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The Moluccas' Surviving Aristocracy in Indonesian Politics: Fragmentation and Land-Based Political Support Bayu Dardias Kurniadi1

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The Moluccas' Surviving Aristocracy in Indonesian Politics: Fragmentation and Land-Based Political Support Bayu Dardias Kurniadi1 The Moluccas' Surviving Aristocracy in Indonesian Politics: Fragmentation and Land-based Political Support Bayu Dardias Kurniadi1 Received: 23 July 2019 | Accepted: 23 December 2020 | Published: 30 December 2020 Abstract The article demonstrates how the Sultanate of Ternate in the Moluccas has survived in post-authoritarian Indonesian politics by analysing the political performances of the Sultan of Ternate and his immediate family members. The success of Sultan Mudaffar Syah in the political arena has contextualised the literature on land-based political economy, something that has largely been neglected. Combining in-depth interviews, observations, and document study, I argue that the Sultan's political achievements were the result of his transforming Ternate's coastal aristocracy into a land-based one, sidestepping the Basic Agrarian Law (BAL) of 1960 by transferring land management and ownership to indigenous communities while still maintaining economic control. However, his wife and children have failed politically, not only because they are not part of the traditional aristocratic structure (and thus have no control over land) but also because of internal fragmentation. Keywords: Moluccan aristocracy, land politics, sultan Introduction However, recent scholars have challenged Huntington's argument. In his famous 'King's Dilemma', CorBett, Veenendaal, and Ugyel (2016) Samuel Huntington (1968) argued that the show that monarchies in smaller states integration of monarchies into modern have been able to persevere and maintain institutions leaves monarchs with an political power. Based on a review of unfavourable dilemma: promoting reform approximately twenty absolute or semi- would eventually result in challenges from absolute monarchical regimes in three reformist cadres, while delaying reform small states (Tonga, Bhutan, and would result in popular protests. There is Liechtenstein), they argue that the no place for monarchs in modern political endurance of monarchical power is architecture, which allows them to 'rule, but inversely correlated with state size. First, not reign' by limiting them to symbolic and small states tend to lack revolutions, traditional activities. 1 Bayu Dardias Kurniadi is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Political and Social Change, Australian National University, CanBerra. His email is [email protected]. PCD Journal Vol. 8 No. 2 (2020) 159 thereBy creating 'institutional fidelity' that period but emphasising post-authoritarian helps monarchs to survive. Second, small Indonesia. To achieve an understanding of states tend to have political systems that local politics in Ternate, I will overview the are 'personalised' to the monarch (rather role of land politics in Indonesia, as well as than dispersed amongst political the political Background of Ternate and the institutions). In such states, important formation of the North Maluku Province political figures have multiple social, (where ethnic competition has become a political, economic, and religious roles. feature of local politics). I will then depict the fragmentation within the royal family, This article neither neglects nor as revealed by members' political party accepts the above theories. It proposes a affiliations and trajectories in post-Suharto new argument regarding surviving politics. The next section will lay out this aristocracies in electoral politics. Owing to article's argument regarding land-based low levels of institutionalisation and high political transformations, as shown in the levels of fragmentation, Indonesia's political performance of the Sultan and his aristocracies and traditional institutions— immediate family memBers, who have unlike monarchies, which are dominated by received significant support from areas one king—exist at the suB-national level where the Sultan maintains control of land. (mostly at the district and sub-district I will then conclude this article with a level). Since 1998, aristocrats have tried reflective summary of the findings. (with various results) to compete in electoral arenas at national, provincial, and To begin, Ternate, an island located in local levels. I argue that their success has the northern part of the Moluccas, has long depended on their ability to control land, as been known as the home of four an economic resource, and to maintain sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan, and cohesive internal relations. This will be Jailolo (Fala Raha) (Amal, 2010, p. 7). shown using the example of the Sultanate Historically, the strongest and the most of Ternate, which Sultan Mudaffar Syah influential sultanate in north Maluku has transformed from a coastal aristocracy been the Sultanate of Ternate (Hanna & into a land-based aristocracy to sustain his Alwi, 1990). Its palace is located on Ternate political power. His political support came Island (37.23 km²), which is dominated by predominantly came from traditional areas, the Gamalama stratovolcano; 56 of 77 where land is under his direct control. villages are in coastal areas, and no However, such control cannot Be settlement is located more than 500 genealogically transferred to his children metres from the sea (BPS Ternate, 2014, p. and wife, as they are not part of the coastal 9). sultanate structure. Lacking the capacity to Early European explorers and maintain internal cohesiveness, his family merchants first travelled to the Moluccas has failed to achieve its political agenda. for spices, especially nutmeg, pepper, and This finding fills important gaps in the clove. Trade led to colonisation, first by the theoretical deBate on the political Portuguese, then by the Spanish and the economy, which has largely ignored the Dutch (Burnet, 2011). When the price of importance of land in Indonesian politics. these spices dropped during the late I will present my argument colonial period, the Dutch concentrated chronologically, starting with the colonial more on the sugar plantations of Java and 160 PCD Journal Vol. 8 No. 2 (2020) Sumatra. As such, under Sukarno and maintained strong relationships with adat Suharto, Ternate was part of Maluku (indigenous) communities in Ternate as Province (with its capital in Ambon).2 In well as western and northern parts of 1999, this province was split into Maluku Halmahera Island. When Sultan Mudaffar and North Maluku provinces—the first of Ternate died in Jakarta in FeBruary 2015, administrative split in post-authoritarian thousands of people gathered in the street, Indonesia. escorting the palanquin carrying his body in a two-hour procession from the airport to During Indonesia's struggle for the palace (Kadato). Strong sentiments are independence in the 1940s, Jabir Syah—the similarly held for the Sultanate of Tidore, 47th Sultan of Ternate—refused Sukarno's which historically encompassed the offer to integrate the Sultanate into the southern part of Halmahera Island and nascent Indonesian repuBlic; this resulted extended eastwards towards Papua in a soft exile, which lasted until Jabir (Andaya, 1993), as well as the sultanates of Syah's death in 1974. At the same time, Bacan and Jailolo.5 This has had newly established Indonesian government consequences for gubernatorial tried to eliminate the aristocracy. Using a contestations in North Maluku, as series of land regulations, it prohibited discussed by Wilson (2008). aristocracies from owning land and established ownership ceilings; this allowed the government to claim their Land, Political Economy, and Elite material resources.3 Nonetheless, the Formation Moluccan people's strong sentiments regarding the aristocracy have never The literature on land and politics in abated. According to one local sociologist, Indonesia is dominated by four themes: this is because the Sultanate offered the land reform and peasants, land law, people of Ternate a means of connecting forestry and environmental management, the people of Ternate with their past and and land disputes. In the first, writers incorporating it into their identity.4 concentrate on the implications of land reform for economic distribution— After the death of Jabir Syah, the especially as related to landless farmers. Sultanate remained inactive until his son Most writers (i.e. Sajogyo, 1970; Mudaffar Syah was coronated as the 48th Selosoemardjan, 1962; Utrecht, 1969, Sultan of Ternate in 1986. Benefitting from 1973) argue that land reform had enhanced his status as a member of the People the livelihoods of the Indonesian people Representative's Assembly (Majelis until it was stopped By President Suharto in Permusyaawaratan Rakyat; MPR), the 1970s. In the second, writers focus on representing Maluku, the new sultan Indonesia's legal framework for land 2 See Law No. 20 of 1958. 25 villages along the western coast of Halmahera Island. According to BuBandt (2014, 3 See Law No. 5 of 1960 and Law 56/Prp/1960. p. 126), the name 'Gilolo' (found in Dutch and 4 Interview with Syafruddin Amin, 25 Portuguese records) was derived from Jailolo September 2014, Ternate. and used to refer to the entire island of 5 Jailolo was formed out of the Ternate Halmahera. Sultanate's area. It consists of approximately PCD Journal Vol. 8 No. 2 (2020) 161 issues. Most deal with the Basic Agrarian bureaucratic backgrounds. Moreover, 'the Law (Undang-Undang Pokok Agraria, BAL), elite of the New Order was dominated by which they see as generally having been officers and the Western-Educated reduced By actors (thereBy limiting its technocrats who helped them formulate potential operationalisation). Others have economic
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