DOCSLIB.ORG

Some Northern Hokan Plant-Tree-Bush Forms

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology Title Some Northern Hokan Plant-Tree-Bush Forms Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7494t408 Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 1(1) Author Silver, Shirley Publication Date 1974-07-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Some Northern Hokan Plant-Tree-Bnsh Forms* SHIRLEY SILVER N the conclusion of her paper on Cali­ lects, and Kashaya Pomo (Pk), and function I fornia Hokan, Mary Haas (1964) com­ either as members of noun phrasal or stem ments on intersection, an important problem compounds or as substantival suffixes. in Califomia linguistic prehistory. In compar­ The constituents of the SH, AC, AT, and ing some Proto-Hokan body-part terms with CH terms are noun stem + suffix. The K and Algon-Ritwan, Yukian, and Penutian similars, Y constituents are noun stem + noun stem. she demonstrates likely intersections between The K morpheme occurs only as a postpound Hokan and Algon-Ritwan, Hokan and Yukian, except in the noun theme Hpaha 'tree'. In Y and Hokan and Penutian. Haas (personal we also find the substantives '^i(na) in Central communication) uses the term intersection to and Northem Yana and ?/w/ m Yahi, with the call attention to similarities between forms (in meanings 'stick, wood, tree' (-na is an absolu- presumably genetically unrelated languages) tive suffix and -wi is probably the plural for which coincidence seems an unlikely marker [with cohective impHcation]). explanation and for which no evidence as yet The Pk term for 'sugar pine' is a type of exists to support an adequate genetic or noun phrase; however, Pk also uses noun stem diffusidnal explanation. compounding, e.g., "^ihte 'feather' + q^ale In this paper, I extend into the domain of 'plant' > t^eq^^ale 'elderberry bush' (Oswalt, plant life the consideration of intersection personal communication). Pk q^ale is a reflex begun by Haas within the framework of of Proto-Pomo (PPo) *qha • le 'tree', a form I body-part terms. Under discussion here are the diachronic complexities manifested by some northern Hokan morphemes occurring in terms for plants, trees, and bushes. These SUGAR PINE TERMS morphemes, all having a general interpretation Sugar Pine Nut Sugar Pine 'of the plant world', make up two separate phonological subsets whose members are cog­ SH ac'aw acawhihii nate. The fact that there are extra-Hokan AC assa assalo similars for each subset leads to consideration AT ac'^aw ac''awu:p of the possible extra-Hokan connections. CH hakew hakewna'a The morphemes in question occur in the o o K ''u's terms for 'sugar pine' (see Table 1) in Shasta ''usip (SH), Achumawi (AC), Atsugewi (AT), Chi­ Y cau(na) cau'i mariko (CH), Karok (K), the Yana (Y) dia­ Pk cuye' cuye' q'lale PLANT-TREE-BUSH FORMS 103 assume to have two constituents, *q'^a() + that *({^a • le had become synchronically un- *le. The basis for this assumption is as segmentable, i.e., it had undergone morphemi- follows. Robert Oswalt (1964), in a paper on zation.^ In reconstructing PPo *-6', an ele­ Pomo intemal relationships, cites PPo *k^ah- ment occurring in PPo forms for 'cotton- wa • (I), later revised to *q^ahwa • (I) 'bark (of wood', 'maple', 'live oak', 'pepperwood tree', a tree)', a reconstmction that fits every Pomo and 'soaproot', McLendon (1973:49) presents language except Northem Pomo (Pn); i.e., the other evidence for morphemization in PPo second syllable of Pn ^ewa 'bark' fits well plant-tree-bush forms in pointing out that the with the second syUable of *q^ahwa • (I), reflexes of *-b'^ are segmentable only in the whereas the first syUable does not fohow Pk, Pe (Eastem Pomo), Pn, and Pse forms for established sound correspondences. Oswalt's 'pepperwood tree' (cp. PPo *bah • e 'pepper- suggestion that sewa may be a blend of two wood nut', *bah eb'^ 'pepperwood tree'). elements, the second syllable representing a She also suggests that PPo *-b'^ involves cognate element and the first syllable a metathesis of an older Pre-Pomo **-^b (result­ non-cognate element, is supported by Sally ing from deletion of a Proto-Hokan */). McLendon's (1973:66) discussion of the aber­ To sum up at this point, there are two rant Pn form as a reflection of a proto form PPo elements, *-le and *-b''', both of which *k^e(h)wa or *xe(h)wa, or an early borrow­ occur in PPo forms for plants, trees, and ing of a similarly shaped form from Central or bushes; *-le appears to have been nonproduc­ Southeastem Pomo (Pc, Pse). The cognateness tive and *-b^ may have been quasi-productive. of the second syhable of sewa is an argument These two elements and the other northern for the morphemic complexity of *q^^a- Hokan plant-tree-bush markers shown in Ta­ hwa • (I), and comparing *q^a • le and *ciha- ble 1 fall into the two phonological sets given hwa • (I) raises the possibility that the first ki Table 2. syhables of these forms are variant shapes of In Table 2 both sets contain PPo and AC the same morpheme. If this is the case, forms. As is the case with PPo *-le, the *q^a • le is also morphemicahy complex and evidence for AC -Id • is tenuous. In his *-le represents an element that may be sec­ dictionary of Achumawi, Olmsted (1966) lists ond member of a noun stem compound. -Id • 'tree (suffix to name of fruit)' in the It is worth noting here that the remarks Achumawi-English section under L. In the Sapir (1917:17) made about Yana secondary section under 0 the entry -o • (-Id • after stems may weh hold not only for other areas of the Yana grammatical system but also for Table 2 other areas of the grammatical systems of PHONOLOGICAL SETS other Hokan languages, including the Pomo group: "... it is highly probable that they Set I Set 11 were originally primary stems which, being AC 0- 1 6- often compounded with other preceding primary stems, gradually came to lose their CH n (a)'> a independence ...[;] ... loss of independence PPo '' b Ob'') 1 e of secondary verb stems has evidently been SH h i- h u consummated as a general process in the very AT u: p remote past." I assume here that *-/e' had lost its K C) i- P independence by the time of PPo and also Y •^ i 104 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY vowel) 'tree' implies that there is one mor­ (set II) occur in apparent contrastive distribu­ pheme with two phonological shapes; how­ tion, -d • might be explainable as the result of ever, in his work on Proto-Palaihnihan (PPa) diffusion from AT; however, diffusion is a phonology, Olmsted (1964:67) compares AC more likely explanation for AC -u • p in -6 ~ -o • with AT -o • p and reconstmcts PPa pa'^yipu • p 'mountain mahogany' (cf. AT *o • p 'suffix denoting plant'. Since this re­ winayu:p 'mountain mahogany'). (Leonard constmction does not account for the variant Talmy [personal communication] says that shape -Id •, one imphcation is that AC -Id • -u:p [the AT entry in set I] is the probable and -6 • are two morphemes with same or underlying shape; colon represents a phono­ near-same meanings rather than phonological logical segment whose phonetic effect, under altemants. For further support of the two- as yet incompletely specified conditions, morpheme argument compare AC slao • 'tam­ lengthens and lowers a preceding vowel.) arack tree {Larix laricinaY, {sla 'tamarack K provides us with another possible case nut'), and slald 'Murray pine {Pinus balfouri- of diffusion. Haas (1964) suggests that K ana)'(Olmsted 1966). '^dhup 'wood' is a formation of ^a • h 'fire' + It is certainly feasible to consider the ('^)i-p, with -up as a rare allomorph of members of set I as cognate. A tentative PH (^)i-p^ (see also kusup 'plant, sp'. Bright reconstmction *h/^i • p^u, closely paraheling 1957:364). -up could have come into K from Proto-Shastan *hi • p^u (SH hi • hti; Konomi- one of the neighboring Shastan languages, hu hip(h)u as in kuwakinahip(h)u'^ 'peppemut e.g., New River Shasta. bush' (kuwakhin 'peppemut'); Okwanuchu AC -u • p and K -up are obviously part of -ihu as in atsahihu 'sugar pine') would imply: the diachronic problem exemplified by the (1) that in the Palaihnihan languages AC and forms in set I; whether they are instances of AT (a) the vowel of the first syllable assimilat­ borrowing or are to be explained in terms of ed to the vowel of the second, (b) the second historical phonological processes must be de­ vowel was lost, and (c) in AC the consequent termined through intemal reconstruction. final consonant was deleted; (2) that the Although the tentative PH reconstmction second vowel was lost in K and Y, and Y also for set I is no more than a 'housekeeping' deleted a consequent final consonant. form and it is uncertain whether the members We cannot mle out the possibility that the of set I are reflexes of proto-bimorphemic Y form, at least, may be a reflex of only one element, there can be Httle doubt that the set member of a proto-bimorphemic string, espe- I forms are cognate, not only with each other ciahy since we do not have for Hokan an at­ but also with forms from Yuman languages in tested body of phonological rules which spe­ southem and Baja Cahfomia. In Yuma ?/• cify the conditions under which final conso­ occurs as a first position element in noun nants would be deleted.
Recommended publications
  • Some Morphological Parallels Between Hokan Languages1

    Some Morphological Parallels Between Hokan Languages1

    Mikhail Zhivlov Russian State University for the Humanities; School for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, RANEPA (Moscow); [email protected] Some morphological parallels between Hokan languages1 In this paper I present a detailed analysis of a number of morphological comparisons be- tween the branches of the hypothetical Hokan family. The following areas are considered: 1) subject person/number markers on verbs, as well as possessor person/number markers on nouns, 2) so-called ‘lexical prefixes’ denoting instrument and manner of action on verbs, 3) plural infixes, used with both nouns and verbs, and 4) verbal directional suffixes ‘hither’ and ‘thither’. It is shown that the respective morphological parallels can be better accounted for as resulting from genetic inheritance rather than from areal diffusion. Keywords: Hokan languages, Amerindian languages, historical morphology, genetic vs. areal relationship 0. The Hokan hypothesis, relating several small language families and isolates of California, was initially proposed by Dixon and Kroeber (1913) more than a hundred years ago. There is still no consensus regarding the validity of Hokan: some scholars accept the hypothesis (Kaufman 1989, 2015; Gursky 1995), while others view it with great skepticism (Campbell 1997: 290–296, Marlett 2007; cf. a more positive assessment in Golla 2011: 82–84, as well as a neutral overview in Jany 2016). My own position is that the genetic relationship between most languages usually subsumed under Hokan is highly likely, and that the existence of the Ho- kan family can be taken as a working hypothesis, subject to further proof or refutation. The goal of the present paper is to draw attention to several morphological parallels be- tween Hokan languages.
  • THE VOWEL SYSTEMS of CALIFORNIA HOKAN1 Jeff Good University of California, Berkeley

    THE VOWEL SYSTEMS of CALIFORNIA HOKAN1 Jeff Good University of California, Berkeley

    THE VOWEL SYSTEMS OF CALIFORNIA HOKAN1 Jeff Good University of California, Berkeley Unlike the consonants, the vowels of Hokan are remarkably conservative. —Haas (1963:44) The evidence as I view it points to a 3-vowel proto-system consisting of the apex vowels *i, *a, *u. —Silver (1976:197) I am not willing, however, to concede that this suggests [Proto-Hokan] had just three vowels. The issue is open, though, and I could change my mind. —Kaufman (1988:105) 1. INTRODUCTION. The central question that this paper attempts to address is the motivation for the statements given above. Specifically, assuming there was a Proto-Hokan, what evidence is there for the shape of its vowel system? With the exception of Kaufman’s somewhat equivocal statement above, the general (but basically unsupported) verdict has been that Proto-Hokan had three vowels, *i, *a, and *u. This conclusion dates back to at least Sapir (1917, 1920, 1925) who implies a three-vowel system in his reconstructions of Proto-Hokan forms. However, as far as I am aware, no one has carefully articulated why they think the Proto-Hokan system should have been of one form instead of another (though Kaufman (1988) does discuss some of his reasons).2 Furthermore, while reconstructions of Proto-Hokan forms exist, it has not yet been possible to provide a detailed analysis of the sound changes required to relate reconstructed forms to attested forms. As a result, even though the reconstructions themselves are valuable, they cannot serve as a strong argument for the particular proto vowel system they implicitly or explicitly assume.
  • Linguistic Evidence for a Prehistoric Polynesia—Southern California Contact Event

    Linguistic Evidence for a Prehistoric Polynesia—Southern California Contact Event

    Linguistic Evidence for a Prehistoric Polynesia—Southern California Contact Event KATHRYN A. KLAR University of California, Berkeley TERRY L. JONES California Polytechnic State University Abstract. We describe linguistic evidence for at least one episode of pre- historic contact between Polynesia and Native California, proposing that a borrowed Proto—Central Eastern Polynesian lexical compound was realized as Chumashan tomol ‘plank canoe’ and its dialect variants. Similarly, we suggest that the Gabrielino borrowed two Polynesian forms to designate the ‘sewn- plank canoe’ and ‘boat’ (in general, though probably specifically a dugout). Where the Chumashan form speaks to the material from which plank canoes were made, the Gabrielino forms specifically referred to the techniques (adzing, piercing, sewing). We do not suggest that there is any genetic relationship between Polynesian languages and Chumashan or Gabrielino, only that the linguistic data strongly suggest at least one prehistoric contact event. Introduction. Arguments for prehistoric contact between Polynesia and what is now southern California have been in print since the late nineteenth century when Lang (1877) suggested that the shell fishhooks used by Native Hawaiians and the Chumash of Southern California were so stylistically similar that they had to reflect a shared cultural origin. Later California anthropologists in- cluding the archaeologist Ronald Olson (1930) and the distinguished Alfred Kroeber (1939) suggested that the sewn-plank canoes used by the Chumash and the Gabrielino off the southern California coast were so sophisticated and uni- que for Native America that they likely reflected influence from Polynesia, where plank sewing was common and widespread. However, they adduced no linguistic evidence in support of this hypothesis.
  • 1. Introduction

    1. Introduction

    1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Ethnographic setting The Chimariko language was spoken in the nineteenth century in a few small villages in Trinity County, in north-western California. The villages were located along a twenty-mile stretch of the Trinity River and parts of the New River and South Fork River. In 1849, the Chimariko numbered around two hundred and fifty people. They were nearly extinct in 1906, except for a ‘toothless old woman and a crazy old man’, as well as ‘a few mixed bloods’ (Kroeber 1925:109). The ‘toothless old woman’ Kroeber refers to was most likely Polly Dyer and the ‘crazy old man’ Dr. Tom, also identified by Dixon (1910:295) as a ‘half-crazy old man’. The last speaker probably died in the 1940s. First contact with European explorers occurred early in the nineteenth century, in the 1820s or 1830s, when fur trappers came to the region. However, the tribe was left largely unaffected by this encounter (Dixon 1910:297). During the Gold Rush in the 1850s the Chimariko territory was overrun by gold seekers. Continuous gold mining activities in the region threatened the salmon supply, the main food source of the tribe, and led to a bitter conflict in the 1860s (Silver 1978a:205). The fights between European miners and the tribe resulted in the near annihilation of the Chimariko in the 1860s. The few survivors took refuge with the neighboring Shasta on the upper Salmon River or in Scott Valley or with the Hupa to the northwest (Dixon 1910:297). Once the gold was gone and the miners left the region, the survivors returned to their homes after years in exile (Silver 1978a:205).
  • Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California

    Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California

    Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California This chapter discusses the native language spoken at Spanish contact by people who eventually moved to missions within Costanoan language family territories. No area in North America was more crowded with distinct languages and language families than central California at the time of Spanish contact. In the chapter we will examine the information that leads scholars to conclude the following key points: The local tribes of the San Francisco Peninsula spoke San Francisco Bay Costanoan, the native language of the central and southern San Francisco Bay Area and adjacent coastal and mountain areas. San Francisco Bay Costanoan is one of six languages of the Costanoan language family, along with Karkin, Awaswas, Mutsun, Rumsen, and Chalon. The Costanoan language family is itself a branch of the Utian language family, of which Miwokan is the only other branch. The Miwokan languages are Coast Miwok, Lake Miwok, Bay Miwok, Plains Miwok, Northern Sierra Miwok, Central Sierra Miwok, and Southern Sierra Miwok. Other languages spoken by native people who moved to Franciscan missions within Costanoan language family territories were Patwin (a Wintuan Family language), Delta and Northern Valley Yokuts (Yokutsan family languages), Esselen (a language isolate) and Wappo (a Yukian family language). Below, we will first present a history of the study of the native languages within our maximal study area, with emphasis on the Costanoan languages. In succeeding sections, we will talk about the degree to which Costanoan language variation is clinal or abrupt, the amount of difference among dialects necessary to call them different languages, and the relationship of the Costanoan languages to the Miwokan languages within the Utian Family.
  • Languages of the World--Native America

    Languages of the World--Native America

    REPOR TRESUMES ED 010 352 46 LANGUAGES OF THE WORLD-NATIVE AMERICA FASCICLE ONE. BY- VOEGELIN, C. F. VOEGELIN, FLORENCE N. INDIANA UNIV., BLOOMINGTON REPORT NUMBER NDEA-VI-63-5 PUB DATE JUN64 CONTRACT MC-SAE-9486 EDRS PRICENF-$0.27 HC-C6.20 155P. ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS, 6(6)/1-149, JUNE 1964 DESCRIPTORS- *AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES, *LANGUAGES, BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA, ARCHIVES OF LANGUAGES OF THE WORLD THE NATIVE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF THE NEW WORLD"ARE DISCUSSED.PROVIDED ARE COMPREHENSIVE LISTINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE LANGUAGES OF AMERICAN INDIANSNORTH OF MEXICO ANDOF THOSE ABORIGINAL TO LATIN AMERICA..(THIS REPOR4 IS PART OF A SEkIES, ED 010 350 TO ED 010 367.)(JK) $. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,EDUCATION nib Office ofEduc.442n MD WELNicitt weenment Lasbeenreproduced a l l e a l O exactly r o n o odianeting es receivromed f the Sabi donot rfrocestarity it. Pondsof viewor position raimentofficial opinions or pritcy. Offkce ofEducation rithrppologicalLinguistics Volume 6 Number 6 ,Tune 1964 LANGUAGES OF TEM'WORLD: NATIVE AMER/CAFASCICLEN. A Publication of this ARC IVES OF LANGUAGESor 111-E w oRLD Anthropology Doparignont Indiana, University ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS is designed primarily, butnot exclusively, for the immediate publication of data-oriented papers for which attestation is available in the form oftape recordings on deposit in the Archives of Languages of the World. This does not imply that contributors will bere- stricted to scholars working in the Archives at Indiana University; in fact,one motivation for the publication
  • Jicaque As a Hokan Language Author(S): Joseph H

    Jicaque As a Hokan Language Author(S): Joseph H

    Jicaque as a Hokan Language Author(s): Joseph H. Greenberg and Morris Swadesh Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Jul., 1953), pp. 216- 222 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1263010 Accessed: 11-07-2017 15:04 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1263010?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of American Linguistics This content downloaded from 12.14.13.130 on Tue, 11 Jul 2017 15:04:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms JICAQUE AS A HOKAN LANGUAGE JOSEPH H. GREENBERG AND MORRIS SWADESH COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 1. The problem 2. The phonological equivalences in Hokan 2. Phonological note have been largely established by Edward 3. Cognate list Sapir's work.3 The Jicaque agreements are 4. Use of lexical statistics generally obvious. A special point is that 5.
  • The Yurok Language Project at Berkeley: an Online Dictionary with Texts and Pedagogical Tools

    The Yurok Language Project at Berkeley: an Online Dictionary with Texts and Pedagogical Tools

    The Yurok Language Project at Berkeley: An online dictionary with texts and pedagogical tools Andrew Garrett University of California, Berkeley In this paper, I report on an online dictionary project for a highly endangered Native language of North America. This project involves a dynamic lexicon, linked to a corpus of texts and enriched with several associated tools, which is designed to be useful for (and is regularly used by) scholars, language teachers, and language learners. The interest of this project for a broader audience emerges not from lexicographic innovations as such, but from how texts and lexicon are combined and how the interests of diverse user communities are addressed. 1. Background 1.1. Language context Yurok is spoken in northwestern California, near the Oregon border; it is one of three distantly related branches of the Algic language family. One of the other two branches also consists of a single language, Wiyot, formerly spoken just to the south along the Pacific coast; Teeter (1964) presents an overview (the last first-language speaker died in the 1960s). The third Algic branch comprises the widely dispersed Algonquian language family of central and eastern North America; for a brief survey see Mithun (1999: 327-340). Like most indigenous languages of California, Yurok was spoken in pre-contact times by relatively few people in a small territory; there were about 2,500 Yurok people occupying 80 miles along the lower Klamath River and the Pacific coast (Kroeber 1925: 17). In 2011 there are still a few elderly first-language speakers of Yurok, but it is no longer easy for them to play an active role in language teaching.
  • FY2015 Outcome Evaluations of ANA Projects Report

    FY2015 Outcome Evaluations of ANA Projects Report

    FY 2015 Outcome Evaluations of Administration for Native Americans Projects Report to Congress FY 2015 Annual Report to Congress Outcome Evaluations of Administration for Native Americans Projects TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................ 4 2015 Key Findings ............................................................................................................................. 7 ANA SEDS Economic Development .............................................................................................. 11 ANA SEDS Social Development .................................................................................................... 12 ANA Environmental Regulatory Enhancement .............................................................................. 13 ANA Native Languages ................................................................................................................... 14 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 16 Aleut Community of St. Paul Island ................................................................................................. 17 Chugachmiut ..................................................................................................................................... 19 Cook Inlet Tribal Council, Inc. ........................................................................................................
  • Yurok Circles of Care Project

    Yurok Circles of Care Project

    YUROK CIRCLES OF CARE PROJECT COMMUNITY STRENGTHS AND RESOURCES ANALYSIS By Chad Keith Olson A Project Presented to The Faculty of Humboldt State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Social Work Committee Membership Ronald Swartz PhD., Major Professor Margaret Waller PhD., Committee Member Allyson McCovey CoC Project Director, Committee Member Michael Yellow Bird PhD., Graduate Coordinator May 2013 ABSTRACT YUROK CIRCLES OF CARE PROJECT COMMUNITY STRENGTHS AND RESOURCES ANALYSIS Chad Keith Olson The Yurok Circles of Care project seeks to develop a behavioral/mental health service model for Yurok children, youth and transition age adults 0-25 and their families. System improvement is being sought in this community because of the disproportionate number of Yurok children being served by the juvenile justice, child welfare, mental health, and alcohol and other drug systems. There are also high rates of trauma exposure, depression, anxiety, suicide, substance use, teen pregnancy, and accidental death in the community. For this project 15 semi-formal interviews were conducted with service providers in three identified service areas. Information was gathered on services provided, service system strengths, identified gaps in services, barriers to participation and traditional, informal and natural supports that are currently used. A variety of services were found to be present in each service area. Geographic barriers, transportation issues, intra-system communication issues and system navigation issues were seen as significant barriers for families seeking funded services. The renewal of traditional Yurok practices, values and beliefs was presented as a sustainable model for improving, promoting and supporting health and wellness in the Yurok community.
  • The Tolowa Dee-Ni' Language Revitalization

    The Tolowa Dee-Ni' Language Revitalization

    The Tolowa Dee-ni’ Language Revitalization Loren Me’-lash-ne Bommelyn Taa-laa-wa Dee-ni’ Tolowa Dee-ni’ Nation Language Revitalization, Is the Challenge The Challenge of Endangered Language recovery is uncertain work. Endangered Languages are spoken and unspoken. Many languages are retrieved from manuscripts, publications, audio files, ethnographies and from the hearts and minds of speakers. What will reform the speech community? Most children hear English and Spanish not Dee-ni'. How can an Endangered Language wage against media, Colonialism and singleness? What methodologies and approaches support Endangered Languages? “Teach what you learn and speak what you know.” The Taa-laa-wa Dee-ni’ Thea Ta -laa-wa Dee-ni' are a Dene (Athabaskan) speaking people of the Pacific Northwest. The Taa-laa-waa-dvn lays across ten rivers systems that empty into the Pacific in southwest Oregon and northern California. The neighbors of the Taa-laa- wa are the Yurok to the south, the Karuk, Takelma and Kalapuya to the east and the Coos to the north. The Yurok language is Algonquian. The Karuk language is Hokan. The Takelma, Kalapuya and Coos are Penutian. The Dee-ni' emerged following Genesis at Yan'-daa-k'vt, "South-up-hill”, the center of the Dee- ni' world. The Dee-ni’ Homeland Xatlh-srii-dvn - Genesis The Three Beings; Baby Sender, Daylight and Thunder living above the Earth in the Sweat House of Knowledge spoke and made the water covered earth. The first tree, the white redwood, stood upon the knoll as it slid forth from the south out of the watery depths at Yan’-daa-kvt.
  • The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco

    The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco

    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 273-435 April 29, 1911 THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA NORTH OF SAN FRANCISCO BY A. L. KROEBER BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS RLNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLIQATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects iwsued under the direction of thb Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and museuins, and for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. 'They are for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Depart- ment, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University Press. Price Vol. 1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates 1-30. September, 1903 ............................................................... $1.25 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 .......... 3.00 Index, pp. 369-378. Vol. 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William 3. Sinclair. Pp.1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904......................................... ....... .40 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904.............................. .60 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103. June, 1904 ............................................. .25 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 ......................... .75 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A.