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Student Worksheet (Grades 6–8)
Name ______________________ Pueblo Indian History for Kids Student Worksheet (Grades 6–8) Overview Pueblo Indian History for Kids is an online timeline that tells the history of the Pueblo Indian people of the American Southwest. The timeline covers more than 15,000 years of history! Use this worksheet to guide your exploration of the timeline. As you move through the timeline, answer the questions below. Keep a list of questions you have as you explore. Go to: www.crowcanyon.org/pueblohistorykids Introduction 1. Who are the Pueblo Indians? 2. What other names are used to describe this group of people? 3. Where is the Mesa Verde region? 4. What does “Mesa Verde” mean, and what is the region’s environment like? 5. How is the environment of the Mesa Verde region similar to the environment where you live? How is it different? 6. What are two ways we can learn about Pueblo history? Can you think of others? 1 Pueblo Indian History for Kids―Student Worksheet (6–8) Paleoindian 1. What does the term “hunter-gatherer” mean? 2. How would you describe how people in your culture acquire food? Where do you get your food? 3. Identify two similarities and two differences between your life and that of Paleoindian people. Archaic 1. There were several major differences between the Paleoindian and Archaic periods. What were they and what is the evidence for these differences? 2. What important tools were used during the Archaic period? How did they change ways of life for people in the Mesa Verde region? 3. Why do you think there is not as much evidence for how people lived during the Paleoindian and Archaic periods as there is for later time periods? 2 Pueblo Indian History for Kids―Student Worksheet (6–8) Basketmaker 1. -
FEATURE TYPES Revised 2/2001 Alcove
THE CROW CANYON ARCHAEOLOGICAL CENTER FEATURE TYPES Revised 2/2001 alcove. A small auxiliary chamber in a wall, usually found in pit structures; they often adjoin the east wall of the main chamber and are substantially larger than apertures and niches. aperture. A generic term for a wall opening that cannot be defined more specifically. architectural petroglyph (not on bedrock). A petroglyph in a standing masonry wall.A piece of wall fall with a petroglyph on it should be sent in as an artifact if size permits. ashpit. A pit used primarily as a receptacle for ash removed from a hearth or firepit. In a pit structure, the ash pit is commonly oval or rectangular and is located south of the hearth or firepit. bedrock feature. A feature constructed into bedrock that does not fit any of the other feature types listed here. bell-shaped cist. A large pit whose greatest diameter is substantially larger than the diameter of its opening.A storage function is implied, but the feature may not contain any stored materials, in which case the shape of the pit is sufficient for assigning this feature type. bench surface. The surface of a wide ledge in a pit structure or kiva that usually extends around at least three-fourths of the circumference of the structure and is often divided by pilasters.The southern recess surface is also considered a bench surface segment; each bench surface segment must be recorded as a separate feature. bin: not further specified. An above-ground compartment formed by walling off a portion of a structure or courtyard other than a corner. -
Tribal Perspectives on the Hohokam
Bulletin of Old Pueblo Archaeology Center Tucson, Arizona December 2009 Number 60 Michael Hampshire’s artist rendition of Pueblo Grande platform mound (right); post-excavation view of compound area northwest of Pueblo Grande platform mound (above) TRIBAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE HOHOKAM Donald Bahr, Ph.D. Professor Emeritus, Arizona State University The archaeologists’ name for the principal pre-European culture of southern Arizona is Hohokam, a word they adopted from the O’odham (formerly Pima-Papago). I am not sure which archaeologist first used that word. It seems that the first documented but unpublished use is from 1874 or 1875 (Haury 1976:5). In any case, since around then archaeologists have used their methods to define and explain the origin, development, geographic extent, and end of the Hohokam culture. This article is not about the archaeologists’ Hohokam, but about the stories and explanations of past peoples as told by the three Native American tribes who either grew from or replaced the archaeologists’ Hohokam on former Hohokam land. These are the O’odham, of course, but also the Maricopa and Yavapai. The Maricopa during European times (since about 1550) lived on lands previously occupied by the Hohokam and Patayan archaeological cultures, and the Yavapai lived on lands of the older Hohokam, Patayan, Hakataya, Salado, and Western Anasazi cultures – to use all of the names that have been used, sometimes overlappingly, for previous cultures of the region. The Stories The O’odham word huhugkam means “something that is used up or finished.” The word consists of the verb huhug, which means “to be used up or finished,” and the suffix “-kam,” which means “something that is this way.” Huhug is generally, and perhaps only, used as an intransitive, not a transitive, verb. -
Of Physalis Longifolia in the U.S
The Ethnobotany and Ethnopharmacology of Wild Tomatillos, Physalis longifolia Nutt., and Related Physalis Species: A Review1 ,2 3 2 2 KELLY KINDSCHER* ,QUINN LONG ,STEVE CORBETT ,KIRSTEN BOSNAK , 2 4 5 HILLARY LORING ,MARK COHEN , AND BARBARA N. TIMMERMANN 2Kansas Biological Survey, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA 3Missouri Botanical Garden, St. Louis, MO, USA 4Department of Surgery, University of Kansas Medical Center, Kansas City, KS, USA 5Department of Medicinal Chemistry, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA *Corresponding author; e-mail: [email protected] The Ethnobotany and Ethnopharmacology of Wild Tomatillos, Physalis longifolia Nutt., and Related Physalis Species: A Review. The wild tomatillo, Physalis longifolia Nutt., and related species have been important wild-harvested foods and medicinal plants. This paper reviews their traditional use as food and medicine; it also discusses taxonomic difficulties and provides information on recent medicinal chemistry discoveries within this and related species. Subtle morphological differences recognized by taxonomists to distinguish this species from closely related taxa can be confusing to botanists and ethnobotanists, and many of these differences are not considered to be important by indigenous people. Therefore, the food and medicinal uses reported here include information for P. longifolia, as well as uses for several related taxa found north of Mexico. The importance of wild Physalis species as food is reported by many tribes, and its long history of use is evidenced by frequent discovery in archaeological sites. These plants may have been cultivated, or “tended,” by Pueblo farmers and other tribes. The importance of this plant as medicine is made evident through its historical ethnobotanical use, information in recent literature on Physalis species pharmacology, and our Native Medicinal Plant Research Program’s recent discovery of 14 new natural products, some of which have potent anti-cancer activity. -
The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture
9 The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture A Cosmological Expression Anna Sofaer TUDIES BY THE SOLSTICE PROJECT indicate that the solar-and-lunar regional pattern that is symmetri- Smajor buildings of the ancient Chacoan culture cally ordered about Chaco Canyon’s central com- of New Mexico contain solar and lunar cosmology plex of large ceremonial buildings (Sofaer, Sinclair, in three separate articulations: their orientations, and Williams 1987). These findings suggest a cos- internal geometry, and geographic interrelation- mological purpose motivating and directing the ships were developed in relationship to the cycles construction and the orientation, internal geome- of the sun and moon. try, and interrelationships of the primary Chacoan From approximately 900 to 1130, the Chacoan architecture. society, a prehistoric Pueblo culture, constructed This essay presents a synthesis of the results of numerous multistoried buildings and extensive several studies by the Solstice Project between 1984 roads throughout the eighty thousand square kilo- and 1997 and hypotheses about the conceptual meters of the arid San Juan Basin of northwestern and symbolic meaning of the Chacoan astronomi- New Mexico (Cordell 1984; Lekson et al. 1988; cal achievements. For certain details of Solstice Pro- Marshall et al. 1979; Vivian 1990) (Figure 9.1). ject studies, the reader is referred to several earlier Evidence suggests that expressions of the Chacoan published papers.1 culture extended over a region two to four times the size of the San Juan Basin (Fowler and Stein Background 1992; Lekson et al. 1988). Chaco Canyon, where most of the largest buildings were constructed, was The Chacoan buildings were of a huge scale and the center of the culture (Figures 9.2 and 9.3). -
Museum of New Mexico
MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO OFFICE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE MOGOLLON HIGHLANDS: SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS AND ADAPTATIONS edited by Yvonne R. Oakes and Dorothy A. Zamora VOLUME 6. SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSIONS Yvonne R. Oakes Submitted by Timothy D. Maxwell Principal Investigator ARCHAEOLOGY NOTES 232 SANTA FE 1999 NEW MEXICO TABLE OF CONTENTS Figures............................................................................iii Tables............................................................................. iv VOLUME 6. SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSIONS ARCHITECTURAL VARIATION IN MOGOLLON STRUCTURES .......................... 1 Structural Variation through Time ................................................ 1 Communal Structures......................................................... 19 CHANGING SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN THE MOGOLLON HIGHLANDS ................ 27 Research Orientation .......................................................... 27 Methodology ................................................................ 27 Examination of Settlement Patterns .............................................. 29 Population Movements ........................................................ 35 Conclusions................................................................. 41 REGIONAL ABANDONMENT PROCESSES IN THE MOGOLLON HIGHLANDS ............ 43 Background for Studying Abandonment Processes .................................. 43 Causes of Regional Abandonment ............................................... 44 Abandonment Patterns in the Mogollon Highlands -
Southern Sinagua Sites Tour: Montezuma Castle, Montezuma
Information as of Old Pueblo Archaeology Center Presents: March 4, 2021 99 a.m.-5:30a.m.-5:30 p.m.p.m. SouthernSouthern SinaguaSinagua SitesSites Tour:Tour: MayMay 8,8, 20212021 MontezumaMontezuma Castle,Castle, SaturdaySaturday MontezumaMontezuma Well,Well, andand TuzigootTuzigoot $30 donation ($24 for members of Old Pueblo Archaeology Center or Friends of Pueblo Grande Museum) Donations are due 10 days after reservation request or by 5 p.m. Wednesday May 8, whichever is earlier. SEE NEXT PAGES FOR DETAILS. National Park Service photographs: Upper, Tuzigoot Pueblo near Clarkdale, Arizona Middle and lower, Montezuma Well and Montezuma Castle cliff dwelling, Camp Verde, Arizona 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. Saturday May 8: Southern Sinagua Sites Tour – Montezuma Castle, Montezuma Well, and Tuzigoot meets at Montezuma Castle National Monument, 2800 Montezuma Castle Rd., Camp Verde, Arizona What is Sinagua? Named with the Spanish term sin agua (‘without water’), people of the Sinagua culture inhabited Arizona’s Middle Verde Valley and Flagstaff areas from about 6001400 CE Verde Valley cliff houses below the rim of Montezuma Well and grew corn, beans, and squash in scattered lo- cations. Their architecture included masonry-lined pithouses, surface pueblos, and cliff dwellings. Their pottery included some black-on-white ceramic vessels much like those produced elsewhere by the An- cestral Pueblo people but was mostly plain brown, and made using the paddle-and-anvil technique. Was Sinagua a separate culture from the sur- rounding Ancestral Pueblo, Mogollon, Hohokam, and Patayan ones? Was Sinagua a branch of one of those other cultures? Or was it a complex blending or borrowing of attributes from all of the surrounding cultures? Whatever the case might have been, today’s Hopi Indians consider the Sinagua to be ancestral to the Hopi. -
A New Record of Domesticated Little Barley (Hordeum Pusillum Nutt.) in Colorado: Travel, Trade, Or Independent Domestication
UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works Title A New Record of Domesticated Little Barley (Hordeum pusillum Nutt.) in Colorado: Travel, Trade, or Independent Domestication Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1v84t8z1 Journal KIVA, 83(4) ISSN 0023-1940 Authors Graham, AF Adams, KR Smith, SJ et al. Publication Date 2017-10-02 DOI 10.1080/00231940.2017.1376261 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California KIVA Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History ISSN: 0023-1940 (Print) 2051-6177 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ykiv20 A New Record of Domesticated Little Barley (Hordeum pusillum Nutt.) in Colorado: Travel, Trade, or Independent Domestication Anna F. Graham, Karen R. Adams, Susan J. Smith & Terence M. Murphy To cite this article: Anna F. Graham, Karen R. Adams, Susan J. Smith & Terence M. Murphy (2017): A New Record of Domesticated Little Barley (Hordeum pusillum Nutt.) in Colorado: Travel, Trade, or Independent Domestication, KIVA, DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2017.1376261 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2017.1376261 View supplementary material Published online: 12 Oct 2017. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ykiv20 Download by: [184.99.134.102] Date: 12 October 2017, At: 06:14 kiva, 2017, 1–29 A New Record of Domesticated Little Barley (Hordeum pusillum Nutt.) in Colorado: Travel, Trade, or Independent Domestication Anna F. Graham1, Karen R. Adams2, Susan J. Smith3, and Terence M. -
Climate Change and Cultural Response in the Prehistoric American Southwest
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln USGS Staff -- Published Research US Geological Survey Fall 2009 Climate Change and Cultural Response In The Prehistoric American Southwest Larry Benson U.S. Geological Survey, [email protected] Michael S. Berry Bureau of Reclamation Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/usgsstaffpub Benson, Larry and Berry, Michael S., "Climate Change and Cultural Response In The Prehistoric American Southwest" (2009). USGS Staff -- Published Research. 725. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/usgsstaffpub/725 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the US Geological Survey at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in USGS Staff -- Published Research by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CLIMATE CHANGE AND CULTURAL RESPONSE IN THE PREHISTORIC AMERICAN SOUTHWEST Larry V. Benson and Michael S. Berry ABSTRACT Comparison of regional tree-ring cutting-date distributions from the southern Col- orado Plateau and the Rio Grande region with tree-ring-based reconstructions of the Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI) and with the timing of archaeological stage transitions indicates that Southwestern Native American cultures were peri- odically impacted by major climatic oscillations between A.D. 860 and 1600. Site- specifi c information indicates that aggregation, abandonment, and out-migration from many archaeological regions occurred during several widespread mega- droughts, including the well-documented middle-twelfth- and late-thirteenth- century droughts. We suggest that the demographic response of southwestern Native Americans to climate variability primarily refl ects their dependence on an inordinately maize-based subsistence regimen within a region in which agricul- ture was highly sensitive to climate change. -
Pueblo III Towers in the Northern San Juan. Kiva 75(3)
CONNECTING WORLDS: PUEBLO III TOWERS IN THE NORTHERN SAN JUAN Ruth M. Van Dyke and Anthony G. King ABSTRACT The towers of the northern San Juan, including those on Mesa Verde, Hovenweep, and Canyons of the Ancients National Monument, were constructed on mesa tops, in cliff dwellings, along canyon rims, and in canyon bottoms during the Pueblo III period (A.D. 1150–1300)—a time of social and environmental upheaval. Archaeologists have interpreted the towers as defensive strongholds, lookouts, sig- naling stations, astronomical observatories, storehouses, and ceremonial facilities. Explanations that relate to towers’ visibility are most convincing. As highly visible, public buildings, towers had abstract, symbolic meanings as well as concrete, func- tional uses. We ask not just, “What were towers for?” but “What did towers mean?” One possibility is that towers were meant to encourage social cohesiveness by invoking an imagined, shared Chacoan past. The towers reference some of the same ideas found in Chacoan monumental buildings, including McElmo-style masonry, the concept of verticality, and intervisibility with iconic landforms. Another possibility is that towers symbolized a conduit out of the social and envi- ronmental turmoil of the Pueblo III period and into a higher level of the layered universe. We base this interpretation on two lines of evidence. Pueblo oral tradi- tions provide precedent for climbing upwards to higher layers of the world to escape hard times. Towers are always associated with kivas, water, subterranean concavities, or earlier sites—all places that, in Pueblo cosmologies, open to the world below our current plane. RESUMEN Las torres del norte del San Juan, inclusive ésos en Mesa Verde, en Hovenweep, y en el monumento nacional de Canyons of the Ancients, fueron construidos en cimas de mesa, en casas en acantilado, por los bordes de cañones, y en fondos de cañones durante Pueblo III (dC. -
1. Presentación. 2.Fundamentación
1 UNIVERSIDAD VERACRUZANA INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES HISTORICO-SOCIALES INTRODUCCION A MESOMERICA Y NUEVOS DESCUBRIMIENTOS PROFR. DR. PEDRO JIMENEZ LARA I.I.H-S 1. Presentación. El presente curso pretende ofrecer una visión de los elementos y períodos culturales que identifican al México Antiguo. Las regiones son: oasisamérica, aridoamérica y mesoamérica Los horizontes que la componen son: arqueolítico, cenolítico inferior, cenolítico superior, protoneolítico, oasisamérica, aridoamérica, mesoamérica y los primeros contactos en el s. XVI: Planteamiento que se hace de esta manera para una mejor comprensión del curso y entender la evolución de los grupos asentados en territorio mexicano. 2.Fundamentación. Las área culturales del México Antiguo no solo se reduce a Mesoamérica como el período de máximo florecimiento que le antecedió a la conquista. En otros tiempos, antes de conocerse esta macroárea cultural, llegaron diversos grupos de cazadores-recolectores nómadas. El proceso evolutivo de estos grupos fue largo y lento, permitiendo avanzar e ir tocando diferentes niveles de desarrollo y los conocimientos necesarios para el cultivo y domesticación de las plantas como uno de los descubrimientos mas importantes durante esta fase que cambio el curso de la historia. Otra de las regiones es la llamada Oasisamérica localizada al sw de E.U. y norte de México, compuesta por grupos sedentarios agrícolas pero con una complejidad similar a la Mesoamericana. El área denominada mesoamérica, espacio donde interactuaron y se desarrollaron diversos grupos culturales, fue la “…sede de la mas alta civilización de la América precolombina. (Niederbeger, 11, 1996), se desarrollo en la mayor parte del territorio mexicano. Mesoamérica, definida así por Kirchhoff en 1943, es punto de referencia no solo para estudiosos del período prehispánico, en el convergen diversos especialistas amparados en diferentes corrientes ideológicas y enfoques: antropólogos, geógrafos prehistoriadores, historiadores, sociólogos, arquitectos, biólogos, sociólogos, por mencionar a algunos. -
Architecture of the Anasazi Pueblo Culture
~RCrnTECTUH.E of the ~ :~~§ ;'}"Z j [ PUEBLO CUL'J'U~ RE Charles L. n,u .IA Every story must have a beginning. This one Much work has been done in past decades to begins many centuries ago during the last stages of learn about these people thro ugh diggings, but it was the Pleistocene age. Although the North American not until 1927, when a group of archaeologists met continent was generally glaciated during this period at Pecos, New Mexico, that a uniform method of clas man y open areas occurred. Among these open areas sifying the developm ent of the cultures of the south were the lowlands bordering the Bering Sea and the west was agreed upon. The original classification un Arctic coast, the grea t central plain in Alaska, and derwent changes and modifications as it was applied parts of the main North American continent. These by various archaeo logists with many sub-classifica unglaciated avenues made possible the migration of tions used by indivduals in their own work. To solid men across Siberia, over the Berin g Strait, and onto ify the concept and to insert some uniformity into the North American continent. Moving south along archaeological work, Roberts in 1935 sugges ted some the Rocky Mountains and dispersing eastward and revisions to the original classifica tions. His revisions westwa rd in the mountain valleys to establish popula have subsequently been acce pted by many archae tion centers over the continent, a steady influx of ologists and they provide the parameter for this study. Asiatic people expanded continuously southward in Basketmaker BC·450 AD replaced Basketmaker 11 search of new land s.