A Case Study in the Superiority of the Purposive Approach to Statutory Interpretation: Bruesewitz V Wyeth
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Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: the Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism
Louisiana State University Law Center LSU Law Digital Commons Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2017 Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism Ken Levy Louisiana State University Law Center, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Fourteenth Amendment Commons Repository Citation Levy, Ken, "Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism" (2017). Journal Articles. 413. https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/faculty_scholarship/413 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. +(,121/,1( Citation: Ken Levy, Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism, 21 Lewis & Clark L. Rev. 45 (2017) Provided by: LSU Law Library Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Fri Mar 16 15:53:01 2018 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information Use QR Code reader to send PDF to your smartphone or tablet device WHY THE LATE JUSTICE SCALIA WAS WRONG: THE FALLACIES OF CONSTITUTIONAL TEXTUALISM by Ken Levy * The late justice Scalia emphatically rejected the notion that there is a general "right to privacy" in the Constitution, despite the many cases that have held otherwise over the past several decades. -
Parliamentary Debates in Statutory Interpretation: a Question Of
Parliamentary Debates in Statutory Interpretation:A Question of Admissibilityor of Weight? St6phane Beaulac" The exclusionary rule which prohibits references La r~gle qui exclue l'utilisation des debats parle- to parliamentary materials as an aid to statutory inter- mentaires comme outil d'interpr6tation legislative a te pretation has been applied for decades in most common appliqude pendant des d6cennies dans la plupart des ju- law jurisdictions. The House of Lords handed down its ridictions de common law jusqu'a la decision de prin- fundamental decision in Pepper v. Hartwhich allowed cipe du comit6 d'appel de la House ofLords dans Pep- reference to parliamentary debates in limited circum- per c. Hart. L'auteur examine d'abord les origines an- stances. glaises de la r~gle d'exclusion ainsi que ses applica- The author first examines the English origins of tions dans d'autres juridictions de common law telles the exclusionary rule as well as its application in other I'Australie, la Nouvelle-Z6lande, les ttats-Unis et le 1998 CanLIIDocs 38 common law jurisdictions, including Australia, New Canada. L'auteur commente aussi la situation dans le Zealand, the United States and Canada. The author also syst~me de droit civil qu6b6cois. L'exclusion des d6- comments on the situation prevailing in Quebec's civil bats parlementaires est ensuite consid6r6e dans le con- law system. The exclusion of parliamentary debates is texte plus global des m6thodes et des principes then considered in the broader context of the methods d'interpretation legislative. and principles of statutory construction. L'auteur soutient que l'utilisation des d6bats par- The author contends that the issue of parliamen- lementaires dans l'interpretation legislative est une tary debates in statutory interpretation is a question of question de poids plutft que d'admissibilite. -
A Clash of Canons: Lenity, Chevron, and the One- Statute, One-Interpretation Rule
A Clash of Canons: Lenity, Chevron, and the One- Statute, One-Interpretation Rule JUSTIN LEVINE* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 1424 I. THE RULE OF LENITY AND THE CHEVRON DOCTRINE . 1427 A. THE RULE OF LENITY ...................................... 1427 1. Types of Canons ............................... 1427 2. Rule of Lenity Examined......................... 1429 B. THE CHEVRON DOCTRINE ................................... 1430 1. Pre-Chevron Jurisprudence ....................... 1430 2. Chevron's Two-Step Doctrine ..................... 1431 3. Chevron's Rationales ........................... 1432 4. Mead's Emphasis on Congressional Intent. 1433 C. LENITY AND CHEVRON IN CONFLICT .......................... 1434 1. Overview .................................... 1434 2. Possible Resolutions ............................ 1435 a. Lenity Over Chevron (Lenity in Step One). 1435 b. Chevron Limited by Lenity (Lenity in Step Two) . 1436 c. Chevron Over Lenity ........................ 1436 d. Path Dependence ........................... 1438 II. ONE-STATUTE, ONE-INTERPRETATION RULE REJECTED . 1438 A. OVERVIEW .............................................. 1438 B. SUPREME COURT PRECEDENT RE-EXAMINED .................... 1440 1. Leocal v. Ashcroft .............................. 1441 * Georgetown Law, J.D. expected 2019; Dartmouth College, A.B. 2016. © 2019, Justin Levine. I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to Professors Bernick and Westmoreland for their insights on administrative law and -
Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democratic Dilemma: Proposing a “Controlled Activism” Alternative Martin H
Florida Law Review Volume 64 | Issue 6 Article 1 1-27-2013 Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democratic Dilemma: Proposing a “Controlled Activism” Alternative Martin H. Redish Matthew .B Arnould Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Martin H. Redish and Matthew B. Arnould, Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democratic Dilemma: Proposing a “Controlled Activism” Alternative, 64 Fla. L. Rev. 1485 (2012). Available at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr/vol64/iss6/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida Law Review by an authorized administrator of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Redish and Arnould: Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democrati Florida Law Review Founded 1948 Formerly University of Florida Law Review VOLUME 64 DECEMBER 2012 NUMBER 6 DUNWODY DISTINGUISHED LECTURE IN LAW JUDICIAL REVIEW, CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION, AND THE DEMOCRATIC DILEMMA: PROPOSING A “CONTROLLED ACTIVISM” ALTERNATIVE Martin H. Redish & Matthew B. Arnould Abstract No problem generates more debate among constitutional scholars than how to approach constitutional interpretation. This Article critiques two representative theories (or families of theories), originalism and nontextualism, and offers a principled alternative, which we call “controlled activism.” -
Interpretation of Tax Legislation: the Evolution of Purposive Analysis
Interpretation of Tax Legislation: The Evolution of Purposive Analysis Stephen W. Bowman* PRÉCIS Durant le XIXe siècle et la première moitié du XXe siècle, l’interprétation de la législation fiscale a été dominée par l’application de règles rigoureuses de l’interprétation réglementaire. Les tribunaux, sauf dans des dérogations occasionnelles et des exceptions limitées, ont interprété rigoureusement et littéralement la législation fiscale, d’après les mots utilisés dans la législation, sans formuler aucune hypothèse sur l’objet et l’esprit de la législation autre que la levée d’impôts. Les règles de la preuve empêchaient les tribunaux de se reporter aux débats parlementaires ou à d’autres moyens extrinsèques pour les aider à établir le but ou le sens des dispositions législatives. Si la formulation d’une provision fiscale était jugée ambiguë, l’équivoque était résolue en faveur du contribuable; si une exemption était jugée ambiguë, l’équivoque était résolue en faveur du fisc. Au moins à compter des années 1930, l’interprétation rigoureuse et littérale a commencé à soulever des critiques sur le plan théorique et judiciaire, critiques qui étaient largement répandues dans le monde de la common law. Durant la première moitié des années 1980, l’approche traditionnelle a été rejetée en faveur de directives plus téléologiques au Canada, au Royaume-Uni et en Australie. Le jugement rendu par la Cour suprême dans l’affaire Stubart Investments Limited v. The Queen s’est avéré une décision critique dans ce domaine. Selon les directives adoptées par la Cour suprême dans l’affaire Stubart, l’interprétation de la législation fiscale devait être faite selon les mêmes principes généraux applicables à la loi en général, et la législation devait être lue dans son contexte complet et dans son sens grammatical et ordinaire, en harmonie avec le plan de la législation entière, l’objet de la législation et l’intention de la législature. -
A Tale of Two Textualists: a Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 1994 A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J. Gerhardt Repository Citation Gerhardt, Michael J., "A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia" (1994). Faculty Publications. 990. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/990 Copyright c 1994 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs ARTICLES A TALE OF TWO TEXTUALISTS: A CRITICAL COMPARISON OF JUSTICES BLACK AND SCALIA MICHAEL J. GERHARDT* The idea that Justices Hugo Black and Antonin Scalia have anything in common jurisprudentially is counterintuitive. Justice Black is associated with the progressive social and economic legislation symbolized by the New Deal and with judicial activism in protecting the poor and disen franchised.1 He is beloved by many liberals as a champion of individual rights, especially freedom of speech and of the press. In contrast, Justice Scalia is revered by conservatives as a true believer-combating the rising tide of liberalism, big government, and judicial activism-set on restoring traditional notions of federalism and judicial restraint.2 Any effort to liken these two Justices makes both liberals and conservatives recoil. * Professor of Law, Marshall-Wythe School of Law, The College of William and Mary. B.A. Yale University; M.Sc. London School of Economics; J.D. University of Chicago. I am grateful for the encouragement and helpful comments on earlier drafts I received from Marc Arkin, Erwin Chemerinsky, George Cochran, Neal Devins, Jill Fisch, Tracy Higgins, Michael Herz, Sandy Levinson, Chip Lupu, Tracey Maclin, John McGinnis, Peter Shane, Bill Treanor, Steve Wermiel, and Ron Wright. -
Redefining What's “Reasonable”: the Protections for Policing
\\jciprod01\productn\G\GWN\84-2\GWN201.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-MAR-16 13:42 Redefining What’s “Reasonable”: The Protections for Policing Barry Friedman and Cynthia Benin Stein* ABSTRACT How should the Constitution govern police surveillance and investiga- tions? Once, the formal rules were clear, even if not faithfully observed: searches and seizures required probable cause and a warrant. Today, how- ever, the Supreme Court has said that many forms of police activity need only be “reasonable.” But what is required to ensure that policing is “reasonable”? This question has become all the more pressing and perplexing as policing has shifted from a reactive, investigative approach that centers on suspicion that a particular person has committed a particular crime to a more programmatic, deterrent approach that relies on searching and seizing people without any suspicion of wrongdoing. In numerous contexts today—among them the use of drones, stop and frisk, bulk data collection, DNA testing, and a myriad of other controversial activities—the government justifies warrantless and often suspicionless surveillance by applying a mushy reasonableness balancing test. Courts, commentators, politicians and police all are at a loss to know precisely what is, or should be, required. This Article argues that matters can be simplified greatly by focusing not on the policing technique at issue, but on the protections that ensure against the use of arbitrary police discretion. Whatever else the Fourth Amendment safeguards, there is widespread agreement that it is a protection against arbi- trary and unjustified government intrusion. Policing has a binary nature to it. Policing agencies engage in two types of searches: (1) They investigate, based on individualized suspicion (“cause”) to believe a person has committed a crime; and (2) they engage in suspicionless searches that seek, in a program- matic or deterrent way, to curb a social problem and prevent criminal con- duct. -
Untangling the Web of Canadian Privacy Laws
Reproduced by permission of Thomson Reuters Canada Limited from Annual Review of Civil Litigation 2020, ed. The Honourable Mr. Justice Todd L. Archibald. Shining a Light on Privacy: Untangling the Web of Canadian Privacy Laws BONNIE FISH AND ALEXANDER EVANGELISTA1 It was terribly dangerous to let your thoughts wander when you were in any public place or within range of a telescreen. The smallest thing could give you away. George Orwell, 1984 I. THE GENESIS OF PRIVACY LITIGATION Although there are more Canadian privacy laws than ever before and the right to privacy has quasi-constitutional status,2 Canadian citizens have never had greater cause for concern about their privacy. Our devices make public a dizzying amount of our personal information.3 We share information about our preferences and location with retailers and data brokers when shopping for online products and when shopping in physical stores using our credit cards, payment cards or apps. Smart homes and smart cities make possible Orwellian surveillance and data capture that previously would have been illegal without a judicial warrant.4 The illusion of anonymous or secure internet activity has been shattered5 by large scale privacy breaches that have exposed the vulnerability of our personal information to hackers.6 The COVID-19 crisis raises new privacy concerns as governments and private institutions exert extraordinary powers to control the outbreak, including the use of surveillance technologies.7 1 Bonnie Fish is a Partner and the Director of Legal Research at Fogler, Rubinoff LLP, Alexander Evangelista is an associate in the litigation department of Fogler, Rubinoff LLP. -
Statutory Interpretation and the Plain Meaning Rule Charles A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky Kentucky Law Journal Volume 37 | Issue 1 Article 5 1948 Statutory Interpretation and the Plain Meaning Rule Charles A. Sither Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj Part of the Legislation Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Sither, Charles A. (1948) "Statutory Interpretation and the Plain Meaning Rule," Kentucky Law Journal: Vol. 37 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj/vol37/iss1/5 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kentucky Law Journal by an authorized editor of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STATUTORY INTERPRETATION ANID THE PLAIN -MEANING RULE It cannot be disputed that statutory law is increasing, and as a natural result the approach of the courts to the problem of interpretation is becoming more important each day It isob- vious that the difficulties of lawyer and layman alike, m under- standing and complying with statutes which affect their prob- lems and activities, are and will be increasingly aggravated unless the courts arrive at some consistent and uniform method of statutory interpretation. At the timS of the enactment of any statute, the legislature has available an unlimited reservoir of words and phrases cap- able of expressing in plain, everyday language any purpose or intent'it may have in mind relative to the subject matter. -
Judicial Interpretation of Statutes April 2020
Judicial Interpretation of Statutes April 2020 Executive Summary Courts in the United States serve several functions. They oversee civil and criminal trials, issue orders requiring or prohibiting certain actions, decide whether a particular law violates the constitution, and determine the meaning of language in a contract or law. This publication discusses the role the courts play in interpreting statutes. The primary focus of statutory interpretation is the language of a statute. Courts only move beyond that language when there is ambiguity. This publication discusses the tests and tools the court uses to resolve ambiguity and includes questions for legislators to consider when crafting legislation. Authority to Interpret Statutes The judicial system in the United States adopted the common law system from England.1 Under that system there were few statutes. Courts developed the law by relying on general principles, following decisions of prior courts, and applying that guidance to the specific facts of a case. The common law tradition gave courts great power to say what the law was, and there was an understanding that courts in the United States retained that power. In one of the most famous decisions by the United States Supreme Court, Marbury v. Madison, the court said: “It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is. Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity expound and interpret that rule.”2 Every court has the authority to interpret statutes. Minnesota has three levels of courts— district courts, the court of appeals, and the supreme court. -
Textualist Canons: Cabining Rules Or Predilective Tools Stephen M
Campbell Law Review Volume 33 Article 3 Issue 1 Fall 2010 2010 Textualist Canons: Cabining Rules or Predilective Tools Stephen M. Durden Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.campbell.edu/clr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Stephen M. Durden, Textualist Canons: Cabining Rules or Predilective Tools, 33 Campbell L. Rev. 115 (2010). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Campbell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. Durden: Textualist Canons: Cabining Rules or Predilective Tools Textualist Canons: Cabining Rules or Predilective Tools STEPHEN M. DURDEN* INTRODUCTION Justice Scalia proclaims homage to the "dead" Constitution.' Justice Brennan honors the "living" Constitution.2 Others believe in "a partially living and partially dead Constitution."' But, whichever moniker se- lected, constitutional analysis remains (to the interpreter) personal; however, personal does not necessarily mean irrational or even singular (i.e., that no one else agrees with the interpretation). Rather, personal means that no matter how narrow the interpretational method, an inter- preter of the Constitution inevitably makes personal choices when using any interpretational method - choices not required by, or perhaps even inconsistent with, the chosen interpretational method. * Professor of Law, Florida Coastal School of Law. I can never thank my family and friends enough. 1. See generally Sanford Levinson, Our Schizoid Approach to the United States Con- stitution: Competing Narrative of Constitutional Dynamism and Stasis, 84 IND. L.J. 1337, 1346 (2009) (describing Antonin Scalia as "the proud devotee of a 'dead' Constitution"); Reva B. -
Is Textualism Doomed?
RESPONSE IS TEXTUALISM DOOMED? † ILYA SOMIN In response to Jonathan R. Siegel, The Inexorable Radicalization of Tex- tualism, 158 U. PA. L. REV. 117 (2009). In a provocative recent article, Jonathan Siegel argues that textual- ism is ultimately doomed to irrelevance because its “inexorable radica- lization . will cause it to lose the interpretation wars.”1 Siegel con- tends that textualism’s commitment to the “axiom” that “the statutory text is the law” renders it blind to all competing considerations, the- reby forcing textualist judges to enforce “absurd” interpretations of statutes and ones based on “scrivener’s errors.”2 Over time, textualism will “work itself pure,” eliminating any constraints on its inherent log- ic.3 This in turn is likely to make the results of textualism so unattrac- tive that it will lose out to rival approaches such as purposivism and in- tentionalism.4 Siegel has made a compelling argument and identified some poss- ible genuine weaknesses of textualism. I believe he is correct to con- clude that textualism is unlikely to win a decisive victory in the longstanding debate over interpretation. But both his normative cri- tique of textualism and his positive prediction about textualism’s fu- ture are overdrawn. In Part I of this Response, I take issue with elements of Siegel’s normative analysis. I argue that textualism’s adherence to text is † Associate Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law. 1 Jonathan R. Siegel, The Inexorable Radicalization of Textualism, 158 U. PA. L. REV. 117, 178 (2009). 2 Id. at 144-45. 3 Id. at 153.