause they d it - even the linguistics - well? enjoyment and stimulation in the articles on Because they like it - even the linguistics? The "Cicero's Technique", "A Structural Approach to reviewer's experience is chat, i11 addition to those Vergil", "R oman Historians" and "A Wider R ange pupils who intend to read Classics at university, of Latin Reading". One need have no fears about many pupils take Latin to O and A Level because the future of Latin in Africa as long as there are they wish to st dy modern languages at university. so many teachers keen enough to attend conferences Indeed many modern language faculties expect of this nature and to produce reports of such candidates to have studied Latin at A L evel, earnestness as are contained in this journal. though this is not an official qualifica tion. Presum­ D. G. MOORE. ably their interest is in the linguistic side of the Moseley Grammar School, Birmingham. subject. It is obvious from this journa'l that teachers in Africa, as in · Britain, while unanimous in their dislike of the present form of the syllabus, are by L. P. WILKINSON, Golden Latin Artistry,, no means unanimous in what they would like to Cam bridge University Press, 1963; pp. xiii see replace the present system. " . . . a change in the type of question and the type of knowledge (is + 28 3; 47 / 6. required), though there is no absolute agreement among teachers as to what kind of ques tion is most 'The sound and movement and architectonics' of desirable"; nor to what kind of knowledge, one Golden Latin occupy this book, whose expert supposes. Or again " . . . there was not sufficient author aims his sights primarily at the non-specialist agreement either on What? or How? to make a and is discursive but not exhaustive, often detailed report possible'' (from the article on Latin in the in analys is but always crystal in exposition. It is, Six th Form). If a completely new syllabus were to human to wonder if Wilkinson wiH remember one's. be composed of all the desiderata of individua'l favourite passages, and so bering to find that when teachers, or merely of the desiderata of the contri­ he inevitably does so they fit pat into his frame­ butors of this journal, it would seem a very difficrnlt work of class ification and explanation (for this. task to se t a suitable examination to test such a fl orilegium would satisfy a Linnaeus); and the syllabus. anatomy of their success is illuminatingly dissected Perhaps the solution lies in the setting of two so that we feel that, before, the half was not told' examinations. Certainly for some pupils, those who unto us. Technicalities are not dodged, nor pole­ intend to read Classics or Modern Languages at mics either. The jungle of prose rhythms, hinter-­ university, some linguistic training and examination land as well as clausulae, is the scene of a safari would seem essential. Some examining boards in (by helicopter, the author himself suggests) of some· Britain have recently introduced, at O Level, an 35 rpages (chap. v, Appendix ii) ; and 62 pages, examination, Greek and Roman Literature in Trans­ (chap. iv, Appendix i) d ebate the interwoven fa tion (three au thors for detailed study, three for questions of poetic caesurae, verse endings, elision, general reading). This could be taken in addition types, verse-beat and word-accent, and the intrinsic to Latin by tl10se pupils who need the linguistic and expressive value of these, singly and in concert. . training and -- dare it be suggested? - by the This is the big battle. Verse-beat is regarded as a 'Weaker Pupils' instead of Latin (diluted). Surely rhythmic pulse and class ical word-accent as one of it would be a more suitable examination for a stress; the restrictive rules on the positioning of pupil who is not capable of using iubeo and veto? word-boundaries in the chief dactylic metres are Similarly, at A Level, the recent addition to the co nscious steps by the poets towards an artistic:

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interplay of the conflict and the coincidence of porary Cambridge cnt1c (C. 0. Brink, Didaskalos these two elements. Although in Horace's Lesbian 1963, 55-61) prelers to set up hexameter cola with metres the interaction is taken as unintentional, their own rhythmic stress; and Wilkinson himself hexameters regularly 'heterodyne' if they can in defines the basic function of the caesura as 'to their first four feet and 'homodyne' at the end, divide the line into sections which the mind can while pen tameters seek a predominance of coin­ take in at once without effort'. Moreover it should cidence in their second half. This may nowadays be confess ed (on 'P· 121) that a 3/ I predominance be called the traditional Anglo-Saxon view of these of pulse/accent coincidence occurs in the first four matters; and Wilkinson seeks to strengthen it by feet of hexameters of the common type (commoner accepting Beare's notion that ictus 'is not a series still if elision or monosyllables are not excluded) of hammer-s trokes' and 'is not something heard or temporibusque parem diversis quattuor annum seen: it is exp ectation' (although Beare's own (Virg. G. i 258) with 2½ caesura. (In passing, it is deduction was different, as he disbelieved in Latin an unlucky slip that the 3½ caesura is Ca'lled 'H' on word-s tress). It is folly for critics to deny that there pp. 11 8, 122.) is an interplay between regularly expected quanti­ The author's purely literary approach ignores tative verse elements and word-accent; this book much helpful work of linguists. The results of the makes the chief patterns very clear. Rival explana­ 1960 Warsaw conference on Poetics were perhaps tions of caesura and so on are held up before us inaccessible; but the 1958 Indiana symposium, in in all their patchwork threadbareness. But while the convenient volume Style in Language edited Wilkinson admits the oddity of the avoidance of by Sebeok, contains many relevant things (especially the ending type di genuerunt, one wonders if he Hymes on sound and meaning in English sonnets). has adequately weighed the more basic considera­ R ecognition of the stress-timed character of English tions: 1) H ow exponentiaMy alike or unalike must would have excised some false parallels; and to say pulse a nd stress be to contrive the interaction? If 'there is some evidence that vowels at least do vary they are as different as is here supposed, what in their intrinsic pitch' (p. 40) is to be hesitant precludes pulse / pitch patterning in Greek? 2) Apart where spectrographic analysis has long given us from the transferred terminology, can we connect precision as to fundamental vocalic frequencies and pre-literary syncope and vowel-shifting in Latin the two major formants. And sometimes the categor­ inescapably with stress? Postgate's doubts are ies which are used are of perhaps overnice distinc­ echoed over half a century later by a writer who tion - e.g. subjective mouth-gesture, objective cites Slovene as a pertinent example of pitch accent mouth-ges ture. But if a citation appears twice it combined with attrition of unaccented syllables proves the point tha t ex-pressiveness often depends (H. Galton, Zeitschrift fur Phonetik usw. 1962, on collaboration of effects; and this elasticity 294). And if such effects do indicate stress, is not accords with the sane view that the triumphs of the repetition-feature of early Latin verse itself so und and shap e can but supervene on established more stress than pulse (in th e Iambenkiirzung at sense. vVilkinson, like Grammont, knows that Plautus, Rud. 1208, 'sed quid lstum . . .', ictus 'sounds only represent sense potentially until defeats accent on the latter's own ground, so to activated by the right semantic context' (Gnomon speak)? T he on'ly good argument remaining for 1961, 357; cf. here p. 52; on p. 43 he speaks of word-stress in class ical Latin is precisely the verse 'sound as evoked by meaning'), and he avoids interplay of fairly like features which is under foolish one- to-one sound-to-sense equations (for discussion; I incline to accept it, but then Latin English little and large are nullified by big and may well have shifted its type (as well as position) small). T hus he routs those who count and compare of accent, and the poets who exploit this fa ct as like so unds in unlike contexts or contrive irrelevant the Greeks ca nnot are also those who draw increas­ witticisms about 'the murdering of innumerable ingly on Greek literary models fo r so much else - beeves' and the like. Still, if it is agreed (pp. 57, a paradox. 3) Can the reader have expectation of 76) that expressive sounds can and do stand else­ pulse in a brand new rhythmic type, as Horace's where than in the operative lexical key (there are Odes so largely were? H orace may indeed have no 'trickling' sounds in unda) , one cannot disallow purposely arranged maximum ictus/ accent agree­ readers' claims to hear in a verse that which is not ment in the sapphics of Odes i-iii for this reason, overtly mentioned; and Page may have been right and then fo und h e had overdone it. A contem- to hear the wind whistling in Aeneid vi 354.

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Excellent phrases and hints abound: the serious battle to the death, he mounts an impressive exhibi­ references to Cicero's poetic influence (p. 130); the tion of the prizes we are fighting for. pin-pointing of Horace's surgical success in the alcaic stanza (pp. 110 £.) ; the reminder (by one who N. E. COLLINGE. is well aware of Propertius' eccentricity) that 'it University of Durham. would be hard to determine on grounds of periodic art that a couplet was either spurious or missing' in that author (p. 203). And how wise to judge that 'Meineke's Law remains a mystery' (p. 207). C. H1GNErr, Xerxes' Invasion of Greece, Virgil's disprizing of Tiberis (as against Thybris) Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1963; pp. 468, is corroborated by his replacement of Ennius's wibh bi1bliography and index; 63 /-. Tiberine at A en. viii 72 (p. 12 footnote): but T iberinus is frequent enough elsewhere in Virgil. If the first seven stanzas of Horace, C. ii 16 are self­ Mr Hignett's study of Herodotus appears at a contained (p. 208), let the reader lift the second time when there has been considerable interest in from the page and see if it stands recto talo - th at maligned author. This does not mean that where is the verb? Death has indeed 'caught up a H.'s book is a has ty work, written to refute merely line' at Horace, C. i 3.33 (p. 211); but has he not rece nt heresies and devia~ions from the standards previously fallen behind (semoti .. . tarda), failing of criticism which were exemplified in his History to end his sentence as expected at v. 32? A double of the A thenian Constitution. The book is a effect. Perhaps Jackson Knight is instinctively monument to the author's life of teaching the correct in connecting the calm sea of Aen. i 127 subject in Oxford; and H.'s attitude to the subject with the ictus/accent conflict (pp. 127 f.); after all, is itself a memorial to the teaching and ideas of Eel. ii 26 moves likewise (cum placidum ventis staret Mr N. Whatley, whose name heads the list of those mare). On the opening of Tacitus, Annals I highly commended. The result is a painstaking and (p. 161), see Proc. Afric. Class. Ass. 1960, 39. 'The elaborate investigation, comprising prolegomena on recurrence of similar sounds in similar contexts is method and sources, seven chapters on the principal some guarantee that it is not merely subjective to topics and fifteen appendixes. For good measure find these line:, expressive' (p. 57) - but Horace the campaign of Marathon ,is analysed as an at C. iii 13.14-16 merely quotes the words cav-, ilic-, 'i11lustration' at the end of the prolegomena. lymph-, desili- from Epo. xvi 47 f.; we need to Although I find plenty to disagree with, I should have similar sounds but different words to establish say at once that H.'s approach seems to me the· the point. In the discussion of Ciceronian clausulae proper way to handle Herodotus for academic one misses reference to the curious rarity of the purposes. (I should perhaps qualify the above by resolution-type - vv v -v ~ pergere volentibus. say:ing .this aspect of Herodotus, as a historian of And none of the hexameter Golden Lines quoted military facts, for the literary talents of Herodotus on pp. 215 f. answers to Dryden's definition (all have been almost smoked out, except for a few have -que or blurring prepositions); perhaps courteous but tired acknowledgements of his literary Pedo's ultima perpetuis claudit natura tenebris will art.) The great mer-it of H. is that he gives the serve. evidence of Herodotus and the views of some· These reserva tions have not the bulk to outweigh moderns, and makes plain the areas of conflict and the solid body of undeniable co nscious experiment disagreement. Thereby the reader is offered .the· by Golden Roman authors with their language's means of making a choice, not merely confronted shapes and sounds. Expressiveness as well document­ with one chosen interpretation and a few references ed as in this book is no mirage, nor even moribund to ancient sources, as with N. G. L. H ammond in in our own day, when a radio advertiser can alliter­ his H istory of Greece (cf. Hopper's remarks in ]HS atively boast of being 'first for fine furnishing in 82, 1962, 194 f.). Also, Hignett's austere manner· Philadelphia'. Deeper delving into theory would enables one to keep steadily to the ma-in issues,. have produced a vast book for a tiny circle; as it without being distracted by passages where the is, the simplification will not harm 'the civil servant historical mood is written up, such as one finds in on Sunday, the co untry parson on Monday'. Even A. R. Burn, Persia and the Greeks (1962) e.g. pp. if Wilkinson does not always fight the academic pp. 423, 459.

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H. begins by making explicit various presupposi­ was perhaps a favourite Theban technique to shift tions which have lain behind ,the work 0£ some responsibility for inconvenient acts from the citizens modern reconstructions of this period. He goes on in general to their leaders' - but Aristotle, Politics to consider the secondary sources, a section in 1274 b 32 suggests that this technique was common: which he expresses considerable hostility to Ephoros, 'For people dispute whether a certain act was an illustrated by his remark (p. 17) 'Even when a act of the city, or not of the city but of the "new item" in Ephoros seems plausible, it cannot oligarchy or the tyrant'. be regarded as having a stronger claim to accept­ On general matters there are two more points. ance than the hypothesis of a modern scholar'. From time to time H . slips into the bad habit of H. seems to take the line that, because passages saying 'must', when he is prese nting an inference from Ephoros can be explained as 'constructive or a guess 0£ his own. Secondly, the exclusion of inference', they must so be explained. It is prefer­ other sources means that at times Herodotus is able to suppose that Ephoros may have had access pressed to yield more than his narrative can stand. to other acco unts, even oral ones. Besides, the Appendix v begins by talking about the 'diary' of Ephoros with whom we are dealing is a figure the movements of the Persian army and fl eet, which extracted by consensus from the work of Diodorus; shortly becomes Diary. Similarly, in the chapter on scholars should remember that they can be more Plataea, we are told about the Journal (referring confident about the quality of Diodorus' history to Herodotus' chronology 0£ the campaign) - than about Ephoros. Forgetfulness 0£ this makes capital letters are quite misleading here, for they H_ say (p. 410) 'Probably Ephoros was right to sugges t that so mewhere there is or was a document. ignore the anecdote [viz. about Aristeides' arrival But the only 'document' is the text of Herodotus; at Salamis] as unhistorical.' This is a shorthand to prese nt H erodotus' chronology like this is way of saying that the content of Herodotus 7.79 perhaps an attempt to keep up with other is not included in Diodorus l l.17. But it is not branches of historical study where reliable sources permissible to assert that Ephoros rejected the and documents are more copious. incident because he thought it was untrue, although As for the events of the war, H., broadly, takes H. -is perfectly free to draw that inference. the view that H erodotus is likely to be right on H.'s remarks 011 Ephoros are important because matters of fact, but quite often wrong about the they express his view that the ancient evidence for reaso ns for them. In other words Herodotus did the Persian Wars should not be treated as so many not clearly perceive the strategic reasons for the complementary parts. For instance, Labarbe's operations which he describes (cf. e.g. p. 276: theory about the date of Thermopylae (p. 449) ' . .. H erodotus usually ignores the interrelation leans too heavily on a passage in Polyainos, which between the operations of the Greek army and looks suspiciously like a set piece on the utility of those of the fl eet .. .'). This is acceptable common scientific knowledge to generals. There is a good ground; on questions of detail H. will provoke case for pref,erring Herodotus to the others, though more discussion. Numerous 'matters of fact' are H. is far from thinking that Herodotus and the eliminated from history - for instance, the alleged truth are co-extensive. This rejection of 'scissors circumnavigation of Euboea by a Persian squadron and paste' is, perhaps, another reason why the case is rejected, as is the retreat of the Greek fleet to against Ephoros is at times over-stated. For Chalkis (7.183; H. p. 162). Wi.th the latter, at any example, H. says (p. I 7) 'Herodotus regarded this rate, many would agree; the choice seems to be synchronism as accidental; ... Ephoros.. . denied between several modern hypotheses, none 0£ which this and claimecl that the synchronism of the two is acceptable, and complete rejection. There is a attacks was the result of Persian planning.' The third course - critical doubt - but that is not contrast here is made too sharp; for Herodotus really what historians are for. H. seems to be more (7.166) does not give his own view at all, but vulnerable when he says that Herodotus' account reports, in oratio obliqua, the view of the Sikeliot exaggerates the duration of the storm in which the tradition. Similarly, in the discussion 0£ excuses for Persians suffered heavy losses: Herodotus gives the Theban policy during the war (p. 23) passages from length as three days and three nights (7.191) - Thucydides and Xenophon are presented in a this is rejected (p. 172) because of a proverb in partial manner, to justify Herodotus and exclude Aristotle, Problemata 94 I a 20 attributing not more Aristophanes of Boiotia and Plutarch. H. says 'It than two days' duration to a gale from the north.

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It seems a curious judgment to prefer a proverb to sentences (7.70): Toiiw IU, hie,&} eyivovTo µtaas the statement of H erodotus, who does also add that vv"Te,;, dvijyov µiv To

56 REVIEWS balanced dactylic hexameter, but, as we progress, My mind is confused, my dog barks at the gate. thinking in terms of the modern style, the charm Is it true, or the dream of a Lover's desire? of the rendering makes itself felt. It was a happy No more spells, no more spells now - my thought •to diverge into rhyme for the singing parts [Daphnis is near. and to link them to modern times. The lyrical The translator has carefully avoided anything element of the Eclogues is thus brought home to like 'poetic diction' and that is right for our time. the modern reader. The simple effectiveness of his H e has rightly avoided allusive adjeotives that approach is see n, for example, in the nunc scio quid would be obscure to the modern reader. Thus sit Amor of Eel. 8: 'doves of Chaonia' becomes 'prophetic doves' and I know what Love is - too well I know him: 'amid the weapons of war' is clarified to 'where the no boy of flesh and blood is he, claims of soldiers are involved'. But occasionally But hard as rock and harsh as deserts - some might feel a jarring note as on the first line 0 flute of Maenalus, come, play for me! of Eel. I, 'Tityrus, here you loll .. .' for recubans, and 'livid' ivy in Eel. 3, for hedera pallente. A sung to the tune of 'Boo la vogue'. nice Miltonic echo is combined with modernism in Or the Daphnis thiasos inducere Bacchi of Eel. 5: You amateur, puffing a scrannel Daphnis first enwreathed our wands with leaves, Tune on a squeaky straw at the crossroads. Daphnis was first to harness tigers; Daphnis led the revellers through a dance - A good choice of reading is made a,t Eel. I 65 by aH for the Wine-god's festival day. following the much maligned Servius in rapidum Vines grace dms and grapes the vine, cretae veniemus Oaxen and taking Oaxen as a bulls grace herds and corn tihe joyous tillage. geographical mistake, such as is not uncommon in Daphnis graced all nature - when he died, the poet- Corn-god and Song-god left us too, The chalky spate of the Oxus. sung to ,the tune 'The Lark in the Clear Air'. Toto divisos orbe Britannos becomes 'Britain, Less successful is the song in Eel. 3: that place cut off at the very world's end'. Send Phyllis here, for it's my birthday; Barbarus has segetes is perha ps more than 'a and when I sacrifice for the crops foreigner reaping these crops': barbarus having a heifer, come yourself this way, various shades of meaning, as I have tried to show in The Stranger at the Gate. The rough, or untrained soldier will spoil ,the farmer's loving care, Let him yoke foxes to his plough, he wi

57 REVIEWS

sometimes fail because (a) he commences with a retained. The removal of matter which now has weak syllable and (b) he does not observe the little more than historical interest will not be main caesura consistently. I feel the same about regretted. The somewhat irrelevant discussion of the hexameters of Robert Bridges. the later history of the dithyramb is also omitted. But if we look at the other experiments we must As a resul,t the new edition, desp.ite additional admit -that C. Day Lewis' irregular six foot iline material, is shorter by about a hundred pages. suits our time far better than most and gives us the There are other notable changes. A very valuable 'feel' of the 'sta·teliest measure ever moulded by the addition is the List of Monuments at the end of lips of man'. the book, which gives a clear conspectus of the archaeological evidence. It includes, classified under T. J. HAARHOFF. several headings, over a hundred items, with biblio­ University of the Witwatersrand, graphical information for each. Full references Johannesburg. from the text .to the List, and between the List and the plates, greatly assist the reader. The plates are also now conveniently collected at the end of SIR ARTHUR PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE, Dithyramb the book, only a few drawings being kept in the Tragedy and Comedy (second edition revis­ text. Although .the number of illustrations is no ed by T. B. L. Webster), Clarendon Press, greater than in the old edition, they are a much more significant collection and include important 1962; pp. xii-t334; 50/-. recent material. Less likely to win wholehearted approval is The first edition of this book, which appeared in Webster's decision to pr,esent all Greek texts in 1927, has long been established as the standard translation instead of in the original. Admittedly work of reference in English on •the origins of the Greek is often 'late a nd inelegant', and this Greek drama, providing as it does an almost change will, as he hopes (p. vii), make .the book exhaustive collection of the literary ev,idence. Since more useful to Greekless students who want to its publication new materia•l, both literary and know the background of Greek drama. But while especially archa.eologica'1, has added significan~ly such students may want only a general acquaintance to our knowledge, and has made desirable a wi>th the subject, the detailed evidence is of interest thorough reaippraisal of all the evidence. One primarily to the advanced student of Greek litera­ could hardly find a scholar better equipped than ture, for whom a familiarity with the texts in the Prof.essor Webster to undertake this task. original is both useful and desirable. One suspects In his Preface, Webster tells us that he was that motives of economy hav-e also contributed •to invited 'to revise the book as thoroughly as was the total exclusion of Greek script from the main necessary to bring it up to date whi•le keeping its text. (Latin quotations are often left in the ha ic structure and even actual words wherever original.) Translation sometimes creates difficulties possible'. He h s adhered conscientiously to these in the discussion of texts, and in the case of li.terary terms, but it has not always been easy to revise fragments cannot convey stylistic qualities, which another's work, written thirty-five years ago, in a are relevant in some places (e.g., pp. 52 f., 242 f.). fi eld where there must be a Iarge measure of Occasionally the translations themselves could have theorizing, often on rather slender evidence. On been checked more carefully (e.g., on p. 23 two the one hand Pickard-Cambridge was much con­ lines are omitted from Pindar fr. 61). cerned with current theories of his day about the Apal1t from these major changes Webster preser­ origins of drama, which have since been generally ves the original text as far as possible, indicating discarded; on the other hand some of his own by means of square brackets his additions of new interpretations now appear improbable when re­ evidence and suggested reinterpretations. In a assessed in the light of our present evidence. few places more extensive rewriting has been necess­ The former difficulty has been met by deleting ary: for example, the discussion of the earliest­ all detailed discussion of the theories of Ridgeway, known tragedy is completely revised in the light Cook and Murray on the origins of tragedy, and of the papyrus evidence for the later dating of of Cornford on the origins of comedy, although a Aeschylus' Supplices, which is accepted as conclus­ brief statement of Murray's and Cornford's views .is ive. Other new documents, such as the Archilochus

58 REVIEWS inscription and the recent Epichamms papyri, are century. His influence on the development of taken into account in the appropriate places. Attic comedy is not regarded as important. But cer,tainly the most significant advance is in The ritual dances in honour of Dionysus which the beHer presentation and evaluation of the lead on to drama may now be traced back to archaeological material, which is now clearly related Mycenaean times. In ex plaining the character of to the literary evidence at all stages of the inquiry. tragedy and comedy Webster finds attractive the Particularly useful for tragedy is the collection of idea that for both certain myths had an archetypal monuments showing performances in Athens in the significance. For tragedy it is suggested that the time of Thespis (pp. 80-2), in which several inter­ Resistance stories (Pentheus, Lycurgus, ·etc.) re­ esting points of contact are found with the literary present a translation of vegetation ritual and that tmditions about his drama. Corinthian vases they in turn set the rhythm for tragedies based on contemporary with Arion show fat men representing other my,ths. Similarly, the myth of the Return of fertility spirits and men dressed as satyrs, which Hephaestus, the great popularity of which in the may be identifiable with his 'tragic choruses' (p. seve nth and sixth centuries is attested by ,the 100). On the origin of the names tragoidia and monuments, is felt to have exercised a potent tragoi the discussion is now taken back ,to the influence on the shape of comedy, and vestiges of early choruses in Attica and to the sixth-century this inf.luence are seen even in Menander's Dyscolus. performances at Cor.inth and Sicyon (pp. ll3-18). To this extent some value is found in the theories The derivation from 'goat-Iike singers', rejected by of Murray and Corn.ford. The ,theory is historically Pickard-Cambridge, now appears the natural one, plausi,ble, but there is still a danger that too much although Webster will still allow that they may in the extant plays may be attributed to the have been 'singers for a goat'. Pickard-Cambridge's influence of the archetype. belief th at the choruses of Attic satyr-plays were Students of Greek drama must be warmly grate­ horse-like, not goat-like, is sufficiently confuted by ful to Professor Webster both for the care with the archaeological evidence. which he has assembled the new evidence on origins For the origins of comedy the significance of the and for the expert guidance he has given us in its early Attic evidence is again emphasized, and it is interpretation. shown that we need not look beyond Attica for w. RITCHIE. the precursors of the essential features of Old University of Sydney. Comedy. Webster discounts the idea that Dorian influence is to be seen in the character-types of Attic comedy, pointing to early Attic parallels for the types in question. Nor do we have to suppose GILBERT MURRAY, Aeschylus: The Creator a Peloponnesian origin for the padded comic of Tragedy, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940. costume now that a distinct Attic tradition is Reprinted m Oxford Pape,rbacks, 1962. 6s. traceable in the sixth century. Archaeology provides an Aottic ancestry for all the varieties of pre­ dramatic chorus which comedy absorbed. The appearance of this well-known book in a We still, however, lack solid evidence .for the popularly priced edition is welcome, since it prehistory of the agon. Here Webster suggests a provi des a remarkably compact and stimulating link with the figure occurring -in a few early introduction to Aeschylus, which can be read chorus-scenes whom he describes as an 'interrupter­ profitably by students with or without a know­ antagonist' (p. 162); the same figure is also see n as ledge of Greek. It ,is true that since i.ts public•ation ancestor of the bomolochos. But these connections in 1940 we have had to reorganize our thinking cannot be pressed too far. about Aesch ylus in the •light of Pap. Oxy. 2256,3, In the chapter on Epicharmus, which takes which is now generaHy accepted as proving that the careful note of the new papyrus fragments, quite Supplices is not a very early work, as Murray and strong arguments are now adduced in favour of most scholars then believed, but is later in date the view that his comedy was choral, and it is than both the Persae and the Septem. The idea suggested that he developed at Syracuse the dances that peculiarities of this play's formal structure and of fat men .in honour of Dionysus, for which there technique are attributable to its early date must is some evidence in Magna Graecia in the sixth now be discarded; so too must various observations

59 REVIEWS by Murray about developments in Aeschylus' tech­ mere love of the classical lands in the present day nique, style and thought, aU of them based on the leads them to produce modern poetry or prose early dating of the Supplices. We must now be based on a more or less classical framework. very cautious about speaking at all of development Michael Ayrton, relying on his 'obsession' (pp. within the ,period of the extant plays. But as 7 and 63) with the myth of Daedalus and Icarus, Murray's study is not essentially historical, it is not has succeeded in something of wider scope than to a major extent affected by this discovery. most. For he has not only produced a work in both The essential problems of Aeschylean criticism prose and verse but has himself illustrated it with remain the same. In this book, written after a life­ pen draw ings and with plates, some of which are time's study of the poet, Murray introduces us to studies for his sculptures on the same theme. He the leading qualities of his drama and gives his has combined h is widely varied artistic capabilities considered v.iews on many important questions of to produce a single rounded work and the result interpretation. He has much to say, in particular, shows that they are no mean capabilities. about Aeschylus' experiments in stage techniq ue To recast an ancient myth and give it some and about his religious ideas. His discussion is reality for the modern reader in three dimensions always illuminating, even if sometimes his views do - the literary (prose and verse), the pictorial and not command agreement. On the stage-management the plas tic arts - is no small task and the author of the Prometheus, fo r example, co n troversy will may perhaps be forgiven fo r his occasional adven­ continue in the absence of objective evidence. The tures in to conceits which try the reader's sertses. idea that the Aeschylean Zeus can learn by suffering I t seems, for instance, a fl agrantly forced and has been strongly challenged. We might wish that irrelevant piece of parallelism to regard the German Murray had been less preoccupied with the Year­ paratroop occupation of Crete in World War II as Daemon. On these and other questions, to quote the return of Icarus (p. 12) and the attribution of his Preface, 'there is no finality'. In a book of an early Pythagorean philosophy to Daedalus (p. 29) this kind the important thing is to have drawn is a strained anachronism. Daedalus' or the author's attention to the problems. appeal to regard his story not in terms of time Not leas t the book deserves to be read for the (p. 12) in these circumstances is but a lame defence. quality of its writing. Murray's style is lucid, The historians may shudder too at the statement vigorous and admirably eco nomical. He possessed a (p. 31) that Bronze Age Crete h ad no enemies to rare capacity for explaining in the simples t terms fear: - Who, tl1en , annihilated her culture? Through­ subjects which he himself had studied deeply, by out run these palpaibly misconceived or confused no means a un-iversal quality among writers on references. They cut through the clean flow of Aeschylus. We may admire too the translations and consc iousness which -is inherent in the prose style. the lively sketches of the pl-ays, which in a few But this is only now and again; for the most part bold strokes make us feel something of the thrill the work is ·easy to read. The prose is melodic; they had for their audience. The reader is se nt the verse has gentle rhythms and a gliding ease back to Aeschylus with renewed enthusiasm and an which often surpasses that of the prose and is enlivened appreciation. vitalised with constantly surpnsrng and vivid images. Its occasionally classical undertones and w. RITCHIE. references - 'Only the hoplite gull' (p. 35) - University of Sydney . give it a tragic lyric quality which is a most pleasing effect ,in this kind of work. For the whole has, in fact, the simple framework of a Greek M. AYRTON, The Testament of Daedalus, tragedy built up to the inevitable crescendo and (with a foreword by Rex Warner), Methuen, then sloping down in gradual and controlled anti­ 1962; pp. 72 ; line ililustrations and 16 plates; climax. The prose reaches the same heights only once or twice and then when it is at its most poetic 21 / -. - 'Cloud-gathered, dredged from the sea and filled with fears' (p. 34). What we may, perhaps, call one of the 'fringe The ink drawings do not seem to have been well benefits' of the Classics is that school of modern reproduced and I suspect the topographical ones, writers whose classical education, inclinations or at leas t, h ave been drastically diminished in size.

60 REVIEWS

The book is clearly intended to be a visual expe­ general works on Minoan and Mycenaean civ.ilisa­ rience as well as a written work; as the author tion. T he splendid volume by S. Marinatos Kreta points out in his postscript, some of the drawings und das mykenische He/las, with photographs by for ,the plates were produced so that 'I could see Max Hirmer (available in English as Crete and what I was talking about'. Presumably the reader Mycenae [Thames and Hudson]), has set a new was intended also to see what he was reading about standard in illustration, particularly in colour, and so the book will, doubtless, be more attractive which is 110w being followed by others. Schacher­ when its sixteen plates (missing from the reviewer's meyr tells us that lVIarinatos's text was, regrettably, proof copy) are added. shor-tened ·by the publishers; and other publishers In the postscript too the author admits to tacking should take warning that, if these richly illustrated together items - drawings, verses and sculpture books are to win the respect of the specialist as studies -, conceived as separate entities, to form well as the general reader, as much attention must the unity of the book. The reader is left feeling be paid to the handling of the .text as of the -that he almost managed to unify them completely pictures. Another problem is illustrated by Profes­ but just fell short; and those who have not en joyed sor L. R. Palmer's Minoans and Mycenaeans, the or suffered from the same sort of 'obsession' with a quality and pitfalls of which are here ably assessed: myth may well miss the point and indeed the true scholars and publishers alike must resist the tempta­ interest of this entertaining little addition to the tion to be first in the field in ways which may 'classical modernist' school of writings. frustrate scholarship and mislead the amateur. Of a very different kind is Mrs Wace's little Mycenae JOHN H. BETIS. Guide, which is as warmly welcomed by the scholar University of Auch/and. as it is by the now very numerous visitors to the site. Ancient Mycenae, by G. E. Mylonas, is an­ other volume of the years under review which, on F. ScHACHERMEYR, Die agaische Friihzeit a larger scale, combines description of fresh finds (Kreta und Mykenai), IV Beridht, in Anzeiger - the new Grave Circle - with a general account of older discoveries, and though not abstruse for a fur die Altertumswissenschajt, v(jJ. XIV, general reader is an admirable book for .the under­ 1961 ; pp. 129-172. graduate student too. For specialists there would be little value in This fourth report by Prof. Schachermeyr on the attempting here to •abridge Schachermeyr's own progress of researches in Aegean prehistory differs excellent survey, which is comprehensive in range in scope from the preceding ones (puiblished in the and objective in its judgments. Besides the obvious same journal, vols IV (1951) 5-30, VI (1953) 193- geographical headings - Crete, Mainland Greece, 232, X (1957) 65-126). Whereas they covered the Aegean Islands and Ionian coast, and Asia Minor, progress of excavation as weH as the published there is a substantial section reviewing publications Ii terature of the subject, this, for reaso ns of space, concerning Middle Eastern cultures which have a deals only with the literature, reviewing major bearing on the Aegean world; another on relations works, whether books or articles in journals, and with Italy; and a final one for the early Iron Age briefly mentioning others. The author has publish­ and the period of the migrations. This last con­ ed separately, at considerable length, and with a centrates attention on several works about the early fine array of illustrations and plans, his summary Greek settlement of Ionia, a topic which emphasises of excavations in this field (in the Archiiologischer the relevance of PreheHenic civilisation for the Anzeiger of the German Archaeological Institute, study of Homer and of classical Greece. Prof. 1962, 105-382). Thus, although the present report Schachermeyr, without countena ncing credulity, includes definitive publications of excavation, and rightly castigates those who would despise the there are in fact some mentions of digs still ,in Greeks' own traditions of Ionian origins. progress or only provisionally published, Schacher­ The repor.t as a whole will be a valuable meyr is here concerned chiefly with works of inter­ instrument of research, as its predecessors are, and pretation. we owe warm thanks to the seemingly indefatigable The years covered are from 1957 to 1961 , a compiler of .it. period which saw the beginning of a new flow of F. H. STUBBINGS. Emmanuel College, Cambridge . 61 REVIEWS

L. PEARSON, Popular Ethics m Ancient especially in parts, such as in the Crito, where Greece, Stanford University Press, 1962; popular ethics is introduced. The objection to the use of literary evidence on the grounds that it pp. 257; $ 5.50. might be extraneous to real life is waived by the author from the start by attesting the immense This book does not claim a place in the popularity of the tragedy and by comparing -the voluminous bibliography on Greek ethical thought characters of Euripides, who were said to be like and its contribution to the foundations of European ordinary men, to the characters of Sophocles and morality. With the absolute ideas of the 'good' Aeschylus. The author's argument runs as follows: and the 'just', which were iborn out of the pure if the mode of thinking of Euripides' characters, philosophic reasoning of Plato, or with the Stoic who are true to life, does not diUer greatly from conceptions of the unity of v.irtue and the brother­ that of .the characters of Sophocles and Aeschylus, hood of man Professor P,earson is not concerned. and if concern for the same issues and use of the His purpose is to discuss the moral ideas of the same type of argument is also exhibited by the common man, who does not bother to seek the historical characters portrayed by Thucydides and more general definitions of ethical passwords, but Herodotus, then there is some hope of establishing is content to know how to apply them to particular valid conclusions about the ethical thought current circumstances. I n this sense, popular ethics is in fifth century Athens. differentiated from philosophical ethics, and not It becomes at once apparent that the author from state ethics, that is, the law, as might be approaches his subject by an analysis of fifth supposed. As a matter of fact, the latter, as well as century literature; an analysis which aims at the ethical conceptions that regulate the relation­ defining the meaning of ethical terms, as used in ship between states, are often interpreted in the each particular case. The meaning of a word varies same light as personal ethics, because at the time not only from Homer to Hesiod and to the Attic which concerns this study the relationship of the drama, but also within the same period of time. citizen with his city and the obligations iby which A good example in this respect is provided by the he was bound to it were very similar to those that author's analysis of four plays: Aeschylus' Eumeni­ determined his behaviour toward his fellow man. des, Sophocles' Electra, and the Electra and M edea The time is the fifth century B.C. and the place of Euripides, with a view to the meaning of the is Athens. This, however, does not mean that the word dike. In the Eumenides, the dike of the book does no·t deserve its title. Periclean Athens Furies, which is identified with retaliation and was the central point of all Greek civilization, and leads to endless strife, is refuted by Apollo, who we only have to turn to Isocrates (Panegyricus 50) preaches a new kind of justice; 'a justice that men in order to establish the identity between an must seek with their powers of reason'. In the Athenian and a Greek, who is a Greek 'by virtue Electra of Sophocles dike is vengeance, and there is of his paideia'. The common heritage of Greek no hint that vengeance may be unjust. In the culture rests firmly on literary tradition, particul­ Electra and Medea of Euripides dike is also ident­ arly Homer and the Gnomic poets, who were -ified with vengeance, but here Professor Pearson the teachers of Greece until the sophists and philos­ points out a distinction that Euripides makes ophers took over their task. The influence of the between situations where justice can and should be former on popular ethics and the ethical training sought, and times when the search for it will be of the young is: well attested by Plato, who is disastrous. At this point the analysis of Euripides' obliged to banish all poets from his Republic in drama touches on -the most ser-ious inadequacy of order to avoid their destructive influence. popular ethical thought: its relativity. By popular It was therefore necessary to start the discussion standards, the same deed may be argued as being of popular ethics in Ancient Greece from Homer. right or wrong, depending on the environment in The chapters dealing with the Homeric vocabulary which the argument was produced •and the reason of ethics and the moral language of Hesiod, Solon for which it was uttered. Thus to attempt a and Theognis, particularly of Theognis, present an description of popular morality in fifth century excellent treatment of the subject. For the fifth Athens solely on the basis of ethical arguments, century, the author's sources are Thucydides, whether .the latter belong to literary or historic Herodotus and the Attic drama. Plato is also used, characters, can only lead us to · the conclu~ion that

62 REVIEWS popular ethics is largely circumstantial ethics. And conception to the other in the course of time. this is exactly how the book ends: by pointing out For example, the author observes that there are two 'the inadequacy, the impermanence and uncertainty' important changes in ethical ideas from Homer to of popular ethics. Euripides: in the age of Aeschylus .the search for The extensive use of ethical argument to the arete (excellence) which is prevalent in Homer and exclusion of any discussion on the traditional norms the Gnomic poets gave way before the search for of behaviour in this book is undoubtedly due to justice and subsequently, in the •age of Euripides, the author's chief concern with what the people the emphasis on justice gradually shifted over to thought about behaviour, rather than with behavi­ expediency. But here again we must answer this our itself. But is he justified in taking such a view question: is the transition from arete to justice and of the subject? I think not. If the popular mind from justice to expediency primarily due to theo­ is not concerned with general definitions or retical reasoning, or to social and political changes absolute ideas, as it was pointed out in the begin­ that dictated a different code of conduct? and if ning, then all ethical thought, as far as the folk is this is so, are we justified in discussing .the thoughts concerned, is bound to be relative. But popular about behaviour independently of the conduct behaviour in itself is not relative; there are many which prompted them? Let us take the example of 'musts' and 'must nots' that determine conduct, and dike, as it is used in the Eumenides of Aeschylus. almost all discussion about the latter derives from The meaning of the word, as already mentioned, the need to justify the observance or breach of these has risen in this drama beyond the traditional rules. In this sense, the natural approach to the definition of vengeance. What caused this change? popular ethical code would be exactly the opposite It was Apollo who caused it in the play, and it was from the approach used in this study. Priority Apollo who caused it in real life as well. But the belongs to the examination of the accepted norms latter case was not considered by tl1e author, owing of behaviour, which are explicit and concrete, and to the limitations of his method. However, the not to the discussion of ethical arguments, which regulative influence of the Delphic Oracle, which are largely dependent on the actual deeds. If was always on the side of peace and order, on the popular morality lacks a theoretical basis, but rests behaviour of the individual has been so thoroughly on what is traditionally described as 'good' or 'bad' proved by Nilsson in his excellent treatment of the conduct, it is with the latter that one has to start. subject (Geschichte der griechischen Religion, Bd. Actually, even philosophical ethics befor,e Plato was I, 613 ff) that no doubt remains as to the origin of largely limited to a discussion of duties. It simply the notion of dike in the Eumenides. To do away pointed out the ,particular sins that call down with vendetta a11d submit blood-guiltiness to the vengeance (dike), divine or human. For Demokritus judgement of the State belongs indeed with the these sins were: denying the truth (fr.28) and effort of Delphi to enforce the rule of law. exceeding the •appointed measure (fr.94). But it is The shift in emphasis from the idea of justice in Aristophanes' Frogs (145-150) that traditional to the idea of expediency in the course of the Greek morality is given in a nutshell, and I was Peloponnesian War is, to be sure, explained realisti­ surprised to see that the passage was not mentioned cally, that is, 011 the basis of the disintegrating in this book: those who have wronged a stranger, influence of war, ' that violent teacher', on popular struck mother or father, or committed perjury lie morals. The best text here is of co urse the famous in the Underworld in 'a mass of mud and ever chapter of Thucydides about the change of ethical flowing filth'. They are the only ones who are vocabulary in times of revolution. From his point punished in Hades, because they have committed of view, the author observes that appeals to justice, unholy deeds. For the norms of more casual which is identified with the traditional notion of behaviour our source is popular wisdom, expressed returning favours and being loyal to your friends, in proverbs or in the so-called Sayings of the Seven became less frequent as the Peloponnesian War Wise-Men. Their absence from a book on popular progressed, and were substituted by appeals to ethics constitutes, in this reviewer's opinion, a expediency. The evidence is furnished by Thucy­ serious omisston. dides, who uses arguments from friendship and It might be argued that it is only by the discus­ loyalty much more frequently in the earlier books sion of ethical notions, independently of the praxis, than in the later. An analogous shift is observed that we can follow the transition from one moral in the drama as well. Jaso n in the Medea and

63 REVIEWS the Nurse in the Hippolytus of Euripides both individual'. But, to be sure, the fifth century argue in terms of expediency alone, without Athenians had no need for an anthropologist's resorting to conventional morals. A few years view of the subject, since one kind of human sacri­ earlier, the Clytaemnestra of Aeschylus had tried to fice, the putting to death of the pharmakos, was justify her deeds, even though she had little chance still in use in the fifth century among the Ionians. of persuading her audience. The author, in half a (For the scapegoat rites among the Ionians see page of speculation, tries to prove that Euripides Victor Gebhard, Die Pharmalwi in Ionien und die in these two plays, which are both early, is not Sybakhoi in Athen (Miinchen 1926). See also L. popularizing sophistical argument but merely Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin I 939) p. I 79 ff.) presents characters that actually existed. I do not Indeed, the Athenian folk had not reached that see why we should reject the idea that Euripides is standard of intellectuality with which they are popularizing sophistical argument. For the pre­ credited in this book. That there was in fifth valence of the argument of expediency over the century Athens an 'apparent sharing of intellectual conventional ethical theories, the part played by and artistic interests among all branches of the the teaching of the sophists was equally important population' is true only to a certain extent. Other­ with that played by war itself. The combination wise, the trial of Anaxagoras, the death of Socrates of these two factors produced the Unjust Argument, and, to say the least, the Melian massacre would to use the term of Aristophanes -in the Clouds, of be inconceivable. the Athenians in the Melian Dialogue, and that of But, in spite of all that, even the severest critic Odysseus in the Philoctetes of Sophocles. of the mentality of the common man in ancient Odysseus is a character in the drama who always Athens will not refuse the fact that its classical prefers the intelligent to the just course of action grandeur was indeed a unique phaenomenon in and is at the same time a very persuasive talker. the h-istory of civilization. The atmosphere of this Yet in this book one of his arguments is descr-ibed period is successfully portrayed in this book. as 'patently false' under the circumstances in the Literary ev idence is not so stern a guide as history play. It is the argument of Odysseus in Euripides' to the secrets of life in an ancient city, and to H ecuba at the point where he is trying to reconstruct 'everyday thought' in fifth century persuade the tragic mother to surrender her daugh­ Athens is both an interesti ng and a valuable under­ ter Polyxena to be sacrificed at the tomb of taking. Another merit of this book is that for the Achilles. Odysseus maintains that it is nec-essary fifth century we have the evidence from literature to honour the heroic dead 'so that Greece may and history side-by-side to compare and contrast · prosper'. His argument reminds one of the words and, for the earlier times, we have an excellent of Iphigeneia in Aulis, at the moment when she presentation of Homeric thought and of th·e moral decides to give herself to sacrifice voluntarily: values in Hesiod, Solon and Theognis to serve as . . . My body unto Hellas I resign. a solid foundation. There is no doubt that Profes­ sor Pearson's study is a valuable contribution to the Sacrifice me, raze ye Troy; for this through all understanding of the 'Greek mind'. [the ages is My memorial: children, marriage, glory- all are ALKE KYRIAKIDOU-NESTOROS. [mine. University of Thessaloniki, Greece. It almost sounds like Pericles honouring the heroic dead of the first year of the War in his Epitaphios. Therefore it was for me a matt-er of great surprise to find that this argument of Odysseus, which is so R. D. WILLIAMS, P. Vergili Maronis Aenei­ true to the spir-it of the time, is described by the dos Liber Tertius, 0. U. P., 1962; pp. vii author as 'patently false' because 'human sacrifice + 220;21 / -. was something that inspired horror, which no one could seriously attempt to justify'. And he further­ With Mr. R . D. Williams' edition and R . B. more insists that an Athenian audience was not Lloyd's articles on Aeneid iii, one is well prepared prepared to take 'a sort of anthropologist's view to appreciate the literary merits of the book, and to of the Homeric age, as a time when human sacrifice penetrate the obscurities. The edition is a pain­ was a normal demand for the State to make of an staking piece of workmanship, precise, detailed and

64 REVIEWS solid, taking cognizance of most of the revolutionary in rejecting th,e views that Aeneas is eclipsed by theories connected with Bk. iii, but not itself his father and that Anchises is merely a foil .to urging any fanciful or sensational thesis. A.'s pietas, thus, e.g. : 'Anchises plays a very pro­ Had the bibliography been designed for the minent part in helping and advising his son' {p. student's convenience and completeness it might 54). (W. p. 5 n. I properly quotes H. T . Rowell have included reference to Jackson Knight, Roman AJP 1957, ,esp. 16 f.) This is an advance upon Vergil, E. de Saint-Denis, 'La chronologie des navi­ Conington, who, for example, on 11. 263 and 472 sq. gations Troyennes dans l'Eneide', REL 1942 and saw no need to comment on the initiative taken by Cruttwell, Vergil's mind at work, to which might Anchises. now be added d'Anna, Ancora sul problema della He dismisses the possibility that the bulk of composizione dell' Eneide, Roma, 1961. Bk. iii might have stood at one time in narrative Motifs running through the whole Aeneid receive form (p. 2 n. 3, where, as in the notes to 11. 567 and scant attention, which is perhaps unfortunate as 659, he momentarily quits the diplomatic for the the edition is partly intended for upper forms of Housman style), but might have completed the list schools. Thus, for instance, in the note on 1.2, of references relevant to the discussion by noting Williams might have elaborated upon Vergil's .ideas lines 352-5 and 463. The omission of this point at on Fate, the gods and moral right, especially had lines 352-5 robs the query about the half-line at 340 he given the full force to superbum, which by its of a possible explanation. position in the line demands to be taken as 'in its The question of the order of composition of the pride', rather than Jackson Knight's 'Lordly Ilium'. Bks. of the Aeneid is perhaps of more importance, In the Introduction it seems that he equates 'the as it is bound up with the problem of the discre­ will of the gods' with Fate (p. l), but this needs pancies between details in Bk. iii and the rest of qualification, which might tie in with lines 375-6 the Aeneid. W.'s conclusion is that Bk. iii was sic fata deum rex / sortitur volvitque vices, 'among the first parts of the poem on which Vergil worked' (p. 22) and that the contradictions and where the comment is meagre. A related motif - inconsistencies are relatively unimportant. The not mentioned by Williams - is the gradual inver­ matter has, however, attracted so much attention sion of the (moral) roles of the Iliad (cf. W. S. in the past that a note to line 280, for example, Anderson, TAPA lxxxviii, 1957) to which the would have been welcome explaining to what opening lines are pertinent, as is the Polydorus passage Propertius refers in the lines, episode, ,esp. Iine 60 (cf. Hahn's association of pietas with the Trojans, against the violentia of Actia Virgilium custodis littora Phoebi, others, C. W . xxv). The work of Camps and Caesaris et fortes dicere posse rates ...... N escio quid maius nascitur Iliade Duckworth upon the construction of the Aeneid as a whole, and the exposition by Lloyd (AJP 78, (Prop. ii, 34.61-6) 1957, 133-51) of the patterns within Bk. iii, might which, according to Suetonius, were written as the have been given greater notice; line 689, for result of the fame that attended the Aeneid in its example, calls for comment on the significance of early stages: ties between Bks. iii and vii. However in the note Aeneidos vixdum co eptae tanta extitit fama, etc. to Iines 84sq. W. refers to the Dunkel-Licht (Suet. Vit. V. 116 sq. , vide Rostagni's commentary). patterns (cf. Pi:ischl Die Dichtkunst p. 239 i.a) when On the contradiction between A.'s ignorance of he writes, 'The prophecies form a bright pattern . .. his goal in Bk. iii and Creusa's prophecy in Bk. ii, which is in interplay with the darker tones of toil Williams (introd. p. 20) follows Lloyd in emphasiz­ and suffering'. ing that Vergil was preoccupied with the overall Those familiar with the problems of Bk. -iii may plan of Bk. iii and represents Hahn's explanations feel a little disappointed that Williams, through (CW 1920 and 1921) as inadequate, as Hesperia was deliberate policy or lack of space, has not expatiat­ a meaningful term to Aeneas (note to line 163; ed more upon his own views, nor noted all the cf. Duckworth TAPA 1931 pp. 125-6) and to crucial lines around which ·the problems hinge. The believe A. had no faith in Creusa -because he dis­ question of the duration of the errores is referred trusted prophecy of mortals and their shades only to (Introd. pp. 21-2), but no solution offered. raises new problems. W. is no doubt correct, but On the character of Anchises W . follows Lloyd I think Duckworth's comment (art. cit.) worth

65 REVIEWS repeating, that the discrepancy was intentional, thoroughness with which he has tackled the editing foreknowledge being given to the hearer or reader of Aen. iii. to heighten the suspense. J. E. ATKINSON. The prophecy that the Trojans will eat tables is University College of Rhodesia and Nyasa/and, given by Celaeno in Bk. iii but attributed to Salisbury. Anchises in Bk. viii, and Williams' solution of this is that it 'represents simply an inconsistency of memory of the sort to be expected in any long work' (p. 21). H. D. F. KITTO, Sophocles, Three Tragedies: Unlike Heinze and others Williams rejects the Antigone, (Edipus the King, Electra, idea that there is a discrepancy between the sow Oxford University Press, London, 1962; pp. portent .in Bk. iii and the account of Tiberinus' vii+ 160; 6/- (Oxford Paperbacks no. 43). prophecy in Bk. viii, for he maintains that Helenos r.efers to Lavinium whilst Tiberinus refers to the foundation of Alba in 30 years' time. This is a Professor Kitto's verse translation of three of convenient solution of the problem and avoids Sophocles' tragedies is doubly welcome. T he work Heinze's deduction that Bk. viii was composed .is no less timely than eminently readable. As the before Bk. iii, though 1. 389 still looks as though author remarks (preface v) 'Sophocles is not a it might postdate the composition of Bk. viii. contemporary of ours, and if he were h e could not Certainly requies ea cerla laborum (iii, 393) rules write these plays; and his style never was out the suggestion that the portent might refer to "contemporary" but was his own,' He observes that Alba, as the city is clearly to be founded before ' the modern doctrine that a new translation must A.'s death. Williams makes no mention of the be contemporary in style is fallacious in theory and theory that the sow portent in Bk. iii presages the dull in practice'. Certainly there is a danger that foundation of Ostia, no doubt because the sow modernist versions and rehandlings of Sophocles legend/ totem was originally connected with Lavi­ such as those of Hasendever, Cocteau, Anouill1, nium, certainly not Ostia, and the first camp was Brecht, Berwinska and Logue will leave many in already laid out and occupied before the Trojans their audiences unaware of the very nature of discovered the sow. Incidentally, Aen. xii, 194 Sophoclean tragedy. looks forward to th·e foundation of Lavinium, there­ Kitto's work is a useful corrective, especially as fore Maguinness in his edition of Bk. xii does not two of his trio, the Antigone and the Electra, were help by calling the urbs in xii, 34 'Lavinium' written, not for the study, but for 'immediate stage­ without explaining that V. confused Lavinium and production'. And the CEdipus the King suggests no Lauren tum. different intention. His aim has been to keep as Looking away from the main problems, one close to his original as possible, not merely in might note that W,illiams prefers not to repeat diction and major matters of rhythmic structure, Professor Pocock's theories that the Phaeacians but even in the number of verses. Kitto believes were originally an Elymite community (ad 291), that strict formal control invigorates the expression Circe's island was originally Ustica (ad 386), and of passion not only in the original Greek, but in Scylla and Charybdis were originally the volcanic translation. Since in such a book 'the play's the monsters Fossa Antica, on the cone of Vulcano, and thing', the translator has been sparing of foot-notes Faraglione. and appendices or - as he prefers to describe the The student might have found a note on the latter - short notes at the end of the book, pp. grammar of I. 28 helpful; votis (I. 279) is surely 150-60. These few pages are packed but clear. hardly an instrumental ablative. Williams follows They deal with the dance-rhythms used by Sopho­ the text of the OCT for the convenience of candi­ cles, the pronunciation of Greek names, and the dates for examinations, but adds welcome notes of relevant myths, while as regards the first of these changes he would make at II. 115, 125-6, 127, 360, Kitto tolerantly remarks 'Those who are not 392, 416-7, 456-7, 512 and 516-7. Williams would interested are recommended not to read it'. remove the comma a.fter poscas I. 456), for instance, Some of Kitto's implications, rather than his and •explain canat as a jussive subjunctive paratacti­ statements, in these notes may be queried as over­ cally attached to poscas. simplifications. For instance, noting (p. 158) We are much indebted to Mr. Williams for the elements in the Theban myth 'which Sophocles 66 REVIEWS conspicuously does not use', he remarks 'As he dramatically more appropriate and therefore more models the story, Laius - like his son after him - likely. is expressly warned of a danger, takes resolute A larger point. Kitto attributes the famous I. 572 measures to avert it (for which Sophodes imputes (Kitto I. 562) not to Ismene, but to Antigone. no blame) - and fails'. But the case of Laius is 'O my dear Haemonl How your father wrongs quite different from that of ffidipus. Kitto argues [you!' that the child who, Laius was warned, would be w q,lJ..aO' Alµov. we; a' duµdCet naT'YJ(! his death, may already have been conceived. It is true the Greek allows of this interpretation, but The question which of the two sisters spoke these certainly does not demand it. At most the sentence words has long been debated. But since the in question is ambiguous. But Sophocles, when he manuscripts give them to Ismene, Kitto might have changes a myth, does not leave it uncertain whether stated the bare fact at leas t in a footnote, though, he has done so or not. We should assume, then, to be fair, it must be admitted that he is not the that, as in the corresponding plays of Aeschylus first translator to fail to do so. Storr, for instance, and Euripides, Laius was given a warning the god who also awards the line to Antigone, does so intended him to heed. This could hardly be without comment. It is not too much to say that claimed if the child was already conceived, unless the attribution of this line discloses whether one we are prepared to argue that Apollo was prompt­ takes a classical or a romantic view of Antigone ing the father to slay his son before or immediately herself. Kitto is here evidently a romantic. after birth. In that case we would have a very On the other hand his radical surgery in the troublesome problem to solve. The problem of CEdipus the King of 11. 624-5 (11. 605 & 607 Kitto) CEdipus is very different. The 'resolute measures' is unexceptionable. As he remarks, these lines as he took, though as ineffective as his father's, at they stand in the MSS. are .impossib'le and a 'trans­ least raise neither theological nor moral issues - lator who hopes to be acted must give the actors he simply tried to avoid slaying his father and something to say, preferably good sense'. This wedding his mother by running away from his justifies reconstruction, if not by an editor of the supposed parents. It would have been sufficient Greek text, at least by a translator for the stage. for Kitto to point out that Sophocles' ,play does not Kitto's footnote and reconstructed text are first-rate. deal with Laius, but with ffidipus. In the Electra a similar blend of adroitness and This may seem mere carping. Kitto is not common sense is to be observed in his method of writing at length on Sophocles' religion. He is dealing with the exclamatory q,ev, i e, and lw, here a translator who lets the plays speak and sing which most translators feel compelled to render by for themselves. On the other hand, for what it is such 'stagey' terms as 'woe!' 'ah me!' etc. Kitto worth, I feel I must record my impression that leaves it to the actors to express in their own way there is too much ignoring or cutting short of just what he simply describes without atnempting to such questions in much recent Sophoclean exposi­ translate as 'An inarticulate cry of woe'. tion and criticism. An unrhyming has certain advantages over a To return to the translations themselves: Kitto's rhyming translator. It is easier for him to be more faithful yet idiomatic version is well illustrated by literal. Yet though vigour is an outstanding feature his rendering of Antigone 11. 310-11. of Kitto's blank verse, he is sometimes less literal 'That for the future you may ply your trade and effective than he might have been. The More cleverly, and learn not every pocket metaphor of the chorus in the Electra I. 1394, Is safely to be picked.' vsaie6vri.ov alµa xeieoiv lxwv _ 1v' el66uc; TO ide6oc; evOev olaTeoV is, strangely enough, too violent for •li~eral transla­ TO Aoinov dendCTJTS, ieal µdlJT]O' on tion into the most modernistic English verse. In ovie e,; anav.oc; 6ei TO ieee6alvew q>tAeiv. translating the choral parts Storr commits himself A small point. After Creon's first discussion to rhymes. Yet his 'And death new-whetted in his with the guard, Kitto makes the pair leave the stage hand' is both more literal and more forcible than at the same moment. But the guard's final words Kitto's uncharacteristically prosaic 'Holds in his would hardly have been spoken in Creon's presence. hand a keen whetted sword'. Such a failure of F. Storr's procedure in making Creon depart just vigour is very rare. If it were appropriate and more before this with his own parting shot seems space available it would be a pleasant task to select 67 REVIEWS dozens of cases where Kitto's strength and skiH are Perhaps the only blemish is the binding, for the more than notable. Strength and skill in fact are book is merely stapled together, and this is an the chief merits of this very successful book which important factor in books destined to be used by can be recommended as confidently to readers as to modern Tituses. actors. No ch ild of any age can fail to be amused and F. J. H. LETTERS. entertained by these enchanting stories, and some, University of N ew England, we hope, may even be instructed. A most welcome N ew South Wales. and useful addition to the growing list of second­ year readers. A. H. NASH-WILLIAMS, Sodales Duo, Latin M. E. TOUBKIN. Stories from Acta Diuma, Cambridge Uni­ Churchill School, Salisbury. versity Press, 1962; pp. 64; 3/ 6. W. M. WILSON, Greek Test Papers for We have had Winnie-the-Pooh and Peter R abbit Ordinary and Higher Level, Macmillan, in Latin, and now we have 'Whacko'! Or so it seems, for these charming tales, which have so long 1962; 3 /6. delighted us .in Acta Diurna and have now 1been This book contains 30 exercises for Ordinary published as a reader, depict the activities at a very level and 30 for Higher level students, both sets Roman Chiselbury. Here we have Titus and being geared to the syllabus prescribed by the Tiberius and their friends engaged in constant Scottish Education Department. Each of the O-level warfare with their schoolmaster Cynides. exercises contains three parts: eight sentences for Titus feigns illness by powdering his face with translation into Greek, six questions on grammar, chalk-dust: 'Titi os capillique creta illita suntl etymology and idiom, twelve questions on back­ quantum ad sudorem - hie re vera aqua erat!' ground. The Higher level exercises consist of ten Cynides catche- Crassus eating an apple: 'et ecce, sentences each for translation into Greek. ibi stabat Crassus, immotus, ore pallido at altera While the O-level se ntences and grammar gena tumida, velut si inesset 'Pila parva. in eum - questions are not 'graded' the background questions vel in earn! -- statim defixit oculos Cynides et are, and the aim has partly been to relate Greek "ah, Crasse mi," inquit, "dentesne tibi dolent?"' phrases and customs to modern life and to test the On another occasion, Cynides, in spite of his fe ar, students' ingenuity as well as knowledge. The is lur-ed into a deserted house by the prospect of following questions are taken from Exercises I, 16 seeing some Greek inscriptions: 'nihil, ut Crassus and 30: bene cognoverat, Cyniden magis adlecturum erat - I. Write one sentence on each of the following: num quid face:re potius malebat magister quam de Metics, Ostracism, Pnyx, Long Walls. G:raecia Graecisque loqui?' 2. Give the origin and meaning of: Spartan regime, All these escapades occur in a distinctly Roman sword of Damocles, Greek Kalends. context, the world of games and triumphs, of the 3. Can you trace any connection between the Saturnalia, of the Capitol and the Circus Maximus, goddess of love and a French palace? (Her all points of obscurity being succinctly elucidated Roman name might give you a clue.) in the notes. In the closing chapters of this little book, certain The Higher level sections are designed to contain sentence constructions - indirect statements, purpose most of the constructions and idioms normally clauses, 'cum' clauses, consecutive clauses - are occurring in Higher papers and, like the O-level introduced, but: these should cause little difficulty. ones, are all of the same standard. They should be In case they do, they are explained very simply in extremely useful to teachers of Advanced and a few brief notes at the end. Scholarship level Gr-eek prose. Mr Wilson suggests A wide vocabulary of more than a thousand in his Preface tliat Higher level students might words is used, but unlike some authors, Nash­ work on the O-level background questions. As Williams wisely uses words that pupils are likely framed they call for short or one-word answers, and to need, words that generally appear in any basic could be used for essay questions, guides to reading word-list. Long syllables are marked in the voca­ or the basis of notes. bulary, but no quantities are indicated in the text J. M. COATES. itself. Peterhouse, Marandellas. 68 INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY BOOKSELLERS LIMITED ····Ut:JtS···· ········· issue regularly

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Edited by edited by T. F. CARNEY C. R. WHITTAKER and M. E. TOUBKIN Associate Professor in Ancient History University of Sydney Pp. 95 - This report of a conference of teachers of South and Central Africa is. This work, of approximately 188 pp., will published as Occasional Paper No. 2 of appear as Supplement No. 2 to the the Faculty of Education, University Proceedings of the African Classical College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Associations.

This report advocates fundamental changes This is the first individual edition in in the approach to the teaching of Latin English of Terence's play, the H ecyra. - proposals inspired by the particular It includes Vitae Terenti, the Latin text needs of education in Central Africa_ of the play, commentary and appendices. Emphasis is placed upon a far wider It .W_i!S desjgned _principally as a text for content of reading than hitherto, and a degree examinations, and incorporates a far greater background knowledge of certain amount of hitherto unpublished Greek and Roman civilization. The work thesis work on the play. It aims to includes articles on current scholarship of comprise contemporary work in languages Latin authors, emphasizing in particular other than English, and takes American the need for teacher's reading, articles scholarship more fully into account than on new approaches to text reading and is usual in editions of Terence, and hopes linguistics, and brief recommendations on to bring home to non-specialists in drama Direct Metohd teaching, VI form syl­ the importance of the new insights given labus work and set books. Two useful by American scholars in these fields. appendices on current bibliographies and visual aids complete the report.

Copies - price approx. 15/ - (postage extra) - may be obtained from the Copies - price 7 /6 (postage extra) - may Secretary of the Classical Association of be obtained from the Librarian, University Rhodesia and Nyasaland, P. B. 167 H, College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Salisbwry, Southern Rhodesia. P. B. 167 H, Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia. OXFORD BOOKS Just published The Interpretation of M ycenean Greek Texts L. R. P.t\LMER Professcrr of Comparative Philology in the University of Oxford The aim of this book is to introduce non-specialists to the information contained in the Linear B texts recovered from Mycenaean Greek sites. A selection of texts found since 1955 is preceded by an Introduction which treats of epigraphy, decipherment, and the Mycenaean language, together with questions of geography, social structure, economy, and religion. Demy Bvo, 504 PP·~ 70s. n,t Forthcflming The Last M ycenaeans and their Successors

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