Mapping out the Trump Era
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Analysis of Talk Shows Between Obama and Trump Administrations by Jack Norcross — 69
Analysis of Talk Shows Between Obama and Trump Administrations by Jack Norcross — 69 An Analysis of the Political Affiliations and Professions of Sunday Talk Show Guests Between the Obama and Trump Administrations Jack Norcross Journalism Elon University Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements in an undergraduate senior capstone course in communications Abstract The Sunday morning talk shows have long been a platform for high-quality journalism and analysis of the week’s top political headlines. This research will compare guests between the first two years of Barack Obama’s presidency and the first two years of Donald Trump’s presidency. A quantitative content analysis of television transcripts was used to identify changes in both the political affiliations and profession of the guests who appeared on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” CBS’s “Face the Nation,” ABC’s “This Week” and “Fox News Sunday” between the two administrations. Findings indicated that the dominant political viewpoint of guests differed by show during the Obama administration, while all shows hosted more Republicans than Democrats during the Trump administration. Furthermore, U.S. Senators and TV/Radio journalists were cumulatively the most frequent guests on the programs. I. Introduction Sunday morning political talk shows have been around since 1947, when NBC’s “Meet the Press” brought on politicians and newsmakers to be questioned by members of the press. The show’s format would evolve over the next 70 years, and give rise to fellow Sunday morning competitors including ABC’s “This Week,” CBS’s “Face the Nation” and “Fox News Sunday.” Since the mid-twentieth century, the overall media landscape significantly changed with the rise of cable news, social media and the consumption of online content. -
Feminine Style in the Pursuit of Political Power
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE Talk “Like a Man”: Feminine Style in the Pursuit of Political Power DISSERTATION submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Political Science by Jennifer J. Jones Dissertation Committee: Professor Kristen Monroe, Chair Professor Marty Wattenberg Professor Michael Tesler 2017 Chapter 4 c 2016 American Political Science Association and Cambridge University Press. Reprinted with permission. All other materials c 2017 Jennifer J. Jones TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES iv LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xi 1 Introduction 1 2 Theoretical Framework and Literature Review 5 2.1 Social Identity and Its Effect on Social Cognition . 6 2.1.1 Stereotypes and Expectations . 9 2.1.2 Conceptualizing Gender in US Politics . 13 2.2 Gender and Self-Presentation in US Politics . 16 2.2.1 Masculine Norms of Interaction in Institutional Settings . 16 2.2.2 Political Stereotypes and Leadership Prototypes . 18 2.3 The Impact of Political Communication in Electoral Politics . 22 2.4 Do Women Have to Talk Like Men to Be Considered Viable Leaders? . 27 3 Methods: Words are Data 29 3.1 Approaches to Studying Language . 30 3.2 Analyzing Linguistic Style . 34 3.2.1 Gendered Communication and the Feminine/Masculine Ratio . 37 3.2.2 Comparison with Other Coding Schemes . 39 3.3 Approaches to Studying Social Perception and Attitudes . 40 3.3.1 The Link Between Linguistic Style and Implicit Associations . 42 4 The Linguistic Styles of Hillary Clinton, 1992–2013 45 4.1 The Case of Hillary Clinton . -
Donald Trump Shoots the Match1 Sharon Mazer
Donald Trump Shoots the Match1 Sharon Mazer The day I realized it can be smart to be shallow was, for me, a deep experience. —Donald J. Trump (2004; in Remnick 2017:19) I don’t care if it’s real or not. Kill him! Kill him! 2 He’s currently President of the USA, but a scant 10 years ago, Donald Trump stepped into the squared circle, facing off against WWE owner and quintessential heel Mr. McMahon3 in the “Battle of the Billionaires” (WrestleMania XXIII). The stakes were high. The loser would have his head shaved by the winner. (Spoiler alert: Trump won.) Both Trump and McMahon kept their suits on—oversized, with exceptionally long ties—in a way that made their heads appear to hover, disproportionately small, over their bulky (Trump) and bulked up (McMahon) bodies. As avatars of capitalist, patriarchal power, they left the heavy lifting to the gleamingly exposed, hypermasculinist bodies of their pro-wrestler surrogates. McMahon performed an expert heel turn: a craven villain, egging the audience to taunt him as a clueless, elitist frontman as he did the job of casting Trump as an (unlikely) babyface, the crowd’s champion. For his part, Trump seemed more mark than smart. Where McMahon and the other wrestlers were working around him, like ham actors in an outsized play, Trump was shooting the match: that is, not so much acting naturally as neglecting to act at all. He soaked up the cheers, stalked the ring, took a fall, threw a sucker punch, and claimed victory as if he (and he alone) had fought the good fight (WWE 2013b). -
Introduction
Introduction Philip E. Steinberg In the weeks leading up to the 2016 US presidential election, Political Geography received two unsolicited guest editorials opining on the surging popularity of Donald Trump and, more broadly, the movement that he represented. In one editorial, Banu Gökariksel and Sara Smith associated the Trump phenomenon with the reassertion of a masculinist politics wherein the violent, white, male body is seen as the normative political figure. In the other, Sam Page and Jason Dittmer also focused on the embodied nature of Trump’s popularity, but they locate this in a complicated system in which oppositional tendencies also have momentum, and thus they end their editorial with a fairly optimistic assertion about the ways in which the openings made possible by Trump might lead to a counter-revolution of sorts, wherein the antinomies that increasingly characterise politics in the United States (and elsewhere) are overthrown. After the election, we received two more unsolicited guest editorials reflecting on the topic. In one, Alan Ingram paired the Trump election with Brexit referendum that had been held five months earlier, and places both within an analytical framework inspired by the Deleuzian concept of the ‘machine’. In the second editorial, Natalie Koch took a step back from the election to avert her gaze away from Trump and toward the ways in which critical pundits and scholars were understanding Trump as bringing ‘authoritarianism’ to the United States. While Koch did not necessarily disagree with the analysis of Trump’s rule as ‘authoritarian’ she noted how surprise about his popularity was rooted in a lingering American exceptionalism that clouded the analysis of the left and well as the right. -
Dixie Succumbs to Vision and Victory
sfltimes.com “Elevating the Dialogue” SERVING MIAMI-DADE, BROWARD, PALM BEACH AND MONROE COUNTIES FEBRUARY 5 — 11, 2015 | 50¢ IN THIS ISSUE PALM BEACH Dixie succumbs to vision By DAPHNE TAYLOR Special to South Florida Times Nearly every city in America and victory has a street named for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. And since Presi- dent Barack Obama made history BLACK HISTORY as the first black president of the SPECIAL SECTION/1D free world, he too, is gaining mo- mentum with streets named after Keeping our History him -- even right here in the Sun- Alive 365/24/7 shine State. But predominantly the idea about black Riviera Beach in Palm Beach a year ago. “I’ve al- County, is hoping to be among the ways had an idea to rename a lot of first where Barack Obama High- streets in our city. I think our city is way intersects with Dr. Martin Lu- much more than just a bunch of let- ther King Jr. Blvd. ters of the alphabet and numbers. It has an amazing ring to it I’ve wanted to rename our streets for Riviera Beach mayor, Bishop after African-American role mod- Thomas Masters, who is the brain els and leaders, so I had this idea behind renaming Old Dixie High- about the president for some way in Riviera Beach after the time now. It would be the right president. “It would be the father thing to do today and would and the son intersecting,” said reconnect this great city to Masters. “You have the father of history.” the Civil Rights Movement, and Masters said some crit- SOFLO LIVE you have the son, our first black ics said he should wait un- TARAJI HENSON/4C president, who benefitted from til after the leaders have that movement. -
Www. George Wbush.Com
Post Office Box 10648 Arlington, VA 2221 0 Phone. 703-647-2700 Fax: 703-647-2993 www. George WBush.com October 27,2004 , . a VIA FACSIMILE (202-219-3923) AND CERTIFIED MAIL == c3 F Federal Election Commission 999 E Street NW Washington, DC 20463 b ATTN: Office of General Counsel e r\, Re: MUR3525 Dear Federal Election Commission: On behalf of President George W. Bush and Vice President Richard B. Cheney as candidates for federal office, Karl Rove, David Herndon and Bush-Cheney ’04, Inc., this letter responds to the allegations contained in the complaint filed with the Federal Election Commission (the “Commission”) by Kerry-Edwards 2004, Inc. The Kerry Campaign’s complaint alleges that Bush-Cheney 2004 and fourteen other individuals and organizations violated the Federal Election Campaign Act of 197 1, as amended (2 U.S.C. $ 431 et seq.) (“the Act”). Specifically, the Kerry Campaign alleges that individuals and organizations named in the complaint illegally coordinated with one another to produce and air advertising about Senator. Kerry’s military service. 1 Considering that no entity by the name of Bush-Cheney 2004 appears to exist, 1’ Bush-Cheney ’04, Inc. (“Bush Campaign”) presumes that the Kerry Campaign mistakenly filed its complaint against a non-existent entity and actually intended to file against the Bush Campaign. Assuming that the foregoing presumption is correct; the Bush Campaign, on behalf of itself and President George W. Bush, Vice President Richard B. Cheney, Karl Rove, David Herndon (the “Parties”), responds as follows: Response to Allegations Against President George W. Bush, Vice President Richard B. -
Complete Report
Project for Excellence in Journalism Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life December 14, 2012 The Media, Religion and the 2012 Campaign for President FOR FURTHER INFORMATION: Alan Cooperman, Associate Director, Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Amy Mitchell, Acting Director, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism Jesse Holcomb, Research Associate, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (202) 419-4300 1615 L St. N.W., Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20036 www.journalism.org The Media, Religion and the 2012 Campaign for President Overview A striking feature of the 2012 race for the White House – a contest that pitted the first Mormon nominee from a major party against an incumbent president whose faith had been a source of controversy four years earlier – is how little the subject of religion came up in the media. According to a new study by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, just 1% of the campaign coverage by major news outlets (including broadcast and cable television, radio, newspaper front pages and the most popular news websites) focused on the religion of the candidates or the role of religion in the presidential election. Only 6% of the election- related stories in major news outlets contained any reference to religion. Media attention to religion’s importance in the campaign peaked during the primaries, when several Republican candidates spoke about their Christian beliefs. The prominence of religious rhetoric in speeches by Rep. Michele Bachmann, Texas Gov. Rick Perry, former U.S. -
Reaching Executive Office: the Presidency and the Office of the Governor
Reaching Executive Office: The Presidency and the Office of the Governor The presidency—the highest “glass ceiling” in Ameri- less appropriate for the job because voters hold gender can politics—has yet to be shattered by a woman. An- stereotypes about politician issue competency in these other major elective executive office—the office of the areas.7 Potential female presidential candidates are governor—has been within women’s reach. But in 2015, less likely to have a background of military service— only six of the nation’s fifty governors are women, al- a credential also associated with the presidency.8 most 100 years after the very first woman served as governor.1 A net gain of five women over the course The United States lags behind many other countries of nearly 100 years is slow progress by any standard. in its failure to elect a female president. Currently 22 Almost half of states have yet to experience a woman countries are led by a female president or prime 9 governor.2 minister. In a provocative argument, Eileen McDonagh argues that countries with female monarchs are more What challenges do women face in seeking the presi- accustomed to women’s leadership.10 She suggests that dency and the governor’s office? Is America ready for a the absence of a hereditary monarchy in the United woman president in 2016? States may have had the unintended consequence of dampening public support for women leaders. In 2015, only six of the nation’s McDonagh also argues that the United States lags be- hind other nations in social welfare provision; having a fifty governors are women, stronger welfare state—a government function more in almost 100 years after the very line with women’s traditional areas of expertise—would make for a political tradition more hospitable to a first woman served as governor female president. -
US Presidential Election Maths
INFOCUS MARKET SNAPSHOT JUNE 2020 US Presidential election maths DISCIPLINED BY NATURE. FLEXIBLE BY DESIGN. HIGHLIGHTED IN THIS PUBLICATION: The icons alongside represent our investment process. Through a disciplined provision of investment policy and security selection at GLOBAL STRATEGIC GLOBAL SECURITY ASSET ALLOCATION SELECTION the global level, regional portfolio management teams have the flexiblility to construct portfolios to meet the specific requirements REGIONAL REGIONAL PORTFOLIO of our clients. ASSET ALLOCATION CONSTRUCTION US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION MATHS Investor attention over the past few months has, with good reason, been focused on all things related to the Covid-19 pandemic. Understanding the current impact and future consequences of the virus has been of paramount importance. Now that we appear to be over the worst of the crisis in most developed economies, investors are starting to think about other issues such as the impending US presidential election. In this Infocus report Daniel Murray examines the prospects for the two main parties. 2016 revisited Democrat voters appear to have been put off more by Hillary 2016 was a year full of surprises: Donald Trump was not Clinton than potential Republican voters were put off by expected to win the Republican Party nomination, nor was Donald Trump. This is supported by the observation that the he expected to win the race for the White House once the Republican share of the popular vote decreased by about 1% nomination was secured. That he did so was even more between 2012 and 2016 whereas the Democrat share of the surprising given that he won only 46% of the popular vote vote fell by about 3%.1 compared to 48% won by Democrat Party candidate Hillary Clinton. -
How People Make Sense of Trump and Why It Matters for Racial Justice
ӹ This article was published in the Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric in text-only form (download original) as part of a special issue on white supremacy in the age of Trump. This is a multimedia version of the article, with pages keyed to the version of record for easy citation, including the two appendices. ӹ APA: Penman, W., Cloud, D. (2018). How people make sense of Trump and why it matters for racial justice. Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric, 8(1-2), pp. 107-136. How People Make Sense of Trump and Why It Matters for Racial Justice Will Penman*, Doug Cloud† Abstract Scholars, journalists, pundits and others have criticized the racist, anti-queer, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and xenophobic rhetoric that pervades the Trump campaign and presidency. At the same time, commentators have expended a vast number of words analyzing Trump’s character: why does he do the things he does? We ask, how do the latter (analyses of Trump’s character) help explain the former (Trump’s racist statements)? Through a close rhetorical analysis of 50 diverse examples of Trump criticism, we reveal four prevailing characterizations or “archetypes” of Trump: Trump the Acclaim-Seeker, Trump the Sick Man, Trump the Authoritarian, and Trump the Idiot. Each archetype explains Trump’s racism in a different way, with significant consequences for social critique. For example, the Trump the Idiot archetype dismisses his racist statements as a series of terrible gaffes, whereas Trump the Authoritarian explains them as an actualization of white supremacy. We trace the benefits and tradeoffs of each archetype for resisting white supremacy. -
The Exit Poll Phenomenon
Chapter 1 The Exit Poll Phenomenon n election day in the United States, exit polls are the talk of the nation. Even before ballot- O ing has concluded, the media uses voters’ responses about their electoral choices to project final results for a public eager for immediate information. Once votes have been tallied, media commentators from across the political landscape rely almost exclusively on exit polls to explain election outcomes. The exit polls show what issues were the most important in the minds of the voters. They identify how different groups in the electorate cast their ballots. They expose which character traits helped or hurt particular candidates. They even reveal voters’ expectations of the government moving forward. In the weeks and months that follow, exit polls are used time and again to give meaning to the election results. Newly elected officials rely on them to substantiate policy mandates they claim to have received from voters. Partisan pundits scrutinize them for successful and failed campaign strategies. Even political strategists use them to pinpoint key groups and issues that need to be won over to succeed in future elections. Unfortunately, these same exit poll results are not easily accessible to members of the public interested in dissecting them. After appearing in the next day’s newspapers or on a politically ori- ented website, they disappear quickly from sight as the election fades in prominence. Eventually, the exit polls are archived at universities where only subscribers are capable of retrieving the data. But nowhere is a complete set of biennial exit poll results available in an easy-to-use format for curious parties. -
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