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Philippines (2010)
Page 1 of 9 Print Freedom in the World - Philippines (2010) Political Rights Score: 4 * Capital: Manila Civil Liberties Score: 3 * Status: Partly Free Population: 92,227,000 Trend Arrow The Philippines received a downward trend arrow due to a general decline in the rule of law in the greater Mindanao region, and specifically the massacre of 57 civilians on their way to register a candidate for upcoming elections. Overview Political maneuvering escalated in 2009 as potential candidates prepared for the 2010 presidential election. Meanwhile, the administration remained unsuccessful in its long-standing efforts to amend the constitution and resolve the country’s Muslim and leftist insurgencies. In November, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo declared martial law in the southern province of Maguindanao after 57 people were massacred in an apparent bid by the area’s dominant clan to prevent the electoral registration of a rival candidate. After centuries of Spanish rule, the Philippines came under U.S. control in 1898 and won independence in 1946. The country has been plagued by insurgencies, economic mismanagement, and widespread corruption since the 1960s. In 1986, a popular protest movement ended the 14-year dictatorship of President Ferdinand Marcos and replaced him with Corazon Aquino, whom the regime had cheated out of an electoral victory weeks earlier. Aquino’s administration ultimately failed to implement substantial reforms and was unable to dislodge entrenched social and economic elites. Fidel Ramos, a key figure in the 1986 protests, won the 1992 presidential election. The country was relatively stable and experienced significant if uneven economic growth under his administration. -
Co-Creating Peace in Conflict-Affected Areas in Mindanao.Pdf
Copyright © 2013 by The Asian Institute of Management Published by The AIM-TeaM Energy Center for Bridging Leadership of the AIM-Scientific Research Foundation, Inc. All rights reserved. This collation of narratives, speeches, documents is an open source document for all development practitioners within the condition that publisher is cited and notified in writing when material is used, reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods. Requests for permission should be directed to [email protected], or mailed to 3rd Level, Asian Institute of Management Joseph R. McMicking Campus, 123 Paseo de Roxas, MCPO Box 2095, 1260 Makati City, Philippines. ISBN No. Book cover photo: Three doves just released by a group of Sulu residents, taken on June 8, 2013 Photographed by: Lt. Col. Romulo Quemado CO-CREATING PEACE IN CONFLICT-AFFECTED MINDANAO A FELLOW AT A TIME VOLUME 1 AIM TeaM Energy Center for Bridging Leadership www.bridgingleadership.aim.edu Asian Institute of Management 123 Paseo de Roxas Street, Makati City 1226, Philippines Tel. No: +632 892.4011 to 26 Message Greetings! In behalf of the Asian Institute of Management, I am honored to present to everyone this publication, entitled “Co-Creating Peace in Mindanao (A Fellow at a Time),” a product of one of our most renowned leadership programs offered by the AIM Team Energy Center for Bridging Leadership. The Mindanao Bridging Leaders Program (MBLP) began in 2005 and is hinged on the Bridging Leadership Framework. The fellows- who graduated the program are executive officers and distinguished directors, representing different sectors from the government, non-gov ernment organizations, civil society organizations, security, and others. -
Philippine Journal of Public Administration
PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Journal of the National College of Public Administration and Governance, University of the Philippines Diliman Articles Ilago NPM, Business Process Re-engineering and Local Governments Braganza Plastic Bag Reduction Ordinance in Quezon City Medina-Guce and Galindes Citizen Participation in Local Development Councils Alampay VSO-Bahaginan Framework for Active Citizenship Reflections from Scholars and Practitioners Rasul-Bernardo Islam, Bangsamoro and Democracy Ocampo Against Federalism Drechsler Public Administration and ICT VOLUME LXI JANUARY-DECEMBER 2017 NUMBERS 1 & 2 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Editorial Board ROMEO B. OCAMPO, Chair NORIEL CHRISTOPHER C. TIGLAO, MA. OLIVA Z. DOMINGO, DANILO DR. REYES, MARIA FE VILLAMEJOR-MENDOZA, Members International Advisory Board BELINDA A. AQUINO, JOAQUIN GONZALEZ III, PAN SUK KIM, RAUL LEJANO, JOHN MARTIN, AKIRA NAKAMURA, ROSEMARY O'LEARY, JON S.T. QUAH, SOMBAT THAMRONGTHANYAWONG, ROGER WETTENHALL Issue Editor: ERWIN GASPAR A. ALAMPAY NORIEL CHRISTOPHER C. TIGLAO Managing Editor: EULA MARIE DC. MANGAOANG EditorialAssistant: MERCEDITA M. MIRANDA The Philippine Journal of Public Administration is the official journal of the National College of Public Administration and Governance, University of the Philippines Diliman. It is published during the months of June and December, in partnership with the Philippine Society for Public Administration and the Association of Schools of Public Administration in the Philippines, Inc. The opinions expressed -
Philippines 2012 Human Rights Report
PHILIPPINES 2012 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Philippines is a multiparty, constitutional republic. The 2010 national elections--which were generally free and fair but marked by incidents of violence and allegations of vote buying and electoral fraud--resulted in the election of President Benigno S. Aquino III, members of the bicameral legislature, and leaders of provincial and local governments. Security forces reported to civilian authorities, although there were isolated instances in which local officials, paramilitaries, and security force elements appeared to act independently of national-level authorities. Leading human rights problems were the continued arbitrary, unlawful, and extrajudicial killings by national, provincial, and local government agents and by antigovernment insurgents; an underresourced and understaffed justice system that resulted in limited investigations, few prosecutions, and lengthy trials of human rights abuse cases; and widespread official corruption and abuse of power. Other human rights problems included: continued allegations of prisoner/detainee torture and abuse by security forces; violence and harassment against leftist, labor, and human rights activists by local security forces; disappearances; warrantless arrests; lengthy pretrial detentions; overcrowded and inadequate prison conditions; killings and harassment of journalists; internally displaced persons (IDPs); violence against women; local government restrictions on the provision of birth- control supplies; abuse and sexual exploitation of children; trafficking in persons; limited access to facilities for persons with disabilities; lack of full integration of indigenous people; absence of law and policy to protect persons from discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity; suspected vigilante killings; child labor; and ineffective enforcement of worker rights. The government continued to investigate and prosecute only a limited number of reported human rights abuses, and concerns about impunity persisted. -
Compliance Theory: a Case Study Approach in Understanding Organizational Commitment
88 N. J. Celis DLSU Business & Economics Review (2018) 27(2): 88-118 RESEARCH ARTICLE Compliance Theory: A Case Study Approach in Understanding Organizational Commitment Nelson J. Celis De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines [email protected] Abstract: The Electronic Commerce (e-Commerce) Act of 2000 or Republic Act (RA) No. 8792 mandates all government agencies to transact business and perform government functions using electronic documents within two years from the date of its effectivity in June 2000. Unfortunately, only a handful of government agencies were ready to implement the said law in the year 2002 despite the availability of applicable information technology (IT) resources and appropriated budget. After 17 years, there is considerable improvement in the compliance with the said law, though there are still non-compliances of government offices that could not manage to be at par with leading compliant government offices. To understand the compliance behavior of an agency vis-a-vis the e-Commerce Act, I proceed in three steps. First, I adopted socio-economic theory on regulatory compliance Next, I use process pattern matching as a qualitative approach to examine the compliance variables by comparing the case-based empirical patterns with the operational framework. And third, I statistically test the hypotheses that organizational commitment and the organizational maturity on the use of IT impact the level of compliance. I do this by using case study method by combining the qualitative and quantitative analyses of the compliance behavior of the Bureau of Internal Revenue and the Commission on Elections Thus, this paper contributes to the theorization of regulatory compliance in understanding organizational commitment with electronic commerce and related laws involving the use of IT in the Philippine context with detailed elucidation of the variables influencing it. -
The Commission on Elections from Aquino to Arroyo
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is with deep gratitude to IDE that I had a chance to visit and experience Japan. I enjoyed the many conversations with researchers in IDE, Japanese academics and scholars of Philippines studies from various universities. The timing of my visit, the year 2009, could not have been more perfect for someone interested in election studies. This paper presents some ideas, arguments, proposed framework, and historical tracing articulated in my Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. I would like to thank my generous and inspiring professors: Paul Hutchcroft, Alfred McCoy, Edward Friedman, Michael Schatzberg, Dennis Dresang and Michael Cullinane. This research continues to be a work in progress. And while it has benefited from comments and suggestions from various individuals, all errors are mine alone. I would like to thank the Institute of Developing Economies (IDE) for the interest and support in this research project. I am especially grateful to Dr. Takeshi Kawanaka who graciously acted as my counterpart. Dr. Kawanaka kindly introduced me to many Japanese scholars, academics, and researchers engaged in Philippine studies. He likewise generously shared his time to talk politics and raise interesting questions and suggestions for my research. My special thanks to Yurika Suzuki. Able to anticipate what one needs in order to adjust, she kindly extended help and shared many useful information, insights and tips to help me navigate daily life in Japan (including earthquake survival tips). Many thanks to the International Exchange and Training Department of IDE especially to Masak Osuna, Yasuyo Sakaguchi and Miyuki Ishikawa. -
Genuine Opposition Party – Team Unity Party – United Opposition Party
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PHL32818 Country: Philippines Date: 23 January 2008 Keywords: Philippines – Genuine Opposition party – Team Unity party – United Opposition party This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide background information on the ‘Genuine Opposition Party’, including what level of government it operates at, when it was formed, it’s main aims, and prominent people within the party. 2. Please provide background information on the ‘Team Unity Party’, including what level of government it operates at, when it was formed, it’s main aims, and prominent people within the party. 3. Please provide any other relevant information. RESPONSE Introduction Information was found to indicate that the Genuine Opposition and TEAM Unity were political coalitions organised in the context of the May 2007 Philippine elections. No information was found to indicate that either coalition was registered as a political party in the Philippines. Information is provided regarding the Genuine Opposition and TEAM Unity in response to Question 1 and Question 2. An overview of recent sources which contend that political parties in the Philippines are characterised by a lack of institutionalisation is provided in response to Question 4. -
Download the Case Study Report on Prevention in the Philippines Here
International Center for Transitional Justice Disrupting Cycles of Discontent TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND PREVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES June 2021 Cover Image: Relatives and friends hold balloons during the funeral of three-year-old Kateleen Myca Ulpina on July 9, 2019, in Rodriguez, Rizal province, Philippines. Ul- pina was shot dead by police officers conducting a drug raid targeting her father. (Ezra Acayan/Getty Images) Disrupting Cycles of Discontent TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND PREVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES Robert Francis B. Garcia JUNE 2021 International Center Disrupting Cycles of Discontent for Transitional Justice About the Research Project This publication is part of an ICTJ comparative research project examining the contributions of tran- sitional justice to prevention. The project includes country case studies on Colombia, Morocco, Peru, the Philippines, and Sierra Leone, as well as a summary report. All six publications are available on ICTJ’s website. About the Author Robert Francis B. Garcia is the founding chairperson of the human rights organization Peace Advocates for Truth, Healing, and Justice (PATH). He currently serves as a transitional justice consultant for the Philippines’ Commission on Human Rights (CHR) and manages Weaving Women’s Narratives, a research and memorialization project based at the Ateneo de Manila University. Bobby is author of the award-winning memoir To Suffer thy Comrades: How the Revolution Decimated its Own, which chronicles his experiences as a torture survivor. Acknowledgments It would be impossible to enumerate everyone who has directly or indirectly contributed to this study. Many are bound to be overlooked. That said, the author would like to mention a few names represent- ing various groups whose input has been invaluable to the completion of this work. -
Advancing Reforms in Philippine Election Administration and Management: Toward a Comprehensive Approach
ADVANCING REFORMS IN PHILIppINE ELECTION ADMINISTraTION AND MANAGEMENT: TOWarD A COMprEHENSIVE ApprOACH FINAL PROJECT REPORT October 2006 CEPPS/IFES: ASSOCIATE AGREEMENT NUMBER: 492-A-00-04-00042-00 UNDER LEADER AGREEMENT NUMBER: DGC-A-00-01-0004-00 PROJECT PERIOD: 1 OCTOBER 2004 – 31 MAY 2006 The opinions expressed in this report are solely those of IFES. This material is in the public domain and may be reproduced without permission; citation is appreciated. This report was made possible through support provided by the Office of Democracy and Governance, Philippines Mission, U.S. Agency for International Development, under the terms of Associate Agreement Number: 492-A-00-04- 00042-00 under Leader Agreement Number: DGC–A 00–01-0004-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction • Background • Program Objectives • Technical Assistance II. Program Component I: COMELEC Capacity Building • Administrative and Partnership Development • COMELEC Modernization Summit • Voter information survey • IT Review • Voter Education Consultative Meetings • Embassy Observer Training • GEO Conference • Planning Department • Developing a Core Training Capacity III. Program Component II: Civil Society • ARMM elections (CER) including sub-grant management • CCARE capacity building • Nomination Process for Commissioners IV. Program Component III: Legal Reform and Support V. Conclusion VI. Appendices • Bibliography of Documents Available Upon Request • Chronology of Key Results and Activities N.B.: Concerning the Funding Sources with regard to Programmatic Impact As IFES managed two overlapping USAID awards that were aimed very much at the same objectives, in some cases programmatic impact described in this report may have resulted from processes that were funded at different stages through USAID Associate Cooperative Agreement No. -
Pop 2010 Poolitikang Pinoy 2010
Informed Engagement. Reformed Ballots. PoP 2010 Poolitikang Pinoy 2010 Volume 1 · Issue 3 · November 2009 Spotlight Who Wants Cha Cha? Four presidential aspirants bare stands on constitutional amendment or charter change Last July, the House of Representatives passed House Resolution 1109 calling on the Congress to convene itself into a constituent assembly for the purpose of amending the 1987 Constitution. The controversial bill sparked intense debate and ignited resistance from various groups – movements, political experts, even public officials. Before HR 1109, there had been numerous attempts to change the Constitution since the time of former president Fidel Ramos. There is a sound indication that though charter change will not happen before 2010, the Cha Cha debate is far from over and it still is a significant issue that the presidential contenders must address. Knowing a presidential candidate’s stand on this issue is important before we make our choice who to vote for. Their position reflects how they view the significance of the Constitution, as an institutional-legal framework, in achieving the goals and objectives of government. Teodoro: Change our ‘reactive’ if given the chance to propose amendments on whether Cha Cha should be undertaken Constitution to the Constitution, are “those concerning or not. He proposes that a referendum be autonomous regions, and foreign ownership conducted to ask the people whether they of lands and corporations.” He is not in want ChaCha and what specific provisions they Of the four key presidential candidates, it is favor of shifting to a parliamentary form of want changed. He further said that once the Defense Secretary Gilbert ‘Gibo’ Teodoro who government because he recognizes the great new Charter has been prepared, the people has categorically expressed support for Cha possibility of resistance from the people must again be asked to approve it in detail and Cha. -
Grand Corruption Scandals in the Philippines Suggests Deeper Problems in Politics and Society
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at: https://www.emerald.com/insight/2517-679X.htm Grand Grand corruption scandals in corruption the Philippines scandals Eric V.C. Batalla De la Salle University, Manila, Philippines 73 Abstract – Received 11 November 2019 Purpose The purpose of this article is to analyse the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining Revised 9 January 2020 grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large foreign-funded infrastructure projects in Accepted 28 February 2020 the Philippines. The weaknesses are revealed in the description and analysis of two major scandals, namely, the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Marcos era and the National Broadband Network project of the Arroyo presidency. Design/methodology/approach – This research employs a historical and comparative case approach to explore patterns of grand corruption and their resolution. Primary and secondary data sources including court decisions, congressional records, journal articles and newspaper reports are used to construct the narratives for each case. Findings – Top-level executive agreements that do not require competitive public bidding provide an opportunity for grand corruption. Such agreements encourage the formation of corrupt rent-seeking relationships involving the selling firm, brokers, politicians and top-level government executives. Closure of cases of grand corruption is a serious problem that involves an incoherent and politically vulnerable prosecutorial and justice system. Originality/value – This paper aims to contribute to research on grand corruption involving the executive branch in the Philippines, particularly in the procurement of large, foreign-funded government projects. It examines allegations of improprieties in government project contracting and the politics of resolving corruption scandals through the justice system. -
Announcement
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