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Encounters with Diversity: Children's Article Urban Studies 1–16 Encounters with diversity: Children’s Ó Urban Studies Journal Limited 2016 Reprints and permissions: friendships and parental responses sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0042098016634610 usj.sagepub.com Carol Vincent UCL Institute of Education, UK Sarah Neal University of Surrey, Guildford Humera Iqbal UCL Institute of Education, UK Abstract This paper reports on a project exploring the friendships of children and adults in ‘super-diverse’ (Vertovec, 2007) localities in London, England, examining whether and how friendships are made and maintained across ethnic and social class differences. The aim is to identify what friendships reveal about the nature and extent of ethnic and social divisions in contemporary multicultural society. Drawing on interviews with children and their parents, this paper analyses affective par- ental responses to their children’s friendships, identifying instances where parents seek to manage these friendships. We identify the importance of the ‘ease of similarity’ for many parents concern- ing their children’s friendships, and the relative lack of concrete practices amongst parents to sup- port their children’s friendships across difference. However, we also note parental support for living in super-diverse localities and children attending schools therein. Keywords diversity, ethnicity, friendship, schools, social class Received February 2015; accepted January 2016 Introduction adults’ affective responses to their children’s friendships (the children’s own understand- This paper reflects on parental responses to ings of their friendship are further addressed the friendships made by eight and nine year elsewhere, Iqbal et al, 2016). The paper is olds in two different primary schools in part of an on-going research project which ‘super-diverse’ localities in London, England. We use the children’s interviews to Corresponding author: establish the shape and scope of their friend- Carol Vincent, UCL Institute of Education, London, WC1H ship networks, and draw directly on inter- 0AL, UK. views with 34 of their parents to analyse the Email: [email protected] 2 Urban Studies focuses on friendships made by adults and their anxiety about too close a contact with children across social class and ethnic differ- ‘others’. However, it is important to note ence, how differences and similarities in that Reay et al. also recognise a ‘significant social and ethnic background shape and minority’ (2011: 120) as having an openness affect those relationships and how differ- to and ‘a yearning after and for difference’ ences are routinely negotiated and (p. 121). We will return to these points later managed. in the paper. We are seeking to contribute to two broad The second body of research is on literatures: the first is the body of research in encounter and diversity. Vertovec (2007) sociology and geography that focuses on argues that the multiplicity of origins of parents’ actions and priorities with regard to those who arrive in London and other major their children’s schooling. Much of this cities, their varying immigration status, research has been conducted in urban areas, gender, age, religion, patterns of spatial documenting parents’ search for a school distribution and so on, contribute to super- space with which they feel comfortable. diverse urban populations. This then pro- Several researchers have identified parental vides the backdrop for our research in concerns about their children potentially London primary schools. Within these fluid sharing school space with raced and classed and dynamic circumstances of super-diver- others (e.g. Ball, 2003; Boterman, 2013; sity, the ways in which people negotiate Butler and Hamnett, 2011; Byrne, 2006; interactions with others has led to a focus on Byrne and De Tona, 2014; Reay et al., 2011; the potential of encounter. Studies of popu- Vowden, 2012). Drawing largely on inter- lations who live in diverse urban areas have views with middle class parents, this body of emphasised the need to recognise the every- work broadly argues that whilst middle class day or ordinary-ness of multiculture where parents living in urban areas perceive diver- ‘differences are negotiated on the smallest of sity and social mix in school populations as scales’ (Wilson, 2013: 635) and often in un- positive in the abstract, the limits of what is panicked and routine ways (Neal et al., understood as an ‘acceptable’ degree of mix 2013; Noble, 2009). Vertovec cites Ash are variously defined, but often exclude Amin (2002) as calling for ‘an anthropology working class populations. Even the middle of ‘‘local micropolitics of everyday interac- class parents in research by Reay and col- tion’’ akin to what Leonie Sandercock (2003: leagues, who make the apparently ‘counter- 89) sees as ‘‘daily habits of perhaps quite intuitive’ choice to send their children to banal intercultural interaction’’’ (Vertovec, local comprehensives, despite their average 2007: 1045). Recognising often mundane or low performance in terms of GCSE1 instances of conviviality and competency results, expressed anxiety around ‘a poten- acts to reposition urban landscapes from the tially contaminating other’ (Reay et al., dystopic, conflictual and segregated to more 2011: 106), namely, sections of the white and complex places where difference is routine, black working classes understood to be feck- and regularly, often amicably, negotiated in less, non-aspirational and thereby to pose a prosaic interactions and settings (Anderson, risk to the achievement and wellbeing of 2004; Hemming, 2011; Matejskova and their own children. Reay and her colleagues Leitner, 2011; Thrift, 2005). deploy an analysis influenced by the psycho- However, there have been concerns about social, and highlight the ambivalences for the ‘convivial turn’ (Neal et al., 2013), and these middle class parents as they seek to the extent to which encounters may be manage both their egalitarian principles and meaningful and have the potential to Vincent et al. 3 reshape social relations across difference is voluntarily attended and fostering a shared contested. Lees, reviewing gentrification interest, the institutional space of the pri- initiatives, notes that the literature docu- mary school can be a potential candidate, ments the tendency of middle class incomers allowing for sustained and regular encoun- to ‘self-segregate’, as ‘notions of diversity ters between parents and children over a are more in the minds of gentrifiers rather number of years, and offering a shared sense than in their actions’ (Lees, 2008: 2458). of identity (as a parent/child attending X Everyday encounters may be simply shaped School). A shared sense of purpose offered by socially accepted forms of public civility, by institutional settings such as schools can and ‘urban etiquette does not equate with an be more productive in generating mixing ethics of care and mutual respect for differ- than routine neighbourhood interaction ence’ (Valentine, 2008: 329, 2013). Nor do (Nast and Blokland, 2014). In theory, then, ad hoc encounters, even of a positive nature, diverse multicultural primary schools can necessarily develop any lasting challenge to offer a site of sociality, allowing relation- embedded prejudices and stereotypes (also ships to develop between children and their Clayton, 2009; Hemming, 2011; Vertovec, parents across difference. 2015). As Valentine and Sadgrove (2012: Indeed, several researchers have empha- 2060) note, it is not a fleeting encounter, nor sised the school as a site of negotiation of spatial proximity alone ‘that overcomes difference (Wilson, 2013; Neal and Vincent, social difference, but rather closeness – it is 2013). However, encounters in school are the act of knowing – or the production of not immune from existing inequalities of intimacy which aligns different bodies in power and resources, and the patterns of time and space’. sociality these create. Hunter et al. (2012) Thus other research has focused on what note the caution of the mothers in their sam- Rzepnikowska (2013) refers to as spaces of ple in supporting their children’s friendships ‘habitual contact’ (p. 3), her examples being across racial difference, and in particular, in educational courses and mother and toddler developing relationships with the other groups. However, Cook, Dwyer and Waite child’s family. It is important to note that (2011), in their research on relationships this study is set in the American South with between established communities and its specific and difficult history of race rela- Eastern European migrants, argue that only tions, and now experiencing increased and a minority of participants had experienced diverse migration. Nast and Blokland everyday neighbourhood and workplace (2014), researching the generation of social encounters – ‘on the factory floor, in shops, capital in a Berlin primary school, identified on the street, and in the school playground’ instances of (cautious) bridging amongst (p. 737) – as generating meaningful engage- parents across class boundaries. More posi- ment. For the majority, such encounters tively, in the pilot to this main study, we were more likely to result in ‘strategic with- found amongst a small sample, mothers who drawal from the ‘‘other’’ community’ (p. acted as ‘transversal enablers’ (Wise, 2009), 737). ready to facilitate intercultural relationships In order to produce opportunities for the between their children and diverse others, development of more sustained and produc- and
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