Bevan, A 2019 A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC. Archaeology International, 22(1), pp. 127–144. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/ai-404

RESEARCH ARTICLE A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC Andrew Bevan

Keeping plants and animals beyond their natural shelf life is a central human ­challenge, both as a matter of immediate survival and for the social and economic opportunities that stored foods offer. Understanding different food storage and preservation strategies in the past is key to a whole series of other research agendas, but remains challenging, not least because the evidence is patchy and hard to interpret. The paper below joins growing efforts to address this long- established challenge and surveys a host of changes in preservative treatments and food storage facilities across the Mediterranean and temperate Europe during the 1st millennium BC. While in most cases, the observed changes have a deeper prehistoric pedigree, nevertheless their mutually-reinforcing intensification at this time constitutes a real revolution, with far-reaching consequences.

1. Introduction following). Drawing inspiration from these Food-keeping underwrites human history. efforts, I would like to look briefly at some It has always been a major factor, whether important trends in food preservation and we are concerned with the daily demands storage that are part of a wider Iron Age ‘big- of household survival, with broad trends in bang’ across Eurasia, focusing below mainly population growth, decline or urban concen- on the westerly portions of this phenom- tration, with the co-evolutionary trajectories enon, from the shores of the Mediterranean of humans, plants, animals and insects, with to the forests and plains of northern Europe economic specialisation and commercial (Broodbank 2013: 506–592; Buchsenschutz exchange, or with the politics of human 2015; Fernández-Götz and Krausse 2016). labour relations, gender roles and social ine- This large, environmentally and culturally quality (to name but a few). Unsurprisingly, varied region sees dramatic transformations therefore, a welter of recent research (e.g. in food practices during the 1st millennium Balbo 2015; Bogaard 2017; Fuller and BC, with long-lasting consequences that are Stevens 2017; Manzanilla and Rothman well-worth a brief but integrated treatment. 2016; Martin 2019; Panagiotakopulu and Food storage is a slippery archaeological Buckland 2017) demonstrates renewed topic. Ethnography, written documents and enthusiasm for this topic and for earlier pio- imagery all attest to a huge range in food- neering work (e.g. Gast and Sigaut 1979 and keeping practices, with regard to the spaces used (e.g. caves, pits, built silos, garrets, cel- UCL Institute of Archaeology, London WC1H 0PY, lars, bedrooms, barns, or the open air), the GB accompanying equipment (e.g. bins, bas- [email protected] kets, barrels, sacks, suspension hooks, jars 128 Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC or chests), the options for direct preserva- To reiterate, within a period of rapid tive treatment (e.g. rendering, salting, wax- change, this paper will explore the ena- ing, drying, smoking, pickling, parboiling, bling role of stored-products, those portions fermenting or pressing) and various initially of edible plants and animals that humans counter-intuitive, storage risk mitigation have worked hard to endow with shelf-lives strategies (e.g. reciprocal food-giving within beyond the biologically-expected: the cured communities, food stored on-the-hoof, meat kept hanging from the rafters, the cask food security through inter-regional trade). or jar of wine kept in a cellar for decades, the Archaeology has a central role to play in grain kept in a pit for the spring-sowing, to documenting and explaining this diversity, sell at the right price or to grind later for con- and a cross-disciplinary obligation to foster sumption. While what is at stake in creating longitudinal comparison. However, it is also such provisions – for the short, medium or obvious that not all of the above categories long-term – is basic food security and human will be evenly represented archaeologically survival, the results are nevertheless often a (Groenewoudt 2015; Peña-Chocarro et al. series of distinctive preserved products and 2015), and because human communities striking storage facilities, as well as altered often switch flexibly among different short, landscapes, seasonal activities and human medium and long-term storage options, our roles, new kinds of collective action and new view of them is still often just a speculative or increased capacities for individual specu- squint, despite some increasingly innovative lation. Most of the products and facilities dis- investigative methods. cussed below had good antecedents in the Given these caveats, Europe in the 1st mil- Neolithic and Bronze Age (or indeed earlier), lennium BC offers a privileged vantage, with but their marshalling, mixing and monetis- a rich mix of artefacts, micro-flora and -fauna, ing in the 1st millennium BC was different, residues, above-and-below ground struc- and together such newly-systematic prac- tures, written words, images and landscapes. tices profoundly altered the scale and scope Beyond the well-known move from bronze to of European and Mediterranean societies for iron implements, there is also a much wider the longer term. set of changes in the 1st millennium BC. For example, Phoenician and Greek colonisation 2. Marketing old cures of the central and western Mediterranean The history of preservative food treatments ushers in the final stages of a basin-wide stretches back to circumstantial but plau- expansion in the production and consump- sible evidence from the Palaeolithic, and tion of wine, oil and other products, alongside then increasingly certain and sophisticated an infrastructure for handling and shipping examples from the Mesolithic, Neolithic and them (of which more below). Thereafter, the Bronze Age. By the beginning of the Roman whole Mediterranean littoral becomes a sin- empire, various writers outline a bewilder- gle fiscal entity under Rome, with all that ing array of preservative methods and prod- meant in terms of a more unified world of ucts (Thurmond 2006) and it is tricky, then, taxation, state mobilisation and speculation to assess how gradual or punctuated is the in foodstuffs. North of the Alps, the first set- intervening trajectory of change. However, tlement nucleations that might justify the one area where we can get a good sense of term ‘urban’ appear, and while there remains changing tempo is the salting of foods. Salt intense debate about the degree to which procurement was important from at least the these urban trends were independent of, or Neolithic, as the new emphasis on cereals responsive to, Mediterranean ones, there is made deliberate addition of salt to a house- unequivocal evidence here too for people hold diet a physiological necessity. Salt could and food products now being mobilised at a be collected after solar evaporation on rocky considerable scale. coastlines or near lagoons (as often favoured Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC 129 in the Mediterranean), by mining the mineral Sicilian and southern Iberian saltworks had (with practical challenges and mountainous prompted the local fish industry to switch localities quite similar to stone and metal from fairly general inshore catches to spe- mining), and via forced evaporation (simple cialisation in bluefin tuna (Carusi 2008; pouring of brine onto a frame over a fire, Morales-Muñiz and Roselló Izquierdo 2008). more elaborate briquetage in pottery vessels Trade duly developed both in salted fish por- or even more elaborate furnaces; see Brigand tions and salty liquified fish products, pack- and Weller 2015; Harding 2013; Kinory aged in specifically-designed amphoras and 2012). The 1st millennium BC sees a sharp shipped from the Straits of Gibraltar to as increase in the intensity and sophistication far east as Greece. By the 1st century AD, the of salt production efforts: first, salt-mining ­high-volume trade in preserved fish foods becomes far more intensive at Hallstatt in nicely captures a flashy world of food globali- the Austrian Alps (Daire 2003; Harding 2013: sation, with complicated market mechanisms 67–85), and this is probably one of several (i.e. varying prices, suppliers, intermediaries, reasons (others being increased mobilisation consumers), high vertical and horizontal of local cereal and livestock surpluses and product differentiation (i.e. ­different quality control of trade routes) for the appearance grades and kinds), very attenuated patterns of large fortified settlements and elaborate of distribution (i.e. a trade both in finished tumulus burials across an arc from Burgundy products and unfinished salted components to Bohemia (600–400 BC, Fernández-Götz­ that were further manipulated or adulterated 2018). On both the coasts of western on arrival) and end-consumers with only very Europe and at a few inland brine sources, limited understanding of the overall supply there was also industrial-scale investment chain (Curtis 1991; Grainger 2018). in furnace-enabled briquetage. Similarly, A final, more speculative comment relates in the Mediterranean, Rome had already to the development of storable milk-based established a saltworks at Ostia by the later products such as bog butter or hard cheese. 7th century BC and a key early trans-Apen- While Andrew Sherratt (1981) made the nine route from the city was the Via Salaria attractive suggestion some time ago that (Rickman 1980: 28). In western Sicily and dairying was part of a ‘secondary products southwestern Iberia, new saltworks appear revolution’ and not necessarily part of ini- during the period of Phoenician colonisa- tial European and Mediterranean Neolithics, tion and by the Roman period salt-marshes subsequent evidence increasingly implies were also the focus of industrial exploitation that at least certain dairy products were pre- (Morère 2013). sent from the start (Evershed et al. 2008; Itan Salt has been crucial in three ways for et al. 2009; Salque et al. 2013). That said, it is preserving food (Chapman and Gaydarska still worth speculating about whether later 2003): (a) for dehydrating and protecting changes in practice and know-how may have meat or fish, (b) for making butter and cer- extended the shelf life of dairy products, tain cheeses, and (c) for sustaining ruminant beyond well-known storage of milk ‘on the herds (hence on-the-hoof stores of dairy or hoof’. For instance, despite their probable meat). Of these, the treatment of meat and Bronze Age beginnings, a large proportion of fish stands out as particularly relevant to the ‘bog butter’ finds from Ireland and northern expanding food horizons and markets of the Europe date to the Iron Age from ca. 400 BC 1st millennium BC. Roman writers such as onwards (with the importance or not of salt- Strabo and Varro comment on the quality of ing in this process still being unclear: Cronin Gallic and northern Spanish salted hams and et al. 2007; Smyth et al. 2019). Likewise, tra- mention exports to Rome (Rzeźnicka, Maciej ditions of hard cheese production may have Kokoszko and Jagusiak 2014; also Maltby only become more important in the 1st 2006). By the 5th century BC, western millennium BC (Pearce 2016), with grateable 130 Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC cheeses mentioned in Homer ([1924] Iliad the emergence of larger forms of stone-built 11.638–640; also Ridgway 1997) and, later, public granary, at sites such as Eleusis (where Roman writers also discussing hard cheeses the ‘first-fruits’ of the Attic cereal harvest that might keep for up to a year and that were dedicated to Demeter) or the Athenian were exported up to 1000 km from south- Agora (where a 4th-century BC law makes ern France and the Alps to Rome (e.g. provisions for storing an in-kind grain tax) or Pliny [1940] Historia Naturalis 11.96–97; at Morgantina in Sicily where two elongated Columella [1954] De Re Rustica 8.8). The buildings probably housed a grain tax lev- latter cheese-exporting Alpine regions not ied by the 3rd-century BC king of Syracuse only had good access to salt which was part (Stroud 1998; Walthall 2015). Not all of these of the production process, but also provide efforts are of a piece in terms of their inten- paleoenvironmental evidence for an inten- tions, but overall, there is an uptick in state- sification of summer-time, high-altitude promoted (if often privately implemented), pasturing from the start of the 1st millen- monumental and ideologically-charged nium BC (or a few centuries before). In other efforts to secure civic grains supplies and to words, here and perhaps in some other parts control prices, (Casson 1954; Garnsey 1988), of Europe, we should consider the possibil- these all being harbingers of even larger ini- ity that whole landscapes and ways of life tiatives in the following Roman period. were being reconfigured by the develop- Key to the mobilisation of grain surpluses ment of newly-storable pastoral resources at this scale was maritime shipping and, (Carrer et al. 2016; Giguet-Covex et al. 2014; despite one or two fascinating Bronze Age Pearce 2016). experiments, it is only in the 1st millennium BC that we see the truly systematic provi- 3. Working with the grain sioning of certain favoured Mediterranean Cereals have been the bedrock of many cities with grain by sea (e.g. Alston and van European and Mediterranean diets since the Nijf 2008), enabling them to grow far larger Neolithic, and storing cereals, in the face of than they otherwise could, but at consider- various potential threats, has always been able economic and political risk. Such efforts a fundamental challenge. Very briefly, two ultimately underwrote the large size of main approaches to keeping grain in any Classical Athens, at least half of whose grain quantity for the medium to longer term are: supply was imported (from the Black Sea and (1) above ground, ventilated buildings (barns, the central-western Mediterranean: Moreno raised granaries, other raised platforms) or 2007), and thereafter it supported Rome air-tight, often-below-ground structures (pri- (with grain from Sicily, Sardinia, north Africa marily subterranean storage pits, but also and eventually also Egypt), with the latter certain kinds of sealed above-ground store; city reaching an estimated million inhabit- see especially Gast and Sigaut 1979). Beyond ants by the end of the 1st millennium BC. this distinction, the size, clustering and Careful storage of the previous year’s harvest placement of storage facilities tells us much so that it could be shipped at the right time about changing risks and opportunities for (often late spring/early summer) was a cru- different communities through time, as do cial part of this overall practice. other details observable in the archaeologi- In temperate Europe two forms of cereal cal record. storage stand out amongst a range of alter- Here I want to focus fairly strictly on just a natives (for the latter, e.g. Holzer and Stadler few significant changes in the 1st millennium 2008; Bossard 2019): the post-granary and BC. For example, while clay storage jars, bins, the silo-pit. The first of these has observable silo-pits and magazines were important fea- roots in the mid-2nd millennium BC (e.g. tures of Bronze Age food storage in Greece, a Arnoldussen 2008: 236–243; Gent 1983), significant change from 500 BC onwards was and was a small hut (often 4–12m2) on four Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC 131 or more stilts (often with rat-guards) covered types can be found in clusters of tens, hun- by a pitched roof, with walls that sometimes dreds or even thousands at a given site (e.g. were partially open to allow ventilation. Figure 1a–b; Deffressigne, Landolt and Post-granaries are often visible archaeologi- Gransar 2017; Van de Noort, Chapman and cally as no more than a set of post-holes, Collis 2007). Sometimes these concentra- so their identification often needs further tions are on their own close to likely agri- circumstantial support. Furthermore, in cultural fields, sometimes next to lowland certain regions, similar structures may have settlements or hillforts (Gent 1983; van existed where the raised stilts were simple der Veen and Jones 2006). In Germany and pads or runners (rather than sunken posts), Bohemia, there is an increase in the number and therefore may no longer be visible to and clustering of silo-pits visible in the early us today. In any case, both ethnographically years of the 1st millennium, if not before and archaeologically, such small raised gra- (e.g. Biederer 2018; Unger and Pecinovská naries were multi-purpose, rapid-access stor- 2015), but across temperate Europe as a age structures, used for a variety of foods, whole, the period 500–200 BC is perhaps the farm equipment etc. but were perhaps most most salient, with many striking examples of closely associated with the harvesting and storage nucleation, sometimes bounded by laying up cereal ears (rather than full cleaned large enclosures. A further interesting point grains, hence spicarium in late Latin for this with pit groups is that a minority of them are kind of granary, deriving from spica = ear, often re-used for the rather odd deposition and espighieros for the raised granaries that of humans or animals (in different regions: survive up to the present day in Portugal and for formal graves, disordered articulated north-west Spain: Sigaut 1989). The silo-pit skeletons, disarticulated remains, as single- by contrast was a cylindrical or bell-shaped tons or in groups), and seemingly thoughtful hole in the ground that could preserve grain choices of artefacts (Bradley 2002; Cunliffe in an air-tight environment. It is made as dry 1992; Delattre and Auxiette 2018; Delattre as possible before closing, and the ensuing et al. 2000; Le Brun Ricalens 2014; see also chemical reactions leads to fermentation of Jeunnesse 2010). Ethnographic evidence for the outer layer of grain in the pit which kills village accidents at silo-pits (people or ani- any existing pests and protect the vast major- mals falling in and dying), opportunistic body ity of the contents from further decay (Gast or refuse disposal in them, and their repur- and Sigaut 1979). Properly-prepared pits are posing in various other ways urges great cau- very effective grain stores, and in certain soil tion in interpreting their re-use for burial as conditions can keep grain for many years always purposive and structured (Kunz 2004: and/or be re-used many times, but they tend 91–92). However, the funerary patterning to require complete emptying once opened remains sufficiently compelling in some and, like post-granaries, their traces can instances, and combines well with other evi- sometimes be mis-identified (both because dence such as possible granary-shaped cre- pits were also made for other reasons and mation urns (Figure 1c; Sabatini 2007), to because silo-pit fills rarely relate to their pri- suggest that storage structures were indeed mary function). Silo-pits are a commonplace often deliberately used for burial or sacrifice,­ feature both of the Mediterranean and of providing fertile social metaphors (e.g. for temperate Europe, from the Neolithic to the life-death cycles) and/or mechanisms for near present, although their exact construc- handling certain members of the community tion and popularity varies according to local (e.g. classifying, disposing of, commemorat- soils, humidity, water table, crop choices and ing or disciplining them, whether as men, cultural traditions. women, very old, very young, community One general feature of post-granaries and outsiders, war captives, possible convicts or pit storage worth emphasising is that both slaves). 132 Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC

Figure 1: Silo-pits and post-granaries: (a) a band across temperate Europe of silo-pit concentrations and re-used silo-pits with burials, along with a northern distribution of Late Bronze Age ‘house’ urns that probably imitate granaries (selected sources are: Ailincăi 2015; Bradley 2002; Delattre et al. 2000; Garcia 1997; Griebl et al. 2017; Kiraly et al. 2013; Landolt et al. 2010; Le Brun Ricalens 2014; Unger and Pecinovská 2015; Van Oyen 2019), (b) a concentration of silo-pits inside the hillfort at Danebury, UK (courtesy of Institute of Archaeology, Oxford University), and (c) two examples of ‘house’ urns from Saxony-Anhalt and Pomerania (Sabatini 2007: pls. 45.1, 42.6, with permission). Note that silo-pits are certainly also found south of the shaded area (e.g. in the Mediterranean Europe), but not in the same concentrations in this period (Figure: A. Bevan, with image permissions as above).

In any case, the challenge of such con- spring to mind), at historical moments of centrated pit distributions (returning now both physical human mobility and incipi- to their inferred primary role for food stor- ent population or settlement growth, both age) is to unpick what they might mean. Are emerging social inequality and forms of com- silo-pit clusters, then, evidence for popula- munity solidarity. Indeed, clusters of pits or tion growth or for population decline, for small post-granaries were ways to push oth- collective pooling by ordinary farming com- erwise household-scale technologies to their munities or for individual elite hoarding, for limit, fostering inherent tensions between taxation in-kind or for its absence/avoid- collective action and individual co-option. As ance, for flexible adaptation to local soils or a phenomenon, their peak is often for only for inherited cultural traditions irrespective a century or two in any given region, some- of environment, for ritual or for basic sub- times with accompanying shifts therein from sistence, for protective impulses in times of many smaller-sized examples to fewer larger- trouble or for confident speculation with a sized ones, but they usually then either view to nearby markets? In fact, while there return to more dispersed arrangements or are undoubtedly varying reasons, it is tempt- give way to yet larger, above-ground struc- ing to conflate several of these possibilities, tures such as barns and warehouses. There and suggest that silo-pit concentrations are are also sometimes switching behaviours often found in highly-transitional phases through time, between clusters of pits and (the Chasséen/Michelsberg Neolithic, Middle clusters of above-ground structures in the Iron Age or Early Medieval periods in Europe same site or region, suggesting changing Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC 133 priorities of accessibility and conspicuous- has a very old Near Eastern pedigree, cereals ness (Bossard 2019). eaten in the form of a porridge had probably Starting earlier in some places, but increas- been the dominant mode in the Neolithic and ingly clear during the 1st century BC with Bronze Age of many areas. In contrast, bread the expansion of Rome, is a move away from sees increasing popularity during the 1st mil- using silo-pits for storage towards larger lennium BC, both in the Mediterranean and post-granaries (e.g. 6-, 9- or 12-poster) and in parts of temperate Europe. Pliny ([1950] eventually above-ground Roman warehouses Historia Naturalis 18.28) offers a nice anec- (horrea; Haselgrove 2007: 503; Van Oyen dote to the effect that bread-making was 2019). The latter warehouses were a relatively a household activity prior to ca. 170 BC late arrival even in Rome itself, appearing and only after that did professional bakers most likely as part of the fraught politics of appear in the city, to which might be added Gracchan grain reform (Rickman 1971: 149– the claim made by other Roman writers that 150) and also featuring as part of a wider their predecessors subsisted on emmer por- elite moral discourse about appropriate ways ridge, while bread was an impressive but to store and display surplus (Van Oyen 2015; morally-problematic part of the new food Woolf 1990). In any case, both in Rome and obsessions of the last couple of centuries BC across the emerging empire, horrea provided (Purcell 2003). the pre-conditions for massively increased As both the volume of grain trade and the bulk exchange of food surpluses, whether demand for bread increased, so too did the by private landowners, by the military or need for cereal species that were both faster for enormous state disbursements such as from-field-to-food and particularly bread- Rome’s citizen grain ration (Mattingly and enabling (‘panifiable’). Several shifts in the Aldrete 2000). relative frequency of different cereal species So the rural landscapes of parts of the over the latter half of the 1st millennium BC Mediterranean and western Europe were are worth emphasising. First, there appears being re-shaped during the latter part of to be increasing priority placed on durum the 1st millennium BC, often with a view to wheat (Triticum durum) in key regions such supplying cereals to much larger emerging as Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt in the 2nd markets, especially by river and by sea. In to 1st centuries BC (where the earlier tradi- temperate parts of Europe, with the emer- tion was of emmer and barley: Mayerson gence of the larger towns known as oppida 2002; Murray 2000), and this species was in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, storage also dominant in Tunisia and Sicily, prob- structures counter-intuitively become far ably reflecting its importance in supplying less visible in the wider countryside, espe- the city of Rome by ship. Elsewhere, in both cially silo-pits (Bossard 2019; Gransar 2000: the Mediterranean and further north, bread 293–294), but the impression is that: (a) wheat (Triticum aestivum), perhaps most a few concentrations of post-granaries suited to slightly wetter climates (e.g. south- remain, (b) cereal surpluses were being ern Russia, the northern Balkans, northern mobilised quickly and sent to newly emerg- Italy, Gaul and Britain: Garnsey 1999: 120), ing urban markets in ways that made silo- also seems to increase in popularity with- pits unnecessary or undesirable, and (c) out ever supplanting all the alternatives perhaps that new timber-frame methods (e.g. Zech-Matterne, Wiethold and Pradat at these more urban oppida sites may have 2014). Clean grains of free-threshing durum provided above ground store-rooms that and bread wheat could be obtained without are harder to spot archaeologically (Gransar the dehusking (extra pounding-and-sieving 2003; Péfau 2017; Zech-Matterne, Malrain steps) otherwise needed for barley or glume and Auxiette 2013). wheats such as emmer and einkorn. So Related to these changes are also shifts in despite the fact that they were certainly not how cereals were consumed. While bread new species, durum and bread wheats were 134 Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC increasingly found to be well-adapted to a complexity and social inequality (Fuller and market economy, for example to larger elite Stevens 2012; Van der Veen and Jones 2006). estates that produced routinely-refreshed grain pools stored in carefully-monitored 4. Leveraging liquids above-ground granaries with a view to pri- Three interesting forms of ‘liquidity’ have vate, state-organised or military flour-and- underwritten Mediterranean economic and bread supply chains. social life since at least the Bronze Age, and A final shift in the cereal types of temperate they all become a basin-wide phenomena for Europe (from the Alps northwards and also the first time in the 1st millennium BC. The the Atlantic fringe, but not further south), first is in a sense the most obvious, the con- was towards increased proportions of spelt nectivity enabled by the Mediterranean sea wheat (Triticum spelta, see Mills 2006; Sigaut itself, along a mid-latitude Eurasian ecotone 1989). Spelt possessed a particularly protec- that already encouraged east-west flow of tive glume that made it well-adapted to high goods, people and ideas. This enabling role humidity and cold in Europe’s mid-latitudes, for the Mediterranean Sea becomes turbo- at the same time as providing grains that charged once sailing ships are a feature of were glutinous enough to produce a bread. the entire basin during the 1st millennium Even so, the storage logic for spelt was quite BC. A second kind of liquidity involved the different from durum and bread wheats and commonplace use of recyclable metals, and better-suited to more northerly climates, the apical role they played in almost all with whole spelt ears often stored together hierarchies of Mediterranean and European for processing in small batches over the win- material culture, with bullion flows of ingots, ter (as was probably the case for other glume finished objects, scrap metal and/or coins at wheats in these regions). The post-granaries, different times, all within a clearly graded that become such a feature of Iron Age tem- value hierarchy (Bevan 2010: 48–57), and perate Europe in some places, were multi- with coinage a particularly unifying new purpose but probably have particular links to component in the later 1st millennium. this species (Sigaut 1989). In any case, such Metals may not have direct connections to changes accentuated a pre-existing north- the enhanced role of preserved and stored south difference. Mediterranean grains were foods, but they were key to the high levels typically threshed immediately after harvest, of commercial transaction that meant food- and the increase in free-threshing varie- keeping was not just important for sur- ties meant that even more of the necessary vival, but also very profitable as convertible human labour was thereby ‘front-loaded’ (see value. A third crucial form of liquidity and Bettinger 2015: 90–91) so that effort went in the most relevant here, came in the form of early to create a cleaner stored product. In highly-processed, vertically-differentiated, contrast in northern Europe, cereals were fluid commodities such as oils and wines. often stored unthreshed in ears (in later peri- These quintessentially Mediterranean prod- ods, also with full stalks as sheaves) and there ucts allowed grapes and olives to be kept for was often a preference for cereals that also longer (wine for potentially many years) but required further dehusking (spelt, emmer, required investments in new kinds of land- einkorn, barley), so the northern grain store scape (vineyards and groves), new dining or was thus on average a less finished, less ablutionary practices, new kinds of highly immediately commodifiable form of capital. specialised storage, processing and trans- That said, within both the Mediterranean and port containers (of which more below) and temperate Europe in the 1st millennium BC, elaborate, new marking practices (e.g. seals, certain places were able to mobilise labour inscriptions, decoration; Bevan 2010, 2014). and created more processed cereals than oth- The contrast to beer is instructive. Beer was ers which probably maps on to local political also a liquid becoming far more prominent Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC 135 in the second half of the 1st millennium BC, Amphoras were usually wheel-made, with archaeobotanical evidence for deliber- often with pointed-bases that made them ate grain malting (Styring et al. 2017), docu- less vulnerable to breakage and, along with mentary mention of Celtic brewing traditions their handles, provided reliable points-of- and the first archaeological finds of barrels purchase with which to handle them. They (Marlière 2002). One of the reasons for more were the right size, weight and shape to be elaborate Iron Age grain storage structures stacked in the holds of ships, placed in racks, and pooling of harvests may then have been slung on ropes, leaned against one another, an uptick in beer-making and the politically half-buried in the ground or hoisted on the and socially-significant feasting this practice shoulders of human porters. Their narrow enabled. However, beer stores far less well necks could be closed with a stopper and than wine, and typically requires greater con- sealed with lime or clay (Bevan 2014; Grace centrations of human labour to create large 1949: 175). The bigger terrestrial cousins of batches. So beer was well-suited to a large- such amphoras were, in turn, enormous clay scale feasting at or near sites of centralised storage jars (aka Roman dolia or Greek pithoi, cereal storage (e.g. the hillforts of temperate Figure 2a, c; Bevan 2018). Again, there is an Europe), and less attractive for long-distance earlier history across both temperate Europe trade and stock-piling (Jennings et al. 2005). and the Mediterranean of experiment- By the 2nd millennium BC there was ing with larger clay vessels, but systematic already a vibrant commercial trade in oils efforts to produce lots of them in increasing (albeit at least at this stage often as per- sizes (e.g. more than half a metre in height fumes rather than food) and wines across and from 100L to as much as 2000L capac- the eastern Mediterranean (for the preced- ity) required potting specialisation and often ing history, see Broodbank 2013; Lentjes more elaborate kiln architecture, and as a and Saltini Semerari 2016; Langgut et al. result the appearance of out-sized clay stor- 2019; Pérez‑Jordà et al. 2017), but signifi- age jars often constitutes a distinct chrono- cant investment in wine and olive oil as a logical horizon (sometimes also visible in commodity only begins in southern Italy in local funerary practice as a ‘pithos-burials’) the very late Bronze Age or early Iron Age, in different regions at different times. Such and later still in southern France and Iberia jars could be set deep into the ground or as a consequence of Phoenician and Greek left free-standing, and were a sealable, fairly colonisation. Wine and oil were distinctive vermin-resistant way to store goods at a rea- added value products that further fostered sonably stable temperature. They were often the development of two specialised stor- closely linked to wine production, but also age and transport containers: the amphora commonly used for storing olive oil, cereals and the pithos. The historical geography of and other products (Bevan 2018). these vessels (when and where they devel- Both of these newly-ubiquitous clay crea- oped and spread) closely tracks the histori- tures come to play very important roles in cal geography of wine and oil production. By Mediterranean thought and culture during the 2nd millennium BC several distinctive the Iron Age and Roman periods, but here I amphora-like vessels were regular trade con- would just like to stress one slightly under- tainers around the eastern Mediterranean, acknowledged, more quantitative feature of and pithoi had become commonplace fea- them as a form of evidence: they make very tures of economic life, from small farm- useful macro-economic proxies. For example, steads up to large palace magazines. Even several researchers have noted that different so, the embracing of these container tradi- Mediterranean amphora types get taller in tions across the entire Mediterranean basin shape over the course of the 1st millennium was very much a feature of the 1st millen- BC, often without major accompanying nium BC. changes in capacity. Even just calculating a 136 Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC

Chios examples Shipwreck frequency (dimensionless) 3. 5

mean amphora

.5 ht/diam ratio Height / Max. Diameter

a 1. 52

S FrFranceance eexamplesxamples

1m % Vitis of 2. 0 seed remains at Lattes )

3 99% .5 b

lume (m Cereal storage/export Emphasis on (NE Spain/SW France: Vo pithoi, granaries, wine production 1. 01 silo-pit clusters) .5 18% meanvolume dolium 0. 00 1 900 80 0 70 0 600 500 40 0 30 0 200 100 b 10 0

Figure 2: Storage dynamics through Iron Age containers (Figure: A. Bevan): (a) a bivariate histogram and weighted mean of amphora height-width ratios (n = 688 types, see Bevan 2014 for source data), along with the frequency of Mediterranean shipwrecks (after Wilson 2009, fig. 9.4) and (b) a bivariate histogram of large storage jar (dolium) volumes from southern France (n = 32 types, solid-of-revolution profiles from drawings in Marlier and Sciallano 2008; Py 1993), along with the changing percentage of grape seeds amongst all seeds from the major port site of Lattes (after Py and Buxó 2001: fig. 4). simple ratio of height to diameter, and plot- the contents to leakage or trapped air near ting the results for several hundred amphora the opening and/or (c) deeper, larger ship types, produces clear trend towards steadily holds favouring taller amphoras that were taller shapes (Figure 2a). This can be jux- more space-efficient and less vulnerable in taposed with other possible indicators for stacks (Bevan 2014: 403–404). long-term, macroeconomic activity, such as Similarly, storage jars show real promise the number of observed Mediterranean ship- as time series data. For example, from the wrecks, to explore what appears to be a real start of the 6th century BC onwards, new peak of activity reached by the 1st century BC. colonies such as Marseilles had a profound Taller amphoras suggest a changing niche, in effect on local economic and cultural life which: (a) amphora potters were increasingly in Languedoc, Roussillon and northern skilled in turning out difficult shapes, (b) a Catalonia. One sign of this is a striking mix of focus on wine production encouraged thin, cereal storage solutions (storage jars, silo pit anti-oxidant designs with less exposure of concentrations, Celtic-style post-granaries Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC 137 and other Greek and/or Punic above-ground with demographic concentration co-evolving stores: Garcia 1997: 91–94; Van Oyen 2019). with the concentration of trade routes, of Amongst these, the storage jar starts being concentrated storage spaces, of store-adapted made locally quite early on (Olive et al. 2009) insects and indeed often of mono-crops. and while it may initially have had a greater Beyond this, the discussion above has hardly role in cereal-storing (probably for export), touched on certain key topics, such as the greater emphasis thereafter seems to have relationship between storage, property rights, been placed on its use for wine produc- social inequalities or gender roles (Earle 2017; tion and trade. Figure 2b suggests a steady Kanafani-Zahar 1994), but even so, it has increase in the average capacity of south- hopefully emphasised the potential offered ern French storage jars, but one that seems by a comparative approach to these key fea- delayed in comparison to amphora trends, tures of human subsistence and social life. shipwreck statistics or indeed local archaeo- botanical observations of grape-seed preva- Acknowledgements lence, suggesting the these larger vessels This paper arises from an ongoing, book- responded more slowly to wider macro-eco- length piece of research on European food nomic changes (for excellent discussions of storage that I started working on during possible links to changing demography, see sabbatical leave. Many thanks to colleagues also Garcia and Isoardi 2010; Sacchetti and who enabled that time away and have since Isoardi 2017). offered input. Thanks also to the organisers and participants of an inspiring 2016 work- Concluding Remarks shop (Radcliffe Institute, Boston) about how The above exploration has briefly tried to cap- containers and storage might fit into human ture a compelling moment in the food strat- social life (see Shryock and Smail eds. 2018). egies of Europe and the Mediterranean. The Further and final gratitude to Todd Whitelaw 1st millennium BC is perhaps the first period and Greg Woolf for kindly reading early where we can speak of a coherent north-south drafts, to Barry Cunliffe, Ian Cartwright and divide between pithos-amphora-olive-and- Serena Sabatini for useful image permis- vine economies in the Mediterranean and sions, and to two anonymous reviewers. quite different barrel-beer-butter economies further north, albeit with important connec- Competing Interests tions and overlaps between them. Salted and The author has no competing interests to otherwise preserved meats and fish become declare. increasingly industrialised as products. Bread gradually gains ground over porridges and References other grain-consumption traditions, albeit Ailincăi, C S 2015 Living with the dead. to different degrees in different places, with ­Burials in Early Iron Age settlement at interesting consequences for what cereal spe- Enisala–Palanca, Tulcea county (South- cies were preferred and how they were stored. Eastern Romania). Sprawozdania Archeo- Overall, the evidence provides a nice vantage logiczne, 67: 221–241. on the emergence of both ends of a food-secu- Alston, R and van Nijf, O (eds.) 2008 Feeding rity spectrum (a feature not lost on ancient the Ancient Greek City. Leuven: Peeters. writers and still obsessing modern planners Arnoldussen, S 2008 A Living Land- today): simply, whether (a) to store up diverse scape: Bronze Age settlement sites in provisions locally in hoards or (b) to rely on the Dutch river area (c. 2000–800 BC). the financialisation of food and general mar- Leiden: Sidestone. http://hdl.handle. ket velocity to mitigate similar resource risks. net/1887/13070 A further remarkable feature is the relation- Balbo, A L (ed.) 2015 Storage (­Environmental ship between food storage and urbanisation, Archaeology 20.4 – Special Issue). DOI: 138 Bevan: A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC

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How to cite this article: Bevan, A 2019 A Stored-Products Revolution in the 1st Millennium BC. Archaeology International, 22(1), pp. 127–144. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/ai-404

Submitted: 31 July 2019 Accepted: 31 October 2019 Published: 17 January 2020

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