Conϐlict Studies Quarterly

Conϐlict Studies Quarterly Issue 14, January 2016 Board Senior Editor: Christian-Radu CHEREJI Associate Editors: Ioana Irina URS Editorial Board: Ioan HOSU, Virgiliu ŢÂRĂU, Ciprian TRIPON, Adrian POP, Ciprian SANDU ISSN 2285-7605 ISSN-L 2285-7605 Accent Publisher, 2016 Contents Mohamed HAJI INGIRIIS Somalia and Rwanda: The Psychology and Philosophy of the African Conflicts ..................................................3 Suman DEVI Niharranjan MISHRA India: Conflict over Natural Resources. A Study on Jharbadhali Micro Watershed in Odisha .........................................................35 Charles WRATTO Liberia: Cross-Cultural Healing for Former Child Soldiers ............................................49 Ignatius KABALE MUKUNTO Zambia: Mediation and the Transformation of the Lunda-Luvale Conflict ............................................................................................................61 John D. BREWER David MITCHELL Gerard LEAVEY Northern Ireland: Religion and Transitional Justice .........................................................74 Otoabasi AKPAN Ubong Essien UMOH Nigeria: State Capacity and Insurgency in the Niger Delta since the 1990s ................................................................................................92 Issue 14, January 2016 Somalia and Rwanda: The Psychology and Philosophy of the African Conϐlicts Mohamed HAJI INGIRIIS Abstract. Specialists on African conϔlicts are torn between fascination, frustration and factional- ism. Factionalised and ϔictionalised narratives in post-conϔlict communities in traumatic settings are often presented not through reϔlexive rationality but through defeatist war logic. Focusing on an account of Somali uncivil war in 1991, I challenge the recent propagation of the claim of ‘clan cleansing’ in Somalia and thus present a critical reassessment of the complex dynamics of the past Somali conϔlicts. An engaging academic re-examination is important, considering the controversies often created by post-conϔlict claims. By putting clan conϔlicts into anthropological and historical perspective, I argue that the claim of clan cleansing has no ethnographical authori- sation and historical validity in Somali history. Drawing on longitudinal ethnographic observation and personal experience as a witness of Somali uncivil war and working as a writer in Mogadishu during the height of the Somali conϔlicts, backed by theoretical, conceptual and comparative and empirical critical analysis on scholarship across humanities and social sciences, I problematize the paradoxes of the claim, propagated through public commentaries in Somali websites and by certain commentators in academia. Keywords: African Conϔlicts, Somali Uncivil Wars, Post-conϔlict Narratives. Introduction On the evening of 28 January 2013, at Holiday Inn Hotel in Toronto, Canada, doz- ens of (expatriate) Somali Somalis, Somali Ethiopians and Somali Kenyans gathered for Mohamed HAJI INGIRIIS a clan convention they titled the “inaugural University of Oxford commemoration of the 1991 Clan Cleansing E-mail: [email protected] in Somalia.”1 The mobilisers of the confer- Conlict Studies Quarterly ence – many of them were the beneiciaries of the deposed regime of General Mohamed Issue 14, January 2016, pp. 3-34 Siad Barre by virtue of their direct associa- tion – had been stirred by the recent work of 3 Conϔlict Studies Quarterly revisionism, Clan Cleansing in Somalia: The Ruinous Legacy of 1991, by Lidwien Kapteijns (2013a), a Dutch author, who has attempted to academise this claim in a more authentic way, as the term was previously inserted into the public discourse in a less clear fashion and unsophisticated manner.2 Intended to augment the claim while overlooking the complex narratives of the clan conlicts, the account is illed with accusatory allegations and vocabulary of hatred and hostilities. The primary source base stems from one certain clan-group expatriates in the United States and Canada who have permeated the pejorative term “clan cleansing” over the years to describe the defeat of the dictator and his leeing from the capital city of Mogadishu (Ingiriis, 2013b, pp. 112-114). Thus, the account offers a site unto itself upon which informants could draw discursive claims in which they could arrest rivals. Armed with the claim of clan cleansing – concerned as it is with advocating for the return of a lost clan pride – informants seem to join the clanised wars to advocate for the return of one particular sub-clan hegemony by discursively arresting certain politicians and personalities. Such attempts continue to feed into clanised wars after clanised wars. The gist of the clan cleansing – in spite of kindling the clan conlicts – was to demand a political position within the State spoils for new politico-war entrepreneurs. Between 30 December 1990 and 26 January 1991, clan militias – on one hand repre- sented by the United Somali Congress (USC) led by General Mohamed Farah Aideed, on the other by General Mohamed Siad Barre with the backing of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) – fought each other for defending and for destroying the military regime in Somalia. Eventually, the latter was defeated in a four-week battle that raged most of the Somali capital Mogadishu (Ingiriis, 2013b). Fractionalized and ictionalised narratives in post-conlict communities in traumatic settings are more often than not dictated by the defeatist war logic: “I want to revenge and expect vengeance after vengeance.” The perpetual armed conlicts in Somalia(s) have not only produced a mini-states based on clan exclusivity, but it has also given rise to new clan victimhood discourse inspired by the conlicting narratives of various clans and communities. Imag(in)ing impartiality and impinging on objectivity appear to be dificult in this context, as rivals criminalise each other. However, some were able to subsume their narrative under the catchphrase of “clan cleansing” in a catch-all cliché fashion aimed at (re)coniguration of Somali politics. As in Rwanda, the claim of clan cleansing is a “political tactic aimed at partially exonerating the former regime and shifting the burden of guilt to the new one” (Prunier, 1995, p. 357). Writing in 2006, Menkhaus (2006/07, p. 94) has predicted that “in the short term, external support for state building will almost never be a neutral exercise, but will instead entail taking sides in internal Somali disputes.” The State-building is now turned into clan-building, more or less what Menkhaus predicted as “clan homelands” or “clanustans’ (ibid., p. 83). Many efforts have been made time and again over whether non-Somali analysts could be used to speak for “us” against “the other”. Needless to say that most of these attempts 4 Issue 14, January 2016 have so far ended in failure. The scholarly production from certain observers – though impressive – is less objective history than what Shokpeka (2005, pp. 485-491) calls “applied history” – which is to say, a history founded on traditional clan-based myths. In The Savage Mind, the French anthropologist Lévi-Strauss has noted that “history is never history, but history-for” (1966, p. 254). Put simply, the “for” is obvious in the Somali Studies. Apparently satisied to uncritically accept any tales that clan conscious informants fed into her, Kapteijns’s recent book (2013a) on the Somali conlicts is undoubtedly written for one particular clan-group, as long as the pen was exercised in the Somali repertoire (as elsewhere in Africa) as a weapon to support certain clans and arrest their rival opponents (Ingiriis, 2013b, 2013c). According to S. Samatar (2013), each Somali clan-group has now its own advocates in Somali Studies and, incredibly, he points his inger at Kapteijns (2013a) and some other Western commentators who publicly sided with one clan against the other.3 This is not something of which most analysts in Somali Studies are unaware. Indeed, some have tended to admit their align- ment, wittingly or unwittingly. Kapteijns presents a biassed narrative of how certain clan politicians and populace viewed and formulated on what happened in 1991, explaining and insisting through such voices that what occurred was clan cleansing. Besteman has pointed out to “the biases and assumptions” of anthropologists and other academics “in constructing a representation of violence in Somalia” (1996b, p. 120), not to mention their lack of deep thoughts and typologies. Indeed, the only narrative Kapteijns gives here stems from her adopted clan. But the problematic aspect of such narrative is the ordered ex- ploration of who they are from who they were. Deining clan cleansing in a very broad terms, the past is positioned into the place of present with politics writ large. On the front cover of Kapteijns’s book (2013a) on the 1991 clanised wars over pride, prestige and power, the sub-title is “the ruinous legacy of 1991”. This is where the partisanship and partiality begins in the preparation of upcoming parliamentary election scheduled to be held in 2016. Contrary to the claims that the 1991 armed conlicts were a new phenomenon in Somali society, killings were for Somalis “tearless” and “grieless” even in the the pre-colonial period (Hanley, 2004, p. 81). Not only should the 1990s Somali clanised wars be understood as a continual of prearranged project set for Somalia by the ousted regime, so too contemporary continuation of the conlicts. The ruins of the capital, which is to this day invisible to observers who visit the capital,

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